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C8IWh 


ROOM  ItH 


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b  bol 


LIFE  OF  HERNANDO  CORTES. 


\ 


w 


# 


THE  LIFE 


OF 


Hernando  Cortes. 


By  ARTHUR  HELPS, 


Author •  of  the  “  Spanish  Conquest  in  America 


NEW  YORK: 

G.  P.  PUTNAM  &  SONS, 

ASSOCIATION  BUILDING. 

18  71. 


o  n  9 

0  ?  I  Wh 


CO 

(7) 


DEDICATION. 


Mr  dear  Carlyle, 


DEDICATE  this  Life  of  Cortes  to 
you.  And  I  cannot  content  myself  by 
j.  -  making  a  simple  dedication,  but  must 
3  write  a  letter,  which  I  hope  you  will  not  consider 
^  to  be  too  long,  explaining  several  matters  which 
I  wish  to  explain  to  you. 

This  Life  is  not  a  mere  extract  from  my  His- 
\  tory  of  the  Spanish  Conquest.  It  is  true  that  I 
•A  have  made  use  of  that  part  of  my  history  which 
^  relates  to  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  because  I  had 
given  many  years  to  that  subject,  and  did  not  find 
1  much  that  I  could  alter.  I  went  carefully,  however, 
JL.over  every  sentence  quoted  from  that  History,  to 
t  see  whether,  by  the  aid  of  additional  knowledge, 
^  I  could  correct  or  improve  it ;  and  I  have  added 


509168 


VI 


DEDICATION. 


greatly  to  those  parts  which  especially  concern 
the  private  life  of  Cortes. 

I  dedicate  this  work  to  you,  because  I  desire 
an  occasion  to  record  my  gratitude  for  all  your 
kindness  to  me  in  times  past.  When  you  first 
honoured  me  by  making  me  your  friend,  I  was 
a  mere  youth,  while  you  were  in  the  full  maturity 
of  manhood;  but  you  were  always  kind  and 
tolerant  to  me;  and  we  were  from  the  first,  as 
we  have  been  ever  since,  the  best  of  friends.  In 
all  our  walkings,  ridings,  and  talkings  together, 
I  cannot  remember  a  single  occasion  in  which  a 
harsh  or  unkind  word  was  ever  said  by  one  to 
the  other. 

I  do  remember  that  we  were  not  always  of  the 
same  mind  in  our  discussions  on  things  in  gene¬ 
ral  ;  but  there  were  some  points  on  which  we  did 
agree,  and  do  agree,  thoroughly.  We  both  be¬ 
lieve  that  there  is  such  a  thing  possible  as  good 
government,  and  that  it  would  decidedly  be  de¬ 
sirable  that  men  should  live  under  good  govern¬ 
ment. 

We  also  think  that  whatever  a  man  does,  he 
should  take  great  pains  in  doing  it,  —  that  in 
short,  good  work  is  an  admirable  thing. 


DEDICATION. 


Vll 


It  is  upon  these  points  of  resemblance  that  I  also 
ask  for  your  sympathy  with  Cortes.  He  was  a  man 
who  loved  good  government,  and  did  his  work, 
according  to  his  lights,  thoroughly. 

I  have  also  an  author’s,  as  well  as  a  friend’s, 
reason  for  this  dedication.  Some  time  ago,  you 
hinted  to  me — delicately  but  decisively — that  there 
might  be  doubts  as  to  the  truth  of  the  wonderful 
things  I  have  told  about  Mexico.  I  assure  you 
there  ought  to  be  no  such  doubts.  Your  ex¬ 
perience  will  tell  you  that  historians  often  read  a 
book  through,  and  only  make  use  of  it  for  a  single 
fact,  or  for  an  epithet,  or  for  a  slight  correction. 
No  writer  can  parade  all  his  authorities.  Every¬ 
thing  I  have  ever  read  about  New  Spain  con¬ 
vinces  me  that  I  have  not  in  the  slightest  degree 

o  o 

exaggerated  the  wonders  and  the  glories  of 
ancient  Mexico.  The  records  for  this  history 
are  immensely  voluminous.  There  are,  if  I  re¬ 
collect  rightly,  ninety  folio  volumes  of  MS.  in 
the  collection  of  Munoz.  These  I  went  over, 
as  best  I  could,  when  residing  at  Madrid.  It  is 
a  bold  thing  to  say,  but  I  am  certain,  that,  only 
from  the  papers  in  the  lawsuits  there  recorded,  a 


•  •  • 


DEDICATION. 


vm 

life  of  Cortes  might  be  written  which  would  not 
contradict  what  I  have  written. 

I  have  thought  over  how  I  could  most  easily 
convince  you,  from  other  sources,  that  my  im¬ 
pressions  of  the  grandeur  and  civilization  of  the 
Mexican  empire  are  not  unfounded.  And  the 
best  way  that  occurs  to  me  is  this — that  I  should 
show  you  three  accounts,  which  are  in  my  hands, 
of  the  principal  market  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  as 
it  existed  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest.  These 
three  accounts  were  written  independently,  each 
of  the  writers  beins;  unaware  that  the  others  had 
given  any  such  account.  One  is  from  Cortes, 
addressed  to  the  Emperor;  another  is  from  the 
common  soldier,  Bernal  Diaz,  whom  neither 
Cortes,  nor  any  one  else  in  the  army,  suspected 
of  being  the  principal  historian  of  their  great 
deeds;  and  the  third  is  an  account  written  by 
the  man  who  is  called  “  The  Anonymous  Con¬ 
queror,”  who  must  have  been  a  companion  of 
Cortes,  but  who  seems  to  have  been  so  much 
struck  by  the  evidence  of  Mexican  civilization, 
that  he  gave  his  mind  chiefly  to  recording  it, 
and  hardly  cared  to  chronicle  the  remarkable 


DEDICATION . 


is 


adventures  of  himself  and  his  fellow-country¬ 
men. 

These  three  accounts  essentially  coincide. 
Naturally,  each  observer  enlarges  upon  those 
points  which  strike  his  peculiar  fancy.  There  is 
also  that  discrepancy  which  is  to  be  seen  in  the 
accounts  of  all  independent  observers.  But,  the 
effect  produced  upon  the  mind  of  the  reader  is 
the  same.  And  this  effect  is,  that  Mexican 
civilization  had  reached  a  height,  which,  in  many 
respects,  was  unequalled,  at  that  time,  in  any 
known  kingdom  of  the  civilized  world. 

I  have  adopted  a  great  many  of  the  notes 
which  are  to  be  found  in  “  The  Spanish  Con¬ 
quest  in  America.”  Now  these  notes  belong 
rather  to  a  history  than  to  a  biography.  I  have, 
however,  felt  that  in  a  case  of  this  kind,  where 
the  authorities  are  such  as  cannot,  from  the  rarity 
of  the  books  or  manuscripts,  be  consulted  by 
the  reader,  it  is  desirable  occasionally  to  adduce 
the  very  words  which  support  any  remarkable 
statement.  Some  wit  has  said  that  it  is  the 
peculiar  privilege  of  Englishmen  to  skip  any¬ 
thing  in  a  book  which  they  do  not  choose  to  read. 
Foot-notes  are  easily  skipped;  and  those  persons 


X 


DEBT  CATION. 


% 

who  do  not  care  to  verify  a  statement — the 
trusting  good  souls  who  believe  in  their  author — 
need  not  read  them ;  but  such  men  as  you  and 
Froude  (he  was  with  you  when  you  threw  a 
doubt  upon  the  truthfulness  of  my  Mexican  gran¬ 
deurs)  will  naturally  consult  them,  and  form  your 
own  opinions,  whether  with  me  or  against  me, 

■n. 

upon  my  deductions  from  them. 

I  have  now  only  to  say,  in  conclusion,  that  I 
should  not  have  presumed  to  dedicate  to  so  in¬ 
defatigable  a  student  as  yourself,  this  book  of 
mine,  if  it  had  cost  me  no  new  researches,  and 
if  it  did  not  contain  my  last  and  most  carefully- 
weighed  observations  upon  the  matters  to  which 
it  relates. 

I  am  always, 

Yours  affectionately, 

Arthur  Helps. 

Loxdon, 

Feb.,  1871. 


P.  S.  Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  referred 
again  to  the  work  of  “  The  Anonymous  Con¬ 
queror  ;  ”  and  I  find  some  notes  in  your  hand- 


DEDICATION. 


xi 


writing  on  his  account  of  the  Market  in  Mexico. 
You  are,  therefore,  charged  with  this  knowledge ; 
and  I  shall  be  able  to  show  you,  that,  as  I  have 
said  before,  the  other  accounts  do  not  essentially 
differ  from  that  given  by  this  Conqueror. 

/ 


/ 


« 


CONTENTS. 


Chapter  I. 


HE  Expeditions  prior  to  that  of  Cortes 
— His  early  life — His  appointment  to 
the  Command  of  an  Expedition — Sets 
sail  from  Santiago  .  .  .  , 


Page 


1 


Chapter  II. 

Cortes  refuses  to  be  superseded — Sails  for  Cozumel 
— Thence  to  Tabasco — His  first  victory  in  Hew 
Spain — Sails  on  lo  St.  Juan  de  Ulua — Is  chosen 
General — Enters  Cempoala — Founds  Villa  Bica 
de  la  Vera  Cruz— Sends  messengers  to  the 
Spanish  Coast — Destroys  the  Fleet  .  .39 


Chapter  III. 

Cortes  marches  to  Tlascala — Great  battle  with  the 
Tlascalans — The  Tlascalan  senate  allies  itself 
to  Cortes — Cortes  enters  Cholula — The  Great 
Massacre  there — First  sight  of  Mexico — Cortes 
enters  Mexico — Description  of  the  City  .  .  80 

Chapter  IV. 

Interviews  between  Cortes  and  Montezuma — Cortes 
visits  the  Great  Temple — The  Mexican  Idolatry.  117 


XIV 


CONTENTS . 


9 


Chapter  V. 


Page 

Difficult  position  of  Cortes — Capture  of  Montezuma.  152 


Chapter  VI. 

Consequences  of  the  Capture — Montezuma  becomes 
a  vassal  of  the  King  of  Spain — Pamphilo  de 
Narvaez  arrives  upon  the  Coast — Cortes  quits 
Mexico  and  defeats  Narvaez  .  .  .  .169 

Chapter  VI I. 

During  the  absence  of  Cortes  the  Mexicans  rebel — 
Siege  of  the  Spanish  garrison — Cortes  returns 
to  Mexico  .......  204 

Chapter  VIII. 

The  Reception  of  Cortes  in  Mexico — General  attack 
upon  the  Spanish  Quarters — Flight  from  Mexico 
to  Tlacuba — Battle  of  Otumba — Cortes  returns 
to  Tlascala  .......  223 

Chapter  IX. 

Resolution  of  the  Tlascalan  Senate — Cortes  in 
Tepeaca — Forms  a  Great  Alliance  against  the 
Mexicans — Prepares  to  march  against  Mexico — 
Reviews  his  Troops  at  Tlascala  .  .  .  253 


HERNANDO  CORTES. 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  Expeditions  prior  to  that  of  Cortes — His  early  life — 
His  appointment  to  the  Command  of  an  Expedition — 
Sets  sail  from  Santiago. 

HERE  are  few,  if  any,  heroic  persons 
who  are  more  secure  of  fame  than  the 
principal  discoverers  and  conquerors  of 
the  New  World.  Whether  this  fame  is  a  blessing 
or  a  curse,  I  do  not  pretend  to  pronounce  :  I  only 
say,  that  whatever  the  thing  called  “fame”  may 
be  worth,  they  must  inevitably  be  blessed  or 
cursed  with  the  possession  of  it. 

Their  fame,  too,  must  ever  be  more  large  and 
more  lasting  than  the  fame  of  any  other  discoverers 
and  any  other  conquerors.  Their  discoveries  and 
their  conquests  were  made  in  regions  hitherto 
unknown  to  mortals,  in  regions  supposed  by  prac- 


I. 


B 


2 


PRIOR  EXPEDITIONS. 


tical  men  to  belong  to  the  realms  of  fable  rather 
than  to  those  of  real  land  and  water. 

Again,  these  discoverers  and  conquerors  have 
not  partaken  the  fate  of  their  respective  nations. 
When  nations  fall  into  decadence,  the  historical 
records  of  these  nations  have  often  ceased  to  have 
any  interest  for  the  rest  of  the  world,  and  theii 
heroes  have  lapsed  into  comparative  obscurity. 
But  the  discoverers  and  conquerors  of  the  New 
World  hardly  seem  to  have  belonged  exclusively 
to  any  nation.  We  look  upon  them  as  fellow 
countrymen  to  all  of  us  of  the  Old  W  oild.  J-hej 
mainly  aided  in  developing  a  new  era  in  Europe, 
and  they  appeared  like  demi-gods  upon  the  scene, 
to  close  great  dynasties  in  that  New  TV  orld  which 
they  discovered  and  conquered.  New  nations  will 
probably  yet  arise,  whose  historians  will  ha\e  to 
commence  the  histories  of  their  nations  with 
records  of  these  discoveries  and  conquests. 

As  an  illustration  of  what  I  mean,  I  venture 
to  assert,  that  probably  every  youth  who  has 
had  any  education,  either  in  the  Old  or  the  New 
World,  has  some  knowledge  of  the  deeds  of 
Columbus,  Cortes,  and  Pizarro,  while  one  of  the 
foremost  generals  in  the  world,  of  the  same  age 


GRAB  AG  TER  OF  CORTES. 


3 


and  the  same  nation*  the  “  Great  Captain*”  as  he 
was  justly  called*  Gonzalvo  de  Cordova*  is  un¬ 
known  to  these  youths*  even  by  name. 

As  for  the  Cid*  though  great  poets  and  dra¬ 
matists  have  done  what  they  could  to  perpetuate 
his  fame*  how  small  is  that  fame  when  compared 
with  that  of  either  Columbus*  Cortes*  or  Pizarro. 

The  leader*  whose  life  I  am  about  to  narrate* 
was  an  heroic  adventurer*  a  very  politic  states¬ 
man*  and  an  admirable  soldier.  He  was  cruel 
at  times  in  conduct,  but  not  in  disposition ;  he 
was  sincerely  religious,  profoundly  dissembling* 
courteous*  liberal*  amorous*  decisive.  There  was 
a  certain  grandeur  in  all  his  proceedings.  He 
was  very  fertile  in  resources ;  and*  while  he  looked 
far  forward*  he  was  at  the  same  time  almost  madly 
audacious  in  his  enterprises.  This  strange  mix¬ 
ture  of  valour*  religion*  policy*  and  craft*  was  a 
peculiar  product  of  that  century. 

It  is  not  desirable*  I  think*  for  a  biographer  to 
describe  in  full  detail  the  character  of  his  hero  at 
the  commencement  of  the  biography.  It  seems  to 
me  that  he  should  rather  wait  to  illustrate  that 
character  by  events.  There  are*  however*  two 
main  points  in  the  character  of  Cortes*  which  I 


The  cha¬ 
racter  of 
Cortes. 


4 


CHARACTER  OF  CORTES . 


shall  dwell  upon  at  the  outset.  These  are,  his 
soldier-like  qualities  and  his  cruelty.  As  a 
commander,  the  only  fault  to  be  imputed  to  him, 
was  his  recklessness  in  exposing  himself  to  the 
dangers  of  personal  conflict  with  the  enemy.  But 
then,  that  is  an  error  to  be  commonly  noticed  even 
in  the  greatest  generals  of  that  period ;  and  Cortes, 
from  his  singular  dexterity  in  arms,  was  naturally 
prone  to  fall  into  this  error.  As  regards  his  pe¬ 
culiar  qualifications  for  a  commander,  it  may  be 
observed,  that  great  as  he  was  in  carrying  out 
large  and  difficult  operations  in  actual  warfare, 
he  was  not  less  so  in  attending  to  those  minute 
details  upon  which  so  much  of  the  efficiency  of 
troops  depends.  His  companion  in  arms,  Bernal 
Diaz,  says  of  him,  “  He  would  visit  the  hut  of 
every  soldier,  see  that  his  weapons  were  ready  at 
hand,  and  that  he  had  his  shoes  on.  Those  whom 
he  found  had  neglected  anything  in  this  way  he 
severely  reprimanded,  and  compared  them  to  mangy 
sheep,  whose  own  wool  is  too  heavy  for  them.” 

I  have  said  that  he  was  cruel  in  conduct,  but 
not  in  disposition.  This  statement  requires  ex¬ 
planation.  Cortes  was  a  man  who  always  de¬ 
termined  to  20  through  with  the  thing  he  had 


CHARACTER  OF  CORTES . 


5 


once  resolved  to  do.  Human  beings,  if  they 
came  in  his  way,  were  to  be  swept  out  of  it,  like 
any  other  material  obstacles.  He  desired  no 
man’s  death,  but  if  people  would  come  between 
him  and  success,  they  must  bear  the  consequences. 
He  did  not  particularly  value  human  life.  The 
ideas  of  the  nineteenth  century  in  that  respect 
were  unknown  to  him.  He  had  come  to  conquer, 
to  civilize,  to  convert  (for  he  was  really  a  de¬ 
vout  man  from  his  youth  upwards;  and,  as  his 
chaplain  takes  care  to  tell  us,  knew  “  many 
prayers  and  psalms  of  the  choir  ”  by  heart)  ;  and 
the  lives  of  thousands  of  barbarians,  for  so  he 
deemed  them,  were  of  no  account  in  the  balance 
of  his  mind,  when  set  against  the  great  objects  he 
had  in  view.  In  saying  this,  I  am  not  apologizing 
for  this  cruelty ;  I  am  only  endeavouring  to  ex¬ 
plain  it. 

Of  all  the  generals  who  have  been  made  known 
to  us  in  history,  or  by  fiction,  Claverhouse,  as 
represented  by  Sir  Walter  Scott,  most  closely 
resembles  Cortes.  Both  of  them  thorough 
gentlemen,  very  dignified,  very  nice  and  precise 
in  all  their  ways  and  habits,  they  were  sadly 
indifferent  as  to  the  severity  of  the  means  by 


6 


CHARACTER  OF  CORTES. 


which  they  compassed  their  ends;  and  bloody 
deeds  sat  easily*  for  the  most  part*  upon  their  well- 
bred  natures.  I  make  these  comments  once  for  all; 
and  shall  hold  myself  excused  from  making  further 
comments  of  a  like  nature  when  any  of  the 
cruelties  of  Cortes  come  before  us — cruelties 
which  one  must  ever  deeply  deplore  on  their  own 
account,  and  bitterly  regret  as  ineffaceable  smins 
upon  the  fair  fame  and  memory  of  a  very  great  man. 

One  word  more,  to  show  that  the  cruelty  of 
Cortes  was  a  thing  which  unhappily  belonged  to 
his  age,  as  well  as  to  himself.  Las  Casas  may 
blame  it,  but  Las  Casas  was  a  man  who  belonged 
to  our  time,  rather  than  to  the  sixteenth  century. 
That  for  which  his  contemporaries  chiefly  blamed 
Cortes,  was  his  conduct  to  Velazquez,  which 
conduct,  as  we  shall  see,  is  a  thing  that  admits 
of  large  excuse,  and  need  never  have  greatly 
troubled  the  conscience  of  a  man  much  more 
conscientious  than  Cortes  ever  pretended  to  be. 

It  is  almost  impossible  to  over-estimate  the 
effect  of  the  prevailing  sentiments  of  the  age  in 
which  a  man  lives,  on  the  character  of  the  man 
himself.  These  epidemic  sentiments  may  en¬ 
tirely  disguise  or  overlay  the  natural  sentiments 


CHARACTER  OF  CORTES . 


7 


of  the  man.  Titus*  so  renowned  for  clemency, 
exposed  to  the  slaughter  of  the  arena  thousands 
of  human  beings.  The  studious  and  gentle  Pliny, 
who  could  perceive  the  virtue  that  there  is  in  ill- 
health,  and  that  men  were  often  best  when  they 
were  most  infirm,  could  write  to  a  friend  in  high 
provincial  authority,  telling  him  that  it  would 
have  been  an  act  of  cruelty  if  he  had  refused  to 
allow  a  gladiatorial  spectacle.* 

The  conquest  of  Mexico  could  hardly  have 

been  achieved  at  this  period  under  any  man  of 

♦ 

less  genius  than  that  which  belonged  to  Hernando 
Cortes.  And  even  his  genius  would  probably 
not  have  attempted  the  achievement,  or  would 
have  failed  in  it,  but  for  a  singular  concurrence 
of  good  and  evil  fortune,  which  contributed  much 
to  the  ultimate  success  of  his  enterprise.  Great 
difficulties  and  fearful  conflicts  of  fortune  not 
only  stimulate  to  great  attempts,  but  absolutely 
create  the  opportunities  for  them. 

Before,  however,  bringing  Cortes  on  the  scene, 
the  discovery  of  New  Spain  must  be  gradually 
traced  back  to  its  origin,  and  the  connection  must 


*  See  Lecky,  Hist,  of  European  Morals . 


8 


EXPEDITIONS 


Pedigree  of 
discovery 
m  the  ISew 
World. 


Columbus 
— Ojeda. 


\icuesa 
and  Ojeda. 


Vasco 
iN  uiiez  de 
Palboa. 


Tidings  of 
discovery 
reach 
Spain. 


be  shown  which  it  had  with  previous  enterprises 
of  a  like  nature. 

i 

Going  back,  then,  to  the  earliest  times  of  dis¬ 
covery,  let  us  trace  the  descent  of  the  great 
mariners  and  conqueiors  who  preceded  in,  and 
made  broad,  the  way  for  Cortes.  The  well-known 
Ojeda  was  the  companion  of  Columbus.  Favoured 
by  the  powerful  Bishop  of  Burgos,  Ojeda  became 
a  discoverer  on  the  Terra-firma.  Then  followed 
the  disastrous  expeditions  of  Nicuesa  and  Ojeda. 
Ojeda  dies  in  obscurity  ;  Nicuesa  perishes  miser¬ 
ably  ;  and  Yasco  Nunez  de  Balboa,  who  had 
come  out,  concealed  from  his  creditors  in  the  hold 
of  a  vessel,  takes  the  command,  as  it  were,  of 
Spanish  discovery.  Very  renowned,  and  more  im¬ 
portant  even  than  renowned,  were  his  discoveries. 
He  discovered  the  South  Sea:  he  came  upon  a 
civilization,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Darien, 
which  was  superior  to  anything  that  had  been 
seen  in  the  islands :  he  heard,  in  a  dim  way,  of 
Peru. 

The  tidings  of  great  discovery  near  Darien 
reached  the  mother-country,  and  all  Spain  was 
excited  with  the  idea  of  “  fishing  for  gold.*’  Vasco 
Nunez  was  superseded,  and  Pedrarias  sent  out 


PRECEDING  CORTES. 


9 


with  the  most  splendid  and  well-equipped  arma¬ 
ment  that  had  yet  left  Spain  for  the  Indies. 

Now,  among  the  hidalgoes  who  had  come  out 
with  Pedrarias  were  several  who,  perceiving  that 
nothing  was  to  be  done  at  Darien,  asked  permis¬ 
sion  of  the  Governor  to  go  to  Cuba;  and  Pedra¬ 
rias,  not  knowing  what  to  do  with  his  soldiers, 
consented.  One  of  these  men  was  Bernal  Diaz 
del  Castillo,  a  simple  soldier,  who  has,  however, 
written  a  narrative  of  the  most  undoubted  autho¬ 
rity.  This  man  tells  us  that  he  and  his  compa- 

i 

nions  were  received  in  a  friendly  manner  by 
Velazquez,  the  Governor  of  Cuba,  who  promised 
to  give  them  encomiendas *  of  Indians,  whenever 
there  should  be  vacancies.  As  these  vacancies, 
however,  would  only  occur  from  the  death  of  the 
proprietors,  or  the  confiscation  of  their  property 
(for  the  island  of  Cuba  was  already  pacified,  to 
use  the  phrase  of  that  day  ^  encomiendas  of  Indians 
fell  vacant  but  slowly.  The  impatient  conquerors, 

*  Encomienda  is  a  word  which  has  no  equivalent  in 
English.  It  means  a  body  of  men  occupying  a  certain 
portion  of  land,  which  land  was  to  be  worked,  and  which 
men  were  to  be  employed,  in  almost  any  way  that 
might  be  most  profitable  to  the  Spanish  Lord. 


Armament 
of  Pedra¬ 
rias. 


Bernal 

Diaz. 


Origin  of 
De  C6rdo- 
va’s  ex¬ 
pedition. 


10 


EXPEDITION  OF 


How 

Velazquez 
wished  to 
be  paid. 


who  had  now  been  three  years  from  home,  and 
had  met  with  nothing  hardly  but  disease  and 
disaster,  resolved  to  form  an  expedition  of  dis¬ 
covery  on  their  own  account.  Taking  into  their 
company  some  Spaniards  in  Cuba  who  also  were 
without  Indians,  this  little  party  of  discoverers 
amounted  to  one  hundred  and  ten  persons.  They 
found  a  rich  man  of  Cuba  willing  to  join  them, 
named  Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordova,  who  was 
chosen  as  their  captain,  and  who  no  doubt  helped 
to  furnish  out  their  expedition.  With  their  united 
funds  they  bought  three  vessels.  One  of  these 
vessels  belonged  to  the  Governor  Velazquez,  and 
he  wished  to  be  paid  in  slaves  for  his  share  of  the 
venture,  requiring  as  a  condition  that  the  expedi¬ 
tion  should  go  to  some  islands  between  Cuba  and 
Honduras,  make  war,  and  bring  back  a  number  of 
slaves.  The  gallant  company,  however,  refused 
to  entertain  this  suggestion.  They  said  that  what 
Velazquez  required  was  not  just,  and  that  neither 
God  nor  the  King  demanded  of  them  that  they 
should  make  free  men  slaves.*  Velazquez  ad- 


*  “  Y  desque  vimos  los  soldados,  que  aquello  que  podia 
el  Diego  Velazquez  no  era  justo,  le  respondimos,  que  lo 


BE  CORBOVA. 


11 


mitted  that  they  were  right,  and  that  their  inten¬ 
tion  of  discovering  new  lands  was  better  than  his. 

He  aided  them  with  the  necessaries  for  the  voyage,  i>e  C6r- 

do va  sets 

and  they  departed  on  the  8th  of  February,  1517,  ^Feb*8 
having  on  board  a  celebrated  pilot,  named  Anton 
Alaminos,  who,  as  a  boy,  had  been  with  Columbus 
in  one  of  his  voyages. 


When  they  had  doubled  Cape  San  Antonio, 


que  dezia,  no  lo  mandava  Dios,  ni  el  Eey;  que  hiziesse- 
mos  a  los  libres  esclavos.” — Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo, 
Historia  Verdadera  de  la  Conquista  de  la  Nueva-JEspaha , 

cap.  1.  Madrid,  1632. 


12 


EXPEDITION  OF 


Discovers 
land  at 
P.Cotoche. 


Yucatan. 


they  took  a  westward  course,  navigating  in  a  hap¬ 
hazard  fashion,  knowing  nothing  of  the  shoals,  or 
the  currents,  or  the  prevailing  winds.  They 
could  not,  however,  fail  to  make  a  great  discovery,, 
as  any  one  may  see  who  will  look  at  the  map, 
and  observe  how  near  to  the  continent  the  western 
extremity  of  the  island  of  Cuba  lies.  Singularly 
enough,  they  found  land  at  the  nearest  spot  at 
which  they  could  have  found  it,  touching  at  the 
point  of  Cotoche.  This  point  was  named  from 
the  words  con  escotoch ,  which  mean  “  Come  to  my 
house,”  a  friendly  invitation  which  the  voyagers 
heard  very  often  at  this  part  of  the  coast.  They 
could  not  but  at  once  remark  that  the  natives  of 
this  new-found  land  were  more  civilized  in  dress 
and  in  the  arts  of  life  than  the  inhabitants  of  the 
islands.  They  saw  also  a  great  town,  to.  which 
they  gave  the  name  of  Grand  Cairo ;  and  build¬ 
ings  made  of  stone  and  mortar  were  for  the  first 

O 

time  discovered  by  the  Spanish  conquerors.  From 
what  remains  there  are  to  be  seen  of  buildings, 
even  to  the  present  day,  in  the  province  of  Yuca¬ 
tan,  we  may  well  conclude  how  great  an  impres¬ 
sion  must  have  been  produced  upon  those  Euro¬ 
peans  who  were  first  permitted  to  see  the  signs  of 


DE  CORDOVA .  13 

a  civilization  which  has  puzzled  the  learned  ever 
since.  The  natives  of  Yucatan  had  apparently, 
however,  made  more  advance  in  the  arts  of  life 
than  in  the  higher  attributes  of  sincerity  and  good 
faith.  They  invited  the  Spaniards  to  their  houses, 
laid  an  ambuscade  for  them,  and  wounded  several. 
The  Spaniards,  in  their  turn,  succeeded  in  cap¬ 
turing  two  Indians,  who  afterwards  became  inter¬ 
preters.  ■ 

The  expedition  of  De  Cordova,  having  begun 
ill,  continued  to  be  unfortunate.  The  explorers 
went  further  westwards  and  discovered  the  Bay 
of  Campeche,  proceeding  as  far  as  Champoton; 

t 

but  they  got  into  an  encounter  with  the  natives, 
lost  a  great  many  of  their  men,  suffered  from 
terrible  thirst,  and,  after  enduring  many  miseries, 
made  their  way  back  to  Havana,  and  from 
thence  to  Santiago,  where  the  Governor  Velazquez 
then  was.  The  news  brought  back  by  the  expe¬ 
dition,  and  certain  golden  ornaments  which  they 
had  to  show  (well-wrought,  but  not  of  pure  gold), 
could  not  fail  to  stimulate  Velazquez  to  further 
attempts  at  discovery.  Indeed,  the  fame  of  De 
Cordova’s  voyage  spread  far  and  wide;  various 
conjectures  were  instantly  propounded  as  to  who 


De  Cor¬ 
dova  re¬ 
turns. 


11 


EXPEDITION  OF 


Grijalva’s 
expedition 
sails,  April 
5, 1518. 


these  islanders  were  who  built  houses  of  stone  and  i 
mortar ;  and  some  ingenious  persons  were  ready! 
to  declare  that  these  Indians  must  be  the  de-1 
scendants  of  those  Jews  whom  Vespasian  ami 
Titus  had  driven  into  exile.  Velazquez  lost  nl 
time  in  fitting  out  another  armada,  the  commarB 
of  which  was  given  to  a  young  countryman  cl 
his,  who  was  treated  by  him  as  a  relative,  and 
whose  name  was.  Juan  de  Grijalva.  Pedro  de 
Alvarado,  a  name  afterwards  too  well  known  in 
American  history,  commanded  one  of  the  vessels 
in  this  expedition.  Bernal  Diaz  was  also  em- 
ployed,  and  Anton  Alaminos  went  out  as  prin¬ 
cipal  pilot. 

Grijalva  set  sail  from  Cuba  on  the  5th  of  April, 
1518,  and,  his  vessels  being  driven  by  the  cur¬ 
rents  in  a  more  southerly  direction  than  the 
former  expedition,  first  saw  land  at  the  island  of 
Cozumel,  and  afterwards  resuming  the  direction 
which  De  Cordova’s  expedition  had  taken  the 
year  before,  extended  the  field  of  discovery. 

Summing  up  the  result  of  what  took  place  in 
the  course  of  these  expeditions,  we  may  say  thal 
they  were  so  far  successful  that  they  made  the 
Spaniards  acquainted  with  the  existence  of  ne^ 


JUAN  DE  GRIJALVA.  15 


lands  on  the  continent  of  America,  and  with  an 
Indian  people  of  greater  civilization  than  had 
hitherto  been  met  with,  who  built  houses  instead 
of  huts,  and  whose  mode  of  dress  was  less  pri¬ 
maeval  than  the  inhabitants  of  the  islands.  Such, 
with  some  gold,  had  been  the  result  of  the  expe- 


EARLV  DISCOVERIES 
IN  NEW  SPAIN, 


ditions  under  Hernandez  de  Cordova  and  Juan  de  Result  of 

discoveries 


Grijalva,  up  to  the  time  at  which  our  narrative  Prior  t0 

Cortes. 

commences. 

De  Cordova  had  discovered  Yucatan;*  and 


*  De  Solis  and  Pinzon  had  seen  part  of  Yucatan  in 
1506,  but  had  not  landed.  See  Nav.,  Col.,  vol.  iii.  p.  47. 
See  also  Herrera,  dec.  i,  lib.  vi.  cap.  17.  The  name  of 


16 


EXPEDITION  OF 


Grijalva,  entering  the  river  Tabasco,  which  falls  • 
into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  discovered  New  Spain,  | 
a  name  that  was  first  given  to  that  country  in 
the  course  of  this  voyage. 

Grijalva  went  as  far  as  the  province  of  Pa- 
nuco,  but  made  no  settlement  in  those  parts,  for 
which  he  was  severely  and  unjustly  blamed  by 
Velazquez. 

Grijalva  Previously  to  returning  with  the  whole  of  his 

sends  home 

Pedro  de  fleet,  Grijalva  sent  home  Pedro  de  Alvarado  with 

Alvarado.  #  . 

the  sick  and  wounded,  and  with  the  gold  which 
had  been  obtained  from  the  natives  in  the  way  of 
barter.  The  desire  of  Velazquez  for  discovery 
and  settlement  was  likely  to  be  increased  by  the 

Yucatan  has  been  attributed  to  a  mistake  which  must 
often  have  happened.  The  Spaniards  asked  the  name 
of  the  land;  the  Indians  answered,  “I  do  not  under¬ 
stand,”  which  passed  afterwards  for  the  name.  “  Los 
indios  no  entendiendolo  que  les  preguntaban,  respondian 
en  su  lenguaje  y  decian  ytjcatax  ytjcatax,  que  quiere 
decir  no  entiendo ,  no  entiendo :  asi  los  espanoles  descu- 
bridores  pensaron  que  los  indios  respondian  que  se 
llamaba  Yucatan,  y  en  esta  manera  se  quedb  impropria- 
mente  a  aquella  tierra  este  nombre  Yucatan.” — Navab- 
eete,  Salva,  y  Sainz  deBaraxda,  Coleccion  de  Document  os 
Inedit  os  'par  a  la  Historia  de  Espaha,  tom.  i.,  p.  418.  I 
Madrid,  1844. 


JUAN  GRIJALVA . 


17 


xccounts  brought  back  by  Alvarado ;  and,  as 
Grijalva  did  not  return  so  soon  as  was  expected, 
Velazquez  was  anxious  to  gain  tidings  of  what 
lad  become  of  him.  This  Governor,  accordingly, 
prepared,  or  perhaps  we  should  say,  authorized 
he  preparation  of,  a  larger  fleet  than  he  had 
litherto  sent  out ;  and,  after  some  hesitation, 
conferred  the  command  on  Cortes.*  From  the 
Governor’s  instructions,  it  appears  that  one  of 
he  first  objects  of  the  expedition  was  to  have 
>een  the  search  after  Grijalva,f  but  that  captain 
eturned  to  Cuba  before  Cortes  sailed. 

It  will  here  be  desirable  to  give  a  brief  account 
•f  the  previous  life  of  this  Commander,  as  much 
nay  be  inferred  from  it  in  reference  to  the  im¬ 
portant  transactions  which  are  now  to  be  narrated. 

Hernando  Cortes  was  born  in  the  year  14854 

*  The  Governor  had  at  first  offered  the  command  to  a 
ertain  Baltasar  Bermudez ;  but  he  asked  such  conditions 
s  Velazquez  would  not  consent  to.  “  Enbjose  con  el,  y 
echble  de  si,  quiza  como  solia,  con  desmandadas  pala- 
ras.” — Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las Indias,  MS.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  113. 

t  See  the  instructions  given  by  Velazquez  to  Cortes, 
lecumentos  Ineditos,  tom.  i.  p.  385. 

+  The  day  ofhis  birth  has  been  said  to  be  the  same  as 

I.  C 


Velazquez 
prepares  a 
new  fleet : 
gives  the 
command 
to  Cortes. 


Birth  and 
parentage 
of  Cortes. 


18 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  CORTES. 


His  educa¬ 
tion. 


at  Medellin,  in  Estremadura.  His  father  was  I 
Martin  Cortes,  of  Monroy  :  his  mother  Donna 
Catalina  Pizarro  Altamirano.  The  mother  of 
Cortes  was  a  remarkable  woman,  as  the  mothers 
of  distinguished  men  are  wont  to  be.  The  writer 
of  an  anonymous  life  of  Cortes,  who  was  evidently 
well  acquainted  with  the  family  of  Cortes,  as  he 
mentions  who  was  his  nurse,  and  where  she  came 
from,  thus  describes  the  mother  of  Cortes: 

€s  Catalina  was  not  inferior  to  any  woman  of  her 
time  in  honourable  repute,  in  modesty,  and  con¬ 
jugal  love.”  Both  father  \^ncl  mother  were  of 
good  birth,  but  poor.  The  litlle  Hernando  was  a 
sickly  child ;  and  many  times  durnPg  childhood 

was  at  the  point  of  death. 

When  he  was  fourteen  years  oY  age>  ^is 

parents  sent  him  to  the  University  Sala- 

^  • 

manca,  where  he  remained  two  years,  “  stud^Ying 


that  of  Luther ;  but  this  is  a  mistake.  A  Spanish  wrdter 
builds  upon  the  supposed  coincidence  a  contrast  betwed311 
the  merits  of  the  two  :  the  one  “  persecuting ;  ”  the  othejT 
extending  the  “  Catholic  Faith.”  “  Nacio  este  Ilustre 
Varon  el  dia  mismo  que  aquella  bestia  infernal,  el  Per- 
fido  Heresiarca  Lutero,  salio  al  rnundo,”  &c.— Pizarro, 
Varones  Ilustres  del  Nuevo  Mundo ,  p.  66. 


i 


\ 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  CORTES. 


19 


grammar/’*  and  preparing  himself  for  taking 
the  degree  of  bachelor-at-law. 

Weary  of  study,  or,  as  appears  probable, 
weary  of  the  life  of  a  poor  student,  Cortes  re¬ 
turned,  without  leave,  to  his  parents  at  Medellin. 
He  neither  found,  nor  made,  a  happy  home  for 
himself ;  f  and  he  determined  to  seek  his  fortune 
as  a  soldier.  For  adventurous  young  men,  at 
that  time,  two  careers  were  open  :  to  serve  under 
the  generous  and  splendid  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova, 
in  Italy,  or  to  seek  for  renown  and  riches  in 
the  Hew  World. 

At  this  juncture,  Nicolas  de  Ovando  was  just 
going  out  to  supersede  Bobadilla,  in  the  Govern¬ 
ment  of  Hispaniola,  and  Cortes  resolved  to  ac¬ 
company  that  distinguished  personage,  also  a 
native  of  Estremadura.  But,  while  Ovando’s 
armament  was  preparing,  Cortes  went  one  night 
“to  speak  with  a  lady,”  as  his  chaplain  judi- 


*  This  meant  “  a  course  of  study  in  Latin  and  Greek, 
as  well  as  of  rhetoric.”  See  note  in  Folsom’s  introduction 
to  his  translation  of  the  despatches  of  Cortes.  Madrid, 
1772. 

f  ‘  Daba  i  tomaba,  enojos,  i  ruido,  en  Casa  de  sus 
Padres.  Gomara,  Gfonica  de  la  Nueva-E sjoana,  cap.  i. 


Resolves 
upon  a 
soldier’s 
life. 


Will 

accompany 

Ovando. 


Meets  with 
an. ac¬ 
cident. 


Takes  his 
passage 
ror  St. 
Domingo. 
1504. 


20  EARLY  LIFE  OF  CORTES. 

% 

ciously  expresses  it,  and  as  he  was  walking  upon 
the  wall  of  the  back  court-yard,  it  fell  with 
him.  The  injuries  which  the  young  lover  then 
received,  threw  him  into  a  fever,  and  before 
he  recovered,  the  armament  had  sailed.  He  re¬ 
solved,  therefore,  to  adopt  the  other  course — to 
go  into  Italy  and  take  service  under  the  Great 
Captain.  "With  this  view  he  went  to  "Valencia, 
but  in  that  city  he  fell  ill  again,  and  passed  a  year 
there  of  obscure  hardship  and  poverty.  Finally 
he  returned  to  Medellin,  with  the  firm  intention 
of  proceeding  thence  to  the  Indies.  His  parents 
gave  him  their  blessing  and  some  money  ;  and,  in 
his  19th  year,  A.r>.  1504,  he  took  his  passage  from 
San  Lucar,  in  a  merchant  vessel,  for  St.  Domingo, 
the  chief  town  of  Hispaniola.  The  voyage  was 
a  bad  one,  and  the  vessel  on  the  point  of  being  ! 
wrecked,  a  danger  in  which  Cortes  conducted 
himself  with  the  bravery  of  one  “who  was  to 
be  engaged  in  other  greater  hazards.  * 

A  handsome,  plausible,  well-educated,  well¬ 
born  youth  of  the  Governor’s  own  province,  who 
could  tell  him  the  local  news  at  home,  was  sure 

*  «  Animabolos  el  Ho<;o  Cortes,  como  el  que  se  havia 
de  ver  eu  otros  maiores  aprietos.” — Hebkera,  Hist,  de  las 
Indias,  dec.  I,  lib.  vi.  cap.  13 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  OORTE8. 


21 


to  be  well  received  by  Ovando.  Accordingly, 

Cortes  was  employed,  under  that  Governor,  in 
pacifying  certain  provinces  which  had  revolted, 
or  were  considered  by  the  Spaniards  to  have  re-  Obtains  an 
volted ;  and  when  the  war  was  ended,  Ovando  i^ffispa-0 
gave  the  young  man  an  encomienda  of  Indians* 
and  a  notarial  office  in  the  town  of  Azua*  which 
had  been  lately  founded. 

It  is  an  interesting  circumstance  in  the  life 
of  Cortes,  that  he  was  nearly  accompanying 
Diego  de  Nicuesa*  and  would  have  done  so*  but 
for  an  abscess  in  the  right  knee.  Had  Cortes 
joined  the  expedition  of  Nicuesa*  it  probably 
would  not  have  been  so  unfortunate.  He  might 
have  filled  the  place  that  Vasco  Nunez  attained 
to;  and  his  discoveries  would  then  have  natu¬ 
rally  tended  towards  South  America,  But  a 
still  more  arduous  task  was  reserved  for  Cortes. 

His  was  not  the  nature  to  be  satisfied  with  a 
:ame  provincial  life*  winning  gold  by  the  slow 
irocess  of  agriculture*  or  even  by  the  swifter  one 
)f  mining ;  and  when  the  second  Admiral*  Don  Goes  witl] 
Diego  Columbus*  sent  Diego  Velazquez  to  subdue  to'cuba.62 
ind  colonize  Cuba*  Cortes  accompanied  him,  and 
icted*  it  is  said*  as  one  of  his  secretaries, 
i  After  the  island  had  been  subdued*  Cortes  was 


22 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  CORTES. 


Cortes  in 
disfavour 
with  the 
Governor. 


one  of  those  who  received  a  .grant  of  Indians ;  I 
but  here  again  his  unquiet  intriguing  nature  did  I 
not  suffer  him  to  settle  down  at  once  into  a  I 
pains-taking  colonist,  or  a  sedulous  official  man.  1 
The  story  of  his  early  life  now  becomes  very  1 
confused,  as  is  naturally  the  case  with  that  of  any  I 
man  who  rises  to  great  eminence,  and  who  was  1 
connected  with  some  ambiguous  transactions.  I 
His  partizans  will  try  and  ignore  these  affairs  I 
altogether , — his  enemies  will  know  far  more  about 

O  ' 

them  than  ever  happened  ;  and  the  result  is,  that 
the  future  biographer  will  have  to  take  a  middle 
course,  or,  which  is  wiser  perhaps,  to  side  now  \\  ith 
one  party,  now  with  the  other,  in  a  most  uncertain 
and  dubious  manner,  relying  upon  small  traits  of 
circumstance  and  delicate  indications  of  chaiacter. 

There  are  two  stories  of  a  very  different  kind, 
to  account  for  the  indignation  which  Cortes  I 
brought  upon  himself  at  one  time  from  the 
Governor,  Diego  Velazquez.  According  to  one 
of  these  accounts,  news  arrived  at  Cuba  that 
certain  Judges  of  Appeal,  who  had  been  ap¬ 
pointed  in  Spain,  had  arrived  in  Hispaniola.  It 
was  not  often  the  fortune  of  governors  in  the 
Indies  to  be  popular, — at  least,  with  more  than 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  CORTES. 


23 


their  own  faction  ;  and  Velazquez  formed  no  ex¬ 
ception  to  this  rule.  The  difficulty  for  those  who 
thought  they  were  aggrieved  by  him,  was  how  to 
carry  their  complaints  to  the  Judges.  Cortes, 
who,  no  doubt  (if  the  story  be  true),  had  some 
private  grudge  against  the  Governor,  agreed  to 
be  the  bearer  of  these  complaints,  and  under¬ 
took  the  bold  task  of  passing  from  one  island  to 
the  other  in  an  open  boat.*  He  was,  however, 
suspected,  seized,  and  so  completely  found  guilty 
in  the  Governor’s  estimation,  that  he  wished  to 
hang  him.  Certain  persons,  however,  interceded 
for  Cortes;  and  Diego  Velazquez  commuted  the 
punishment  into  that  of  sending  him  as  a  prisoner 
to  the  island  of  Hispaniola.  He  was  accordingly 


*  Benito  Martinez,  who  presented  a  memorial  to  the 
King,  on  behalf  of  Velazquez,  in  the  year  1519,  confirms 
this  part  of  the  story. — “  Ansimismo  dice  :  que  porque 
este  Hernando  Cortes  capitan,  se  levanto  otra  vez  cuando 
la  isla  Fernandina  se  empezo  de  poblar  con  una  carabela 
y  con  ciertos  companeros,  e  Diego  Velazquez  le  prendio, 
y  a  ruego  de  muchos  buenos  le  perdono,  e  ahora  ha  hecho 
este  otro  buen  hecho  en  se  alzar  con  la  isla,  y  para  hacer 
su  mal  hecho  bueno,  dice  mucho  mal  de  Diego  Velaz¬ 
quez,  y  todos  los  que  en  su  nombre  vienen.” — Eocumentos 
Ineditos ,  tom.  i.  p.  408. 


24  EARLY  LIFE  OF  CORTES.  j| 

put  on  board  a  vessel  bound  for  that  island.  I 
Cortes,  however,  extricated  himself  from  his  j 
fetters ;  swam,  or,  as  it  is  said,  floated  on  a  log,  1 
back  again  to  the  shores  of  Cuba;  and  took  refuge  1 
in  a  church.  There  he  remained  some  days.  A  I 
crafty  alguazil  lay  in  wait  for  him,  caught  him  ( 
one  day  as,  intent  upon  paying  his  addresses  to  j 
a  lady,  he  was  tempted  to  go  beyond  the  sacred  j 
precincts,*  and  made  a  prisoner  of  him.  It  j 
seemed  now  as  if  the  fate  of  Cortes  was  deter-  I 
mined  ;  but  many  persons  interceded  for  him  ;  and 
Velazquez,  who  was  a  violent,  but  good-natured 
man,  the  first  burst  of  his  wrath  having  been 
spent,  forgave  Cortes,  but  was  unwilling  to  receive 
such  a  person  into  his  service  any  more. 

There  are  several  things  very  improbable  in 
this  story,  f  and  Gomara  removes  some  of  the 

*  “  Descuidandose  un  Dia,  por  salir  a  los  amores,  un 
Alguacil,  llamado  Juan  Escudero,  a  quien  Hernando 
Cortes  ahorcd  en  Nueva-Espana,  entrando  por  la  otra 
puerta  de  la  Iglesia,  le  abraqo  por  detras,  i  le  llevb  a  la 
Carcel.” — Herrera,  Ilist.  de  las  Indias,  dec,  I,  lib.  is. 

cap.  9. 

■j*  It  is  improbable,  for  instance,  that  Velazquez  should 
have  wished  to  send  Cortes  to  Hispaniola ;  and  it  is 
strange  that  the  latter  should  have  been  so  anxious  to 
make  his  way  back  to  Cuba. 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  CORTES. 


26 


stigma  of  it,  by  saying  that  Cortes  went  to  Cuba, 
as  an  officer  of  Pasamonte,* *  the  Treasurer,  and 
was  employed  in  the  King’s  service,  although  the 
Chaplain  admits  that  Velazquez  also  employed 
Cortes  to  manage  business  and  to  look  after 
buildings.f 

The  other  story  is,  that  Cortes  was  required 
by  V elazquez  to  marry  a  certain  Donna  Catalina 
Xuarez,  one  of  a  family  of  Spanish  ladies  who 
had  come  over  in  the  suite  of  the  Vice-Queen, 

I 

Maria  de  Toledo, — the  Governor  himself  being 
in  love  with  one  of  her  sisters.  It  is  said  that 
Cortes  had  given  his  word  to  marry  Donna  Cata¬ 
lina,  and  was  unwilling  to  redeem  it.  However  Marriage 
this  may  be,  Cortes  did  marry  her,  and  told  Las 
Casas  that  he  was  as  well  pleased  with  her  as  if 


“  Fernando  Cortes  fue  a  la  conqnista,  por  Oficial 
lei  Tesorero  Miguel  de  Pasamonte,  para  tener  cucnta 
'on  los  Quintos,  1  Laden  da  del  Pei,  1  aun  el  mesmo 

Diego  Velazquez  se  lo  rogd,  por  ser  habil,  1  diligente.” _ 

jOMARa,  Crdnica  de  la  Nueva-Espana,  cap.  4.  Barcia, 

1 Estoriadores .  tom.  ii. 

*j*  “  Tuvo  gracia,  i  autoridad  con  Biego  Velazquez, 
)ara  despactar  negocios,  y  entender  en  Edificios,  como 

ueron  la  Casa  de  la  Fundicion,  y  un  Hospital.” _ 

rbid . 


26 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  CORTES. 


Cortes 
reconciled 
to  the 
Governor. 


she  had  been  the  daughter  of  a  duchess.*  In 
this  story,  too,  he  is  spoken  of  as  having  been 
arrested,  as  having  escaped,  and  as  having  taken 
refuge  in  a  sanctuary.  According  to  this  account,  ; 
also,  he  is  made  out  to  have  had  papers  upon  him 

which  told  against  Velazquez.  j 

For  my  own  part  I  am  inclined  to  acquit 
Cortes  of  that  treachery  towards  Velazquez 
which  might  be  inferred  from  the  first  story. 
But  I  suspect  that  Catalina  Xuarez  had  consider¬ 
able  cause  of  complaint  against  Cortes,  whose 
enmity  against  the  Governor  was  probably  pro¬ 
voked  by  his  siding  with  her  relations. 

Whichever  may  have  been  the  true  story,  or 
whatever  the  truth  in  each  story,  it  is  certain 
that,  after  a  serious  feud,  the  Governor  and  Cortes 
became  friends,  and,  as  a  proof  of  this,  it  is  men¬ 
tioned  that  Velazquez  stood  as  god-father  to  one 
of  the  children  of  Cortes.  After  his  marriage. 


*  “  Asi  que  casose  al  cabo  no  menos  rico  quo  su 
Muger;  y  en  aquellos  dias  de  su  pobreza,  humildad  > 
bajo  estado  le  oi  decir,  y  estando  conmigo  me  lo  dijo,  que 
estaba  tan  contento  con  ella  como  si  fuera  bija  de  una 
Duquesa.’ — Las  Casas,  1 list,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  iii. 

cap.  27. 


27 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  CORTES . 

» 

Cortes  employed  himself  in  getting  gold  by  means 
of  his  Indians: — u  How  many  of  whom  died  in 
extracting  this  gold  for  him,  God  will  have  kept 
a  better  account  than  I  have,”  says  Las  Casas. 

It  must  have  been  in  the  nature  of  Velazquez 
to  forgive  heartily,  for  we  find  that  he  not  only 
did  not  molest  Cortes  any  more,  but  that  he  con¬ 
ferred  upon  him  the  office  of  Alcalde  in  the  town 
of  Santiago,  the  capital  of  Cuba.  Cortes,  there¬ 
fore,  notwithstanding  all  his  previous  mishaps, 
was,  in  the  year  1518,  a  rising  and  a  prosperous 
man ;  and,  being  thirty-three  years  old,  was  at  a 
fitting  time  of  life  for  a  career  of  vigorous  ad¬ 
venture. 

In  conferring  the  command  of  the  fleet  on 
Cortes,  Velazquez  had  been  influenced  by  his 
secretary  Andres  de  Duero,  and  by  Amador  de 
Lares,*  the  King’s  Accountant  in  Cuba ;  but  he 


*  Amador  de  Lares  had  been  a  long  time  in  Italy,  and 
Las  Casas  was  wont  to  warn  the  Governor  to  “  beware  of 
twenty-two  years  of  Italy.”  “  Solia  yo  decir  a  Diego 
Velazquez  por  sentir  lo  que  de  Amador  de  Lares  yo 
sentia :  Senor,  Guardaos  de  veinte  y  dos  anos  de  Italia.” 
— Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias ,  MS.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  113. 


Opposition 
to  the 
appoint¬ 
ment  of 
Cortes. 


28 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  CORTES. 

disobliged  several  powerful  persons  in  the  island,  1 
relations  of  his  own,  who  were  not  slow  in  sug-  1 
gesting  that  it  was  very  imprudent  to  confide  the  j 
expedition  to  Cortes.  The  old  grudge  between  . 
the  Governor  and  Cortes  was  a  good  subject  for  j 
these  malcontents  to  dilate  upon,  and  was,  no  j 
doubt,  made  use  of  by  all  those  who  did  not  wish  ] 
well  to  the  newly-appointed  Commander.  The  | 
sentiments  of  these  opponents  to  Cortes  cannot  j 
be  better  illustrated  than  by  some  jests,  which,  j 
perhaps,  were  all  their  own,  but  which  were  ut¬ 
tered  in  public  by  a  buffoon  in  the  household  of 
Velazquez,  named  Cervantes.  As  this  buffoon 

Foresight,  was  one  day  accompanying  Cortes  and  the  Go¬ 
er  knavery,  vernQr  tQ  tpe  sea-side,  where  they  wished  to 

huffoon.  o1oserve  J10W  the  vessels  were  getting  on,  and  was 

a  little  ahead  of  the  party,  uttering  his  pleasantries, 

he  turned  to  the  Governor,  and  said,  “  Diego.” 

“Well,  fool,  what  do  you  want?”  replied  the 

Governor  ;  “  Look  what  you  are  about !  we  shall 

have  to  go  and  hunt  after  Cortes.  Lpon  this, 

Cortes  is  said  to  have  made  some  angry  answer, 

which  I  do  not  believe  in,  as  it  does  not  show  his 

usual  skilfulness  and  self-command.  But  it  is 

more  probable  that  Andres  de  Duero  replied  for 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  CORTES.  29 

him,  saying,  “  Be  quiet,  you  drunken  idiot !  do 
not  play  the  rascal  any  more  ;  we  know  well  that 
these  malicious  things  which  pretend  to  be  jests, 
do  not  come  from  you.5’*  But  the  buffoon,  not  by 
any  means  dismayed,  went  on  saying  all  the  way, 

‘  Viva,  viva !  to  the  health  of  my  friend  Diego, 
ind  of  his  lucky  Captain,  Cortes  !  and  I  swear, 
ny  friend,  that  I  shall  go  with  Cortes  myself  to 
•hese  rich  lands,  that  I  may  not  see  you  crying, 

ny  friend  Diego,  at  the  bad  bargain  you  have 
ust  made.” 

It  would  be  difficult  to  say  what  impression 
hese  sayings,  and  many  like  them,  uttered  in  jest 
nd  in  earnest,  produced  upon  the  uncertain  mind 
f  the  Governor.  One  thing,  however,  he  should 
ave  recollected,  that  if  half  trust  is  unwise  in  Obliterate 
ealing  with  a  friend,  anything  less  than  un-  compete3 
ounded  confidence  is  too  little  trust  in  dealing  conlK'ence 

O 

'ith  a  reconciled  enemy — especially  one  who  has 
een  injuriously  treated. 

With  regard  to  the  Governor’s  power  to  re- 
iove  Cortes,  which  some  have  denied,  I  have  no 

*  “  Calla,  borracho  loco,  no  seas  mas  vellaco,  que  bien 
itendido  tenemos,  que  essas  malicias  socolor  de  gracias, 

)  salen  de  tf.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  19. 


20 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  CORTES. 


doubt  that  it  was  amply  sufficient  for  the  pur-  j 
pose,  up  to  the  moment  of  starting.  It  is  a  j 
difficult  question,  which  there  are  not  facts 
fully  to  decide,  what  part  Cortes  contributed  tol 
the  expenses  of  the  expedition.  His  partizans 
assert  that  it  was  two-thirds  ot  the  whole; 
but  their  own  statement  will  hardly  bear  out 
that.*  Cortes,  like  Caesar,  whom  we  shall  find 
he  resembles  in  other  respects,  was  fond  of  ex¬ 
pense,  and  was  probably  an  indebted  man.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  whatever  Cortes  did  advance  was 
chiefly  borrowed  f  capital,  and  borrowed  on  the 

*  “  Oyd  decir  a  los  de  la  cuidad  que  el  dicho  Cortes 
habia  gastado  mas  de  5,000  castellanos,  6  que  el  dichc 
Diego  Velazquez  le  habia  prestado  para  ello  2,000  castel- 
lanos  sobre  cierto  oro  que  tenia  por  fundir,  e  que  oyc 
decir  que  el  dicho  Diego  Velazquez  habia  puesto  1,80( 
castellanos  en  rescates  e  vinos  e  otras  cosas,  e  tre: 
navios,  el  uno  era  bergautin,  e  que  el  dicho  Cortes  dema 
de  los  5,000  castellanos  puso  siete  navios  suyos,  e  de  su 
amigos  e  de  efectos.”— Docmientos  Ineditos,  tom.  l.  ] 

487. 

+  “  Y  como  ciertos  Mercaderes,  amigos  suyos,  qt 
se  dezian  Jaime  Tria,  o  Geronimo  Tria,  y  un  Pedi 
de  Xeres,  le  vieron  con  Capitania,  y  prosperado,  le  pr 
staron  quatro  mil  pesos  de  oro,  y  le  dieron  otras  me 
caderias  sobre  la  renta  de  sus  Indios.”— Berxal  Du 
cap,  20. 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  CORTES. 


31 


security  which  his  appointment  by  Velazquez 
afforded,  for  it  is  quite  ridiculous  to  assert  that  he 
had  any  independent  powers  from  certain  Jeroni- 
mite  Fathers,  who  were  ruling  at  Hispaniola. 

I  must  remark  here  upon  the  deplorable  man¬ 
ner  in  which  all  these  expeditions  were  managed, 
the  Governor  descending  to  the  condition  of  a 
merchant-adventurer,  and  being  concerned  in  the 
profits  of  each  enterprise.  The  lamentable  result 
of  this  practice  was  seen  in  all  the  Spanish  set¬ 
tlements;  and  it  was  a  practice  unfortunately 
sanctioned  and  partaken  by  the  Spanish  Monarchs 
themselves. 

>  The  complicated  form  of  government,  also,  in 
i  the  Spanish  Indies  had  the  worst  results.  Diego 
V elazquez  was  the  Vice-roy  of  a  Vice-roy ;  and  the 
person  from  whom  he  held  authority,  Don  Diego 
Columbus,  had  been,  to  a  certain"  extent,  super¬ 
seded  by  other  authorities.  A  surer  mode  of 
:  creating  factions  could  not  have  been  devised. 
Authority,  like  land,  cannot  be  held  by  too  simple 
a  tenure,  and  intermediate  interests  are  fatal  to 
the  improvement  of  the  country  to  be  ruled,  as  of 
the  soil  to  be  tilled. 

It  was  on  the  15th  of  November,  1518,  that 


Governors 
should  not 
be  traders. 


Indirect 
tenure  of 
authority 
injurious. 


32 


RETURN  OF 


Grijalva 
returns, 
Nov.  15, 

1518. 


Grijalva  returned  to  Santiago,  bringing  with  him 
many  tempting  signs  of  the  riches  of  the  country 
he  had  begun  to  discover.  It  is  by  no  means 
improbable  that  his  arrival  produced  some  consi¬ 
derable  change*  in  the  mind  of  Velazquez,  which 
would  be  observed,  and  rendered  more  and  more 
unfavourable  to  Cortes,  by  those  who  had  already 
reminded  the  Governor  that  the  newly-appointed 
captain  was  “  an  Estremaduran,  full  of  high, 
crafty,  and  ambitious  thoughts,  ’f 

It  is  important  to  enter  into  these  details  with 
respect  to  the  departure  of  Cortes,  as  so  much  of 
his  future  conduct  depended  upon  the  position  he 


*  Such  is  Gomara’s  account  (“  Bolvio  &  Cuba  Joan  de 
Grijalva  en  aquella  mesma  sagon,  f  huvo  con  su  venida 
mudan^a,  en  Diego  Velazquez.  Gomara,  Cionica  do  la 
JSfueva-Espaha ,  cap.  7.  Barcia,  Historiadores,  tom.  ii.), 
and  this  is  one  of  the  instances  in  which  there  does  not 
appear  any  motive  that  Cortes  could  have  for  deceiving 

his  chaplain. 

f  “  Que  era  el  Estremeno,  manoso,  altivo,  amador  de 
honras,  i  Hombre  que  se  vengaria  en  aquello  de  lo 
pasado.” — Gomara,  GrOnica  do  la  N" ucva-E spctticL,  cap.  ( . 
Barcia,  Historiadores,  tom.  ii. 

The  reader  will  observe  the  influence  which  a  man's 
place  of  birth  had  upon  his  fortunes  in  Spain. 


GRIJALVA'S  EXPEDITION. 


33 


. 

was  to  take  up  now  in  reference  to  his  employer 
Velazquez.  In  truth,  the  fate  of  a  great  empire 
hung  upon  the  whisperings  of  certain  obscure  and 
interested  persons,  on  the  hired  jests  of  a  buffoon, 
and  on  the  petty  provincial  jealousy  which  was 

apt  to  make  an  Estremaduran  hateful  to  a  Bis- 
cayan  or  to  an  Andalucian. 


Much  may  be  said  upon  the  singular  injustice 
not  to  speak  of  the  folly,  of  depriving  Cortes  of 
such  a  command,  after  having  once  confided  it  to 
him.  His  means,  his  credit,  everything  that  he 
possessed,  were  pledged.  He  had  even  altered 
his  style  of  dress,  and  wore  for  the  first  time  a 
plume  of  feathers,*  that  well  became  his  very 
handsome  countenance,  which,  however,  needed 
no  such  adornment  to  make  it  distinguished  as 
that  of  one  who  was  fit  to  rule  his  fellow-men. 
The  wisdom  of  this  change  of  dress  may  well  be 
questioned.  It  added,  no  doubt,  to  the  envious 
sayings  uttered  against  him ;  and  Cortes  should, 
hy  this  time,  have  known  men  well  enough  to  be 


*  “  E  demas  desto  se  comengo,  do  pulir,  e  abellidar  eu 
,U  P™’  mUCh°  maS  <lue  de  antes,  6  se  puso  u 

d?  *7“  »  mcdalla  de  ore,  quo  l^parec" 

nuy  bien.  —  Beknal  Diaz,  cap.  20. 


Cortes 
eager  to 
sail. 


34 


CORTES  APPOINTED  TO 


aware  that  it  is  in  little  things  of  this  kind  that 
you  can  the  least  venture  to  offend  them. 

Tt  is  probable  that  the  Governor  began  to 
think  of  conferring  the  command  of  the  expe¬ 
dition  upon  some  other  person,  and  that,  intel¬ 
ligence  of  this  change  of  disposition  being  con¬ 
veyed  to  Cortes,  did  not  render  him  less  alert  m 
his  endeavours  to  get  his  fleet  equipped,  and  to 
make  a  start.  To  suppose,  however,  that  he 
really  did  slip  away  by  night,  and  that,  on  t  le 
Governor  being  apprized  of  it,  he  hastened  to 
the  shore,  and  that  a  dramatic  conversation  took 
place,  in  which  Cortes  said  that  “  these  things, 
and  things  like  them,  should  be  done  before  they 
are  thought  of,”*  seems  to  my  mind  entirely  im¬ 
probable.  In  fact,  such  a  story  is  nearly  certain 
to  be  the  mythical  form  in  which  the  transaction 
would  come  to  be  related,  the  fact  merely  being, 
that  Cortes  made  immense  and  perhaps  secret 


*  ..T  parando  all!  dicele  Diego  Velazquez,  .  com, 
Compadre  asi  os  vais?  es  bueua  manera  esta  de  dej 
So.  de  mi?  Respondio  Cortes:  Senor,  perdonej 
Vuestra  Merced,  porque  estas  cosas  y  las  semejautej 
Lte  han  de  ser  hechas  que  pensadas  :  vea 
Merced  que  me  manda.”-LAS  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  M. 


MS.,  lib.  iii-  cap.  114. 


35 


' COMMAND  AN  EXPEDITION. 


haste  to  get  the  ships  ready,  and  to  take  leave  of 
the  Governor. 

There  is  a  story,  which  doubtless  is  true,  as 
as  Casas  had  it  from  the  mouth  of  Cortes  him¬ 
self,  that  he  laid  hold  of  all  the  cattle  which  a 
certain  butcher  had  in  his  possession,  who  was 
bound  under'  penalty  to  supply  the  town  of  San¬ 
tiago,  and  that  Cortes  paid  for  what  he  seized 

by  a  gold  chain,  which  he  took  off  his  own  neck 
and  gave  to  the  butcher.* 

All  this  haste,  f  which  was  afterwards,  no 

loubt,  made  known  Velazquez,  would  natu- 

a  y  give  him  an  additional  reason  for  wishino- 

© 


*  <( 


uizd  TqUe  n0  *  V0C6S  P°r(lUe  si  las  diera 

rrr  pueb;o;  quitjse  iueg°  c°rt- 

esto  el  r  'J  di6se^  obligado  Carnicero, 

e  to  e  mismo  Cortes  a  ml  me  lo  dixo.”-LAS  Casas 

Ut'  de  las  India*,  MS.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  114. 

f  Me  Peescott  is  persuaded  that  the  story  of  the 

andestme  departure  of  Cortes  is  true ;  but  this  pains! 

ng  and  truth-lovmg  historian  is,  I  think  in  this 

““  ^  I"  who,  though  truth,"  w 

'dulous,  and  in  this  case  was  not  an  eye-witness  and 

,  not  M,  Prescott  supposes,  residing  at  that^e 
the  island.  The  story  of  the  purchase  of  the  pro 
ns  may  be  quite  correct,  and  this  I  believe  to  be  all 


36 


CORTES  SE 


How 
Bernal 
Diaz  nar¬ 
rates  the 
departure 
of  Cortes* 


to  supersede  Cortes,  us  showing  that  Cortes  had 
divined  what  had  been  the  Governor’s  thoughts. 
The  astute  Estremaduran,  far  from  avoiding 
Velazquez  at  this  critical  period,  took  care  to  be 
constantly  with  him,  and  to  be  always  showing 
him  the  greatest  attention  and  respect.*  I 
should,  therefore,  prefer  giving  credence  to  the 
simple  account  of  Bernal  Diaz,  who  was  pre¬ 
sent,  and  who  says,  “  Andres  de  Duero  kept 
advising  Cortes  that  he  should  hasten  to  embark, 
for  that  the  Velazquez  party  (los  Velazquez ) 
kept  the  Governor  in  a  state  of  excessive  change¬ 
fulness  by  the  importunities  of  those  who  were 
his  relations ;  and  after  Cortes  perceived  this,  he 
ordered  his  wife,  Donna  Catalina,  to  see  that  all 
the  provisions  and  the  dainties,  which  wives  are 
accustomed  to  make  for  their  husbands,  especially 

for  such  an  expedition,  were  immediately  em- 

_  _ _ 

_ _ _ _ . _ _ _ _ _ 

that  Las  Casas  could  quote  Cortes  for,  when  he  says 
immediately  afterwards,  “  esto  el  mismo  Cortes  a  m.  m< 

The  truth  probably  is  that  Cortes  sailed  suddenly 

but  not  clandestinely.  ,  ’ 

*  “De  lo  qual  tenia. dello  aviso  el  Cortes,  y  a  es; 

causa  no  se  quitava  de  la  eompania  de  estar  con  |s 

Governador,  y  siempre  mostrandose  muy  gran  su  s. 

vidor.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  20. 


FROM  SANTIAGO. 


37 


barked  on  board  the  ships.  And  then  he  gave 
orders,  by  sound  of  trumpet,  that  all  the  masters, 
and  pilots,  and  soldiers  should  be  ready,  and  that 
on  such  a  day  and  night  none  of  them  should 
remain  on  shore.  And,  after  he  had  given  that 
command,  and  had  seen  them  all  embarked,  he 
went  to  take  leave  of  Diego  Velazquez,  accom¬ 
panied  by  his  great  friends  and  companions, 
Andres  de  Duero  and  the  Contador  Amador  de 
Lares,  and  all  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the 
city;  and,  after  many  parting  salutations  from 
Cortes  to  the  Governor  and  from  the  Governor 
to  Cortes,  he  took  leave  of  him :  and  the  next 
day,  very  early  in  the  morning,  after  having 
heard  mass,  we  went  to  the  ships,  and  the  same 
Diego  Velazquez  turned  to  accompany  Cortes, 
and  many  other  hidalgoes,  until  we  were  about  to 
sail,  and  with  a  prosperous  voyage  in  a  few  days 
we  arrived  at  the  town  of  Trinidad.”* 

!  It  is  to  be  remarked,  as  strongly  confirming 
the  account  of  Bernal  Diaz,  that  Velasquez  himt 
self,  in  a  letter  of  complaint  against  Cortes,  to  be 

P  before  the  Emperor,  says  nothing  about 


Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  20. 


38 


BANNER  AND  MOTTO. 


Cortes  sets 
sail  from 
Santiago. 


Cortes  having  stolen  away,  but  simply  describes 
the  transaction  thus :  “  I  sent  in  that  Armada 
600  men,  amongst  whom  I  named  as  captain  and 
principal  leader  of  it  and  them,  a  certain  Her¬ 
nando  Cortes.”  Velazquez  then  proceeds  to  say 
why  he  chose  Cortes — namely,  because  he  ap¬ 
peared  to  be  a  judicious  man  and  a  great  friend 
of  his  (the  Governor’s),  and  also  because  he  had 
had  much  experience  of  the  Governor  s  way  of 
dealing  with  the  colonists  from  Spam  and  the 

native  Indians.* 

It  was  on  the  18th  of  November,  1518,  that 
Cortes  and  his  companions  set  sail  from  Santiago. 

His  banner,  made  of  taffety,  displayed  a  red 
cross  on  a  black  ground,  sprinkled  with  white 
and  blue  flames  ;f  and,  inside  the  border,  was  a 
motto  which  said,  “  Let  us  follow  the  Cross,  and 
in  that  sign  we  shall  conquer.”  J 


*  “  Carta  de  Velasquez  al  Figueroa.”  “  De  lo  que 
habia  fecho  Fernando  Cortes.”  Nov.  17,  1519.  • 

f  I  suppose  the  proper  heraldic  description  would  be, 
“Sable,  semee  of  flames  argent  and  azure;  a  cross, 

gules.”  _  I 

r  Herrera,  “  Hist,  de  las  Indias,”  dec.  n.lib.iv.  cap.  6. 


/ 


CHAPTER  II. 

I  y.JrV  \ 

Cories  refuses  to  be  superseded— Sails  for  Cozumel — 

Thence  to  Tabasco— His  first  victory  in  Hew  Spain — 

Sails  on  to  St.  Juan  de  Ulua—Is  chosen  General— Enters 
Cempoala  Founds  Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera  Cruz— Sends 
messengers  to  the  Spanish  Coast— Destroys  the  Fleet. 

ORTES  proceeded  on  his  way,  and  was 
fortunate  enough  to  obtain,  by  promises 
of  payment,  with  force  visible  in  the 
background,  supplies  of  provisions,  both  from  the 
King’s  stores  at  Macaca,  and  from  a  laden  vessel 
which  he  met  with.  In  fact,  as  he  said  afterwards, 

;  he  played  the  part  of  a  “  gentleman  corsair.” 

After  he  had  arrived  at  Trinidad,  formal  orders  Velazquez 
came  from  Velazquez  to  Verdugo,  the  Alcalde  de^e 
Mayor  of  that  town,  to  deprive  Cortes  of  the  fe/ 
command.  But  this  was  now  too  late.  Cortes,  mand' 
as  De  Solis  remarks,  knew  how  to  gain  men’s 
hearts,  and  how  “to  be  a  superior  without ceasino- 


40  VELAZQUEZ  WOULD  DEPRIVE  1 

to  be  a  companion.”  Indeed,  he  gained  over  the 
messengers  whom  Velazquez  sent;  and  such  was 
the  disposition  of  the  fleet  towards  its  Com¬ 
mander,  that  it  would  have  been  impossible  for 

Verdugo  to  supersede  Cortes.  He  did  not  attempt  . 

it.  In  truth,  this  was  a  most  unreasonable  pro¬ 
ceeding  on  the  part  of  Velazquez:  and  though  it 
may  be  said,  that  Cortes  would  have  shown  a 
higher  nobility  of  mind  if  he  had  obeyed  the 
orders  of  his  superior,  yet  it  could  hardly  be  ex¬ 
pected  that  an  ambitious  young  man,  who  had 
spent  all  his  money,  and  become  indebted,  in  order 
to  engage  in  this  expedition,  should  suffer  himseh 
to  be  deprived  of  his  command  in  this  capricious 
Cones  does  manner.  He  wrote  a  letter  of  remonstrance  and 
not  °bey'  re-assurance  to  Velazquez,  and  then  sailed  on  to 
Havana.  A  similar  missive  to  the  former  one 
from  Velazquez  reached  the  Alcalde  there;  but 
it  had  no  effect.  The  Alcalde  did  not  dare  to 
arrest  Cortes,  who  wrote  another  letter  to  \  elaz- 
quez  in  the  same  strain  as  before,  and  then  set 
sail,  on  the  next  day,  the  10th  of  February,  1519, 

for  the  island  of  Cozumel. 

This  series  of  transactions  was  very  important, 
Cortes  had  now  settled  the  course  of  his  career. 


CORTES  OF  TEE  COMMAND.  41 

He  could  not  return,  like  Hernandez  de  Cordova 
or  Grijalva:  there  was  nothing  now  left  for  him 
but  ruin,  or  such  ample  success  as  should  efface 
all  previous  disobedience  and  misconduct. 

The  armament  consisted  of  five  hundred  and 
fifty  Spaniards,  two  or  three  hundred  Indians, 
some  few  negroes,  and  twelve  or  fifteen  horses, 
and,  for  artillery,  ten  brass  guns  and  some  fal¬ 
conets.  Bernal  Diaz  rightly  gives  a  list  and  an 
account  of  the  horses.*  In  truth,  it  would  be 


“  Ttle  Captain  Cortes,  a  dark  chestnut  horse,  which 
died  immediately  on  arriving  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua. 

“  Pedro  de  Alvarado  and  Hernando  Lopes  de  Avila, 

a  very  good  chestnut  mare  for  draught  or  for  riding  • 

and,  after  we  came  to  Hew  Spain,  Pedro  do  Alvarado 

bought  the  half  of  the  mare  from  Lopes  de  Avila,  or  took 
it  from  him  by  force. 

“ Alonso  Hernandez  Puertocarrero,  a  grey  mare,  a 

i?ood  charger,  which  Cortes  bought  from  him  with  some 
?old  cord.” 

And  so  there  follows  a  list  of  thirteen  people,  each  of 
vhom  had  one  of  these  valuable  possessions,  and  the 
ast  man  mentioned,  Juan  Sedeno,  was  considered  the 
•ichest  man  in  the  armament,  for  ho  possessed  a  ship,  a 
nare,  a  negro,  some  cazabi-bread  and  bacon  ;  and,  as 
)iaz  remarks,  at  that  time  neither  horses  nor  negroes 
rere  to  be  had  except  at  great  expense. 


42 


CORTES  LANDS 


Cortes 
lands  at 
Cozumel. 


difficult  to  estimate  the  number  of  men  that  one 
horse  might  he  considered  equivalent  to. 

Upon  the  landing  of  Cortes  at  Cozumel  the 
inhabitants  fled ;  but,  Cortes  capturing  some  of 
them,  and  treating  them  kindly,  the  rest  returned, 
and  proved  submissive  and  obliging  hosts  to  the  1 

Spaniards. 

It  was  at  Cozumel  that  Cortes,  “  who  put 
great  diligence  into  everything  he  did/'*  called 
Bernal  Diaz  and  a  Biscayan  named  Martin  Ramos, 
and  asked  them  what  they  thought  was  meant  by 
the  words,  “  Castilian,  Castilian,”  which  he  was 
told  the  Indians  of  Cotoche  had  addressed  to  them 
when  they  were  in  the  expedition  of  Hernandez  \ 
de  Cordova ;  and  Cortes  added  that  he  had  thought 
about  this  many  times, t  and  that  by  chance  there 
miirht  be  Spaniards  in  those  lands.  Accordingly , 


Search  for  —  --  ± 

£r,t,  inquiries  were  made ;  it  was  ascertained  that 
C°aSt'  there  were  Spaniards  somewhere  in  that  country. 


and  Cortes  caused  search  to  be  made  for  them. 
It  was  not  successful  then,  and  the  fleet  sailed 
away  ;  but  on  its  return  to  Cozumel  (which  oc- 


*  “  En  todo  ponia  gran  diligencia.”— Bekxal  Diaz. 
f  Cortes  does  not  seem  to  have  communicated  that  it 
was  part  of  his  instructions  to  look  for  these  men. 


YOYAGE  OF  CORTES 


AT  COZUMEL. 


43 


t 


CM  PH  [nr PL 


44  FINDING  OF 

curred  in  consequence  of  the  leakage  of  one  oi 
the  vessels),  one  of  the  Spaniards  sought  for  made 

his  appearance.  _  | 

Geronimo  jq;s  name  was  Geronimo  de  Agudar,  a  native 

ts  found  I*1  of  Ecija,  and  he  related  how  he  had  been  one  of 
the  crew  under  Valdivia,  who  was  sent  home  by 
the  inhabitants  of  Darien,  in  1511,  to  represent 
their  case  to  the  court  of  Spain.  They  had  been 
wrecked  at  the  Vivoras,  near  Jamaica.  Taking  to 
their  boat,  they  were  thrown  on  the  coast  of  the 
province  of  Maya,  and  fell  into  the  power  of  a  ca¬ 
cique  of  those  parts.  Valdivia  and  some  of  his  men 
were  killed  and  devoured ;  this  man,  Geronimo  de 
Aguilar,  escaped  with  another  Spaniard,  and  came! 
into  the  hands  of  a  cacique  who  ultimately  treated 
them  well.  This  other  Spaniard,  who  had  also 
received  the  message  of  Cortes,  was  not  inclined 
to  leave  his  wife  and  children,  and  moreover  he 
was  ashamed  to  show  himself  with  his  nostrils 
and  his  ears  bored  after  the  manner  of  the  people 


A  favour¬ 
able  omen 
and  a 
singular 
advantage. 


with  whom  he  lived.  Geronimo  de  Aguilar 
served  afterwards  as  interpreter  to  Cortes ;  and  an 
interpreter  was  so  useful  that  it  was  looked  upon 
as  a  miraculous  interposition  that  the  fleet  had 
been  obliged  to  return  to  Cozumel,  and  had  thu« 


GEBONIMO  EE  AGUILAB. 


45 


secured,  at  the  outset  of  their  undertaking,  the 
services  of  so  valuable  a  comrade. 

It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Cozumel  were  found  to  worship  an  idol  in  the 
shape  of  a  cross.*  This  statement  is  amply  con¬ 
firmed  by  the  discoveries  recently  made  in  Central 
America,  f 

1  * 

Leaving  Cozumel,  and  passing  round  the  coast 

of  Yucatan,  Cortes  made  his  entry  at  the  river  of 
Grijalva  into  New  Spain.  After  some  resistance 
from  the  natives,  he  disembarked,  and  took  pos¬ 
session  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  the  Spanish 
Monarch.  Proceeding  inland,  he  found  that  he 
was  in  a  territory  called  Tabasco;  and  there  oc- 

*  “  En  medio  del  qual  havia  una  cruz  de  Cal,  tan  alta 
como  diez  palmos,  a  la  qual  tenian,  i  adoraban  por  Dios 
dc  la  Lluvia.” — Go:*lara,  Cronica ,  cap.  15. 

Era  Cozumel  el  mayor  Santuario  para  los  indios  que 
habia  en  este  reino  de  \  ucatan  y  a  donde  recurrian  en 
cromeria  de  todo  el  por  unas  calzadas  que  le  atravesaban 
todo,  y  hoy  permanecen  en  muchas  partes  vestigios 
dellas.”— Diego  Lopez  Cogolludo,  Eistoria  de  Yucatan , 
lib.  i.  cap.  6.  Campeche,  1842. 

f  See  Stephens’s  “  Central  America,”  vol.  ii.  p.  345, 
where  there  is  an  engraving  of  a  tablet  at  Palenque,  in 
which  two  priests  are  making  offerings  to  a  highly  orna¬ 
mented  cross. 


46 


BATTLE  OF  C1NTLA. 


First  battle 
with  the 
Indians  of 
New 
Spain, 
March  25, 
1519. 


The  battle 
of  Cintla. 


curred  his  first  great  battle  with  the  natives.  They 
behaved  with  the  most  conspicuous  courage. 
Bernal  Diaz  says :  “  I  recollect  that,  when  we 
let  off  the  guns,  the  Indians  uttered  loud  cries,  and 
whistling  sounds,  and  threw  earth  and  straw  into 
the  air,  that  we  should  not  see  the  damage  which 
we  were  doing  to  them ;  and  then  they  sounded 
their  trumpets,  uttered  their  warlike  cries,  and 
shouted,  ‘Ala  Tala.5”  It  appears  that  the  Ta- 
bascans  had  some  notion  of  an  ambuscade ;  but 
all  their  military  skill  and  prowess  were  of  little 
avail  against  the  horses  and  the  cannon  of  the 
Spaniards.  Many  of  the  Spaniards  were  wounded 
in  this  encounter,  and  two  of  them  died  of  their 
wounds.  Gomara  speaks  of  St.  James  having 
appeared  in  the  battle  on  a  white  horse ;  but ! 
Bernal  Diaz,  while  admitting  that  such  might  i 

O  O 

have  been  the  case,  says  that  “  he,  sinner  as  he  ; 
was,  was  not  worthy  to  be  permitted  to  see  it.55  j 
This  battle  was  called  the  battle  of  Cintla ; 

and  to  commemorate  their  success,  the  Spaniards  i 

\ 

changed  the  name  of  the  chief  town  of  the  Ta-  i 
bascans  from  Potonchan  to  that  of  Santa  Maria 
de  la  Vitoria.  I 

The  victory  was  of  the  utmost  service  to  I 


•  RESULTS  OF  THE  VICTORY. 


47 


Cortes.  !  It  made  the  Tabascans  submissive  to 
him ;  and,  with  other  presents  which  they  brought 
to  the  conqueror,  were  twenty  female  slaves, 
whose  business  it  was  to  make  bread,  and  who 
carried  with  them  the  stones  between  which, 
alter  the  Oriental  fashion,  they  were  accustomed 
to  pound  their  maize.  Amongst  these  Indian 
women  was  a  person  of  great  intelligence,  who 
was  destined  to  play  a  considerable  part  in  the  Donna 
conquest  of  Mexico.  The  story  of  her  life  was 
a  singular  one.  Though  found  in  the  condition 
°f  a  slave,  she  was  of  high  birth,  being  the 
daughter  of  a  cacique  who  ruled  over  Painala  as 
his  principal  town,  and  possessed  other  dependent 
towns.  Painala  was  in  the  Mexican  province  of 
Coatzacualco :  she  was  accordingly  able  to  speak 
Mexican.  Her  father  died  when  she  was  but  a 
girl,  and  her  mother  married  another  cacique  a 
young  man.  They  had  a  son  born  to  them,  and 
wishing  to  secure  the  heritage  for  him,  and  to 
despoil  her,  they  gave  her  by  night  to  some  Indians 
o  Xicalango,  pretending  to  their  own  people  that 

8  lekhtad  died-  From  these  “asters  she  passed, 
Probably  by  sale,  to  the  Tabascans,  by  whom,  as  we 

have  seen,  she  was  presented  to  Cortes.  She  was 


48 


DONNA  MARINA. 


Donna 
Marina  as 
an  inter¬ 
preter. 


baptized  under  the  name  of  Marina ;  and  after¬ 
wards  served  faithfully  as  an  interpreter.  Indeed, 
her  fidelity  was  assured  by  the  love  which  she 
bore  to  her  master.  Bernard  Diaz  says  that 
“  She  was  handsome,  clever,  and  eager  to  be  use¬ 
ful”  (one  that  will  have  an  oar  in  every  boat)  ;J 
“  and  she  looked  the  great  lady  that  she  was.” 

There  is  hardly  any  person  in  history  to  whon. 
the  ruin  of  that  person’s  native  land  can  be  so  dis¬ 
tinctly  brought  home,  as  it  can  be  to  the  wicket 
mother  of  Donna  Marina.  Cortes,  valiant  ant 
skilful  as  he  was  in  the  use  of  the  sword,  wa; 
not  less  valiant,  (perhaps  we  might  say  not  les 
audacious,)  nor  less  skilful,  in  the  use  of  the 
tongue.  All  the  craft  which  he  afterwards  showe( 
in  negotiation,  would  have  been  profitless  with 
out  a  competent  and  trusty  interpreter.  Nov 
Marina  knew  two  languages.  She  knew  th 
Mexican  language,  which  was  spoken  at  her  birth 
place ;  she  also  knew  the  language  of  Tabasco 
Now  the  language  of  Tabasco  was  the  same  a 

O  O 

0 

that  spoken  in  Yucatan.  The  little  island  o 
Cozumel,  where  Geronimo  de  Aguilar  was  found 
lies  just  off  the  coast  of  Yucatan;  and  the  lan 
guage  of  Yucatan  was  spoken  there.  This  Gero 


DONNA  MARINA. 


49 


mmo,  therefore,  and  Donna  Marina  could  under¬ 
stand  one  another  perfectly ;  and  the  process  of 
interpretation  went  on  in  this  way :  Cortes  spoke 
to  Geronimo  in  Spanish ;  he  translated  it  into 
Yucatanese ;  and  then  Donna  Marina  rendered 
it  into  Mexican.  After  a  little  time  the  beau- 
nful  Donna  Marina  learnt  Spanish ;  and  then  the 
services  of  Geronimo  de  Aguilar  were  dispensed 
with.  If  a  medal  had  been  struck  to  comme¬ 
morate  the  great  deeds  of  Cortes,  the  head  of 
Donna  Marina  should  have  been  associated  with 
that  of  Cortes  on  the  face  of  the  medal ;  for,  with¬ 
out  her  aid,  his  conquest  of  Mexico  would  never 
lave  been  accomplished. 

Cortes,  who  from  the  first  showed  himself  in- 
ent  upon  conversion,  placed  a  cross  in  the  great 
empleofPotcnchan;  and,  before  his  departure, 
e  ebrated,  with  what  pomp  he  could,  the  feast  of 
a  m  Sunday,  Padre  F ray  Bartolome  de  Olmedo 
ad  the  Licentiate  Juan  Diaz  having  endeavoured 
instruct  the  Tabascans  in  the  rudiments  of 

.  "8tiaD!ty;  Gomara  sa?s  that  the  Tabascans 
o  e  their  idols  and  received  the  cross ;  but  the 

count  which  a  much  later  historian  gives  is  the 

are  probable  one,—namely,  that  their  docility 


50 


CORTES  ARRIVES  AT 


was  more  inclined  to  receive  another  God  than  tc 
renounce  any  one  of  their  own.*  I 

Cortes  Immediately  after  his  celebration  of  the  feasl 

S™Juan  of  Palm  Sunday,  Cortes  returned  to  his  ships 
and,  continuing  his  voyage,  arrived  at  San  Juai 
de  Ulua  on  Holy  Thursday  of  the  year  1519 
A  little  incident  occurred  in  the  course  of  thi; 

9 

voyage,  very  characteristic  of  the  men  and  of  tin 
time.  As  they  coasted  along,  keeping  close  t« 
the  shore,  the  former  companions  of  De  Cordova 
and  Grijalva  kept  pointing  out  to  Cortes  thoS' 
parts  of  the  coast  with  which  they  were  familial 
naming  this  river,  and  that  town,  this  mountair 
and  that  headland.  Remarking  the  conversatior 
a  certain  cavalier  named  Alonso  Hernando  d 
Puertocarrero,  approached  Cortes,  and  said,  (( . 
seems  to  me,  Sehor,  that  these  gentlemen,  wh 
have  been  twice  to  this  land,  have  been  saying  1 
you, 

‘  Behold  France,  Montesinos, 

Behold  Paris,  its  chief  city, 


*  “  Pero  solo  se  cncontraba  en  ellos  una  docilidad  < 
rendidos  mas  inclinada  a  reciber  otro  Dios,  que  a  dex 
alguno  de  los  suyos  De  Sous,  Conquista  de  la  Nuev 
Espaha ,  lib.  i.  cap.  20. 


SAN  JUAN  JDE  ULUA . 


51 


Behold  the  waters  of  the  Douro, 

Where  they  fall  into  the  sea.’  * 

I  say  to  you,  observe  these  rich  lands,  and  know 
well  what  to  do.”  To  which  Cortes  replied, 

“  Let  God  g^e  us  good  fortune  in  battle,  as  he 
gave  the  Paladin  Eoldan ;  for  the  rest,  having 
such  men  as  yourself  and  other  cavaliers  for 
captains,  I  shall  know  well  what  to  do.” 

It  is  possible  that  Puertocarrero  did  not  make 
the  allusion  without  a  little  touch  of  satire,  but 
the  words  may  also  have  conveyed  a  serious 
meaning,  and  appear  to  have  been  so  construed 
by  Cortes.  It  is  one  of  the  chief  merits  of  a 
popular  literature,  whatever  its  kind,  that  it 
affords  the  means  of  so  much  being  conveyed, 
when  so  little  is  said.  Montesinos,  in  the  Spanish 
romance,  alluded  to,  is  the  grandson  of  Charle- 
nagne.  His  parents  are  banished  from  court, 
ipon  the  suggestion  of  a  false  enemy  named 


Romances  Caballerescos,”  num.  29.  G.  B.  Depping, 
Bomancero  Castellano.” 

“  Cata  Francia,  Montesinos, 

Cata  Paris,  la  ciudad, 

Cata  las  aguas  de  Duero 
Bo  van  a  dar  en  la  mar.” 


52 


MONTE  SIN  OS  OF  ROMANCE. 


The  Mon- 
tesinos  of 
Romance. 


Tomillos.  Montesinos  is  brought  up  in  a  hermit's 
cell;  and,  when  the  youth  becomes  complete  in 
the  knowledge  of  arms,  his  father  takes  him  up 
to  a  lofty  eminence,  and  there,  without  any  affront 
to  the  geography  of  romances  in  the  middle  ages, 
points  out  to  him,  in  the  stanza  quoted  above, 
Paris  and  the  Douro,  the  palace  of  the  King,  and 
the  castle  of  his  enemy,  Tomillos.  The  youth 
o-oes  to  court,  enters  the  hall  of  Charlemagne’s 
palace,  observes  Tomillos  cheating  the  King  at  a 
game  of  chess,  points  out  the  fraud,  and  eventually 
strikes  the  false  player  dead.  He  then  discover; 
his  own  lineage,  and  is  the  means  of  restoring  hii 
parents  to  their  former  rank.  There  is  a  peculia 
felicity  in  the  date  of  the  day  on  which  the  fathe 
of  Montesinos  shows  Paris  to  his  son,*  which  wal 
the  day  of  St.  Juan,  after  whom,  as  well  as  ij 
honour  of  Juan  Grijalva,  the  discoverer,  S(l 
Juan  de  Ulua  had  been  named. 

It  is  a  fancy  of  mine  that  Cortes  unconsciousl ! 


Deppin 


*  “  A  veinte  y  cuatro  de  Junio, 

Dia  era  de  san  Juan, 

Padre  y  hijo  paseando 
De  la  ermita  se  van.” 

Romances  Caballcrescos ,  num.  28. 
Romancero  Castellano. 


FRIENDLY  RECEPTION 


53 


betrayed  a  little  of  his  own  character,  in  naming 
the  Paladin  Roldan  as  his  hero.  The  crafty  and 
valorous  exploits  of  that  knight  are  well  described 
in  a  romance,  which  makes  him  have  no  scruple 
in  allowing  his  beloved  Donna  Anna  to  suppose 
that  he  is  slain,  in  order  that  he  might  have  his 
revenge  upon  the  Knights  of  the  Round  Table ; 
and  where,  disguised  as  a  Moor,  he  takes  the 
command  of  an  army  of  Moors,  in  order  to 
betray  them.* 

At  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  Cortes  met  with  a 
friendly  reception  from  the  natives ;  and  imme¬ 
diately  after  his  arrival,  there  came  some  Indians, 
sent  by  the  Governor  and  Captain-General  of 
that  province,  to  enquire,  on  the  part  of  their 
King,  Montezuma,  why  Cortes  had  made  his  ap¬ 
pearance  on  that  coast.  The  Spanish  Commander 
replied,  that  he  had  come  to  treat  with  their 
Prince  upon  matters  of  great  importance,  and  he 

#  See  the  romance  beginning — 

“  Dia  era  de  san  Jorge, 

Dia  de  gran  festividad. 

Aquel  dia  por  mas  honor 
Los  doce  se  van  a  armar.” 

Romances  Caballerescos ,  num.  12.  Depping, 
Romancer o  Castellano. 


Cortes  not 
unlike  the 
Paladin 
Roldan. 


54 


INTERVIEW  WITH 


His  inter¬ 
view  with 
Monte¬ 
zuma's 
officers. 


Mexican 

Painters. 


asked  to  see  these  officers.  They  accordingly 
came  the  next  day  to  see  him.  Their  mode  of 
showing  honour  to  Cortes  was  very  singular. 
One  of  them  burned  incense  before  him,  and 
also  little  straws  touched  with  his  own  blood. 
Then  they  listened  to  his  story,  that  the  cause 
of  his  coming  was  to  treat  with '  their  master 
on  the  part  of  Don  Charles  of  Austria,  Monarch 
of  the  East, — and  they  made  him  rich  pre¬ 
sents  ;  but  they  entirely  put  aside  any  hope  of 
his  being  allowed  to  see  their  Sovereign.  Cortes 
replied,  that  kings  always  received  ambassadors, 
and  that  he  was  resolved  not  to  quit  the  country 
without  seeing  Montezuma.  At  this  declaration 
they  were  so  alarmed,  that  they  offered  to  sene 
to  their  Monarch  for  an  answer ;  and,  as  these 
officers  of  Montezuma  were  accompanied  by  skil¬ 
ful  painters,  who  depicted  with  accuracy  all  that 
they  saw  amongst  the  Spaniards,  they  were  able 
to  convey  a  full  representation  of  what  had  oc¬ 
curred  to  their  Monarch. 

The  alert  mind  of  Cortes,  anxious  to  adop 
every  opportunity  for  impressing  the  Mexican* 
(that  was  the  name  of  the  people  over  whorr 
Montezuma  ruled)  with  a  sense  of  his  power. 


MONTEZUMA'S  OFFICERS. 


55 


prepared  a  review  for  the  officers  of  the  King, 
and  an  additional  subject  for  the  artists.  He 
ordered  the  cannon  to  be  heavily  charged,  and  all 
his  horsemen,  under  the  command  of  Pedro  de 

w  » 

Alvarado,  to  prepare  for  exercise.  The  horses 
were  to  have  on  their  poitrals,  with  bells  attacMd 
to  them.  “  If  we  could  have  a  charge  upon  the 
sand-hills,”  he  said,  “  it  would  be  good  ;  but  they 
will  see  that  we  sink  into  the  mire.  Let  us  re¬ 
pair  to  the  shore  when  the  tide  is  going  out,  and 
make  a  charge  there,  going  two  abreast.”  This 
cavalry  movement  was  accordingly  executed  in 
presence  of  Montezuma’s  officers.  Then  came 
the  principal  show  of  the  day.  The  cannon  were 
discharged,  and  the  stone-balls  went  re-echoing 
over  the  hills*  with  a  great  noise,  which  was  the 


A  review- 
in  the  pre 
sence  of 
Monte¬ 
zuma’s 
officers. 


*  This  is  an  instance  of  a  considerable  difficulty  which 
occurs  from  a  double  meaning  of  a  Spanish  word.  “  El 
monte”  means  a  “wood,”  and  also  a  “mountain,”  or 
“  hill ;  ”  and  frequently  it  requires  the  minutest  know¬ 
ledge  of  geography  to  know  how  the  word  should  be 
rendered.  In  the  present  instance  the  passage  is  iban 

las  pi-cdras  per  los  montes  retumbando  con  gran  ruido . _ 

Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  38.  From  the  nature  of  the  coast,  I 
have  adopted  the  rendering  in  the  text,  though  not 
without  some  doubts  as  to  its  propriety. 


56 


A  FAINTED  DESPATCH. 


better  heard,  as  it  happened  to  be  a  calm  day. 
All  these  things  were  represented  by  the  Mexicar 
painters  as  best  they  could  ;  and  never,  perhaps 
in  the  history  of  the  world,  was  there  brought  tc 
^monarch  such  a  picture  of  the  destruction  that 
iWf)ended  over  his  kingdom.  The  awful  writing 
in  the  hall  of  Belshazzar  was  not  more  significant 
than  this  picture  would  have  been  to  Monte¬ 
zuma,  could  he  rightly  have  appreciated  all  that 
it  depicted, 

After  an  entertainment  which  Cortes  gave  tc 
these  officers  of  Montezuma,  he  had  another 
conversation  with  them  through  his  interpreters. 
Geronimo  de  Aguilar  and  Donna  Marina,  in  the 
course  of  which  he  asked  if  the  Mexican  Kina 
had  any  gold,  and  being  answered  in  the  affirma- 
ti\e,  he  said,  ee  Let  him  send  it  me,  for  I  and  my 
companions  have  a  complaint,  a  disease  of  the 
heart,  which  is  cured  by  gold.” 

An  answer  came  back  from  Montezuma,  in 
seven  clays,  and  was  brought  by  Teotlili,  one  of 
the  officers  who  had  before  met  Cortes.  He 
brought  with  him  magnificent  presents  from  the 
King,  and,  amongst  other  things,  a  sun  of  gold, 
which  he  laid  before  Cortes,  informing  him  that 


MONTEZUMA'S  REPLY. 


57 


Montezuma  sent  these  things  to  show  how  he 
estimated  the  friendship  of  that  king  (Charles  the  Monte- 
Fifth),  but  in  the  present  state  of  affairs,  it  was  IZest 
“  not  convenient  ”  to  allow  Cortes  to  present  S 
himself  at  the  Mexican  court;  Certainly,  from 
the  official  style  of  this  reply,  we  may  conjecture 
that  the  Mexicans  had  reached  a  high  state  of 
what  is  called  civilization. 

Cortes  received  the  presents  with  all  due  Cortes  pe 
leference ;  but  said  that  it  would  be  impossible  Severes‘ 
or  him  to  desist  from  his  undertaking.  The 
lonour  of  his  King  forbade  it.  This  he  said  so 
ngrily,  that  the  officers  of  Montezuma  offered  to 
end  again  to  their  Sovereign  for  instructions, 
nd  they  did  so.  Meanwhile,  Cortes  despatched 
rancisco  de  Montejo,  accompanied  by  the  cele- 
rated  pilot  Anton  Alaminos,  to  seek  a  port  that 
ight  be  a  better  station  for  them  than  the  pre- 
nt  one,  which  was  a  barren  and  desert  place 
'*ed  by  mosquitoes.  They  returned  with  the 
telligence  that  they  had  found  a  port  twelve 
igues  off,  close  to  a  fortress  named  Chiahuitzla. 


Montezuma  resolved  not  to  receive  these  Monte- 
angers ;  and  a  more  peremptory  answer  than 

refuses. 


58 


CONVERSION  BEGUN. 


Cortes 

persists. 


the  last,  but  accompanied,  as  it  had  been,  wit 
presents,  was  conveyed  by  Teotlili  to  Cortes.  1 
happened  to  be  evening  time,  when  the  Spanis 
Commander  was  about  to  reply  to  this  secoD 
message,  and  the  Ave  Maria  bell  was  heard  froi 
that  vessel  in  the  squadron  which  served  as 
church.  The  Spaniards  fell  on  their  knees  to  pra; 
Teotlili  enquired  from  Marina  what  this  mean! 
and  Cortes  thought  it  a  good  occasion  to  comment 
the  work  of  conversion,  which,  to  do  him  justic 
was  always  in  his  mind.  For  this  purpose  1 
brought  forward  Father  Bartolome  de  Olmed 
who  endeavoured  to  give  Teotlili  some  insig 
into  the  mysteries  of  the  Catholic  Faith,  and  in 
the  nature  of  his  own  idolatry.  Then  Cort 
continued  the  discourse,  intimating  that  conve 
sion  was  one  of  the  chief  objects  of  his  Sovereigi 
and  that,  having  come  so  far  on  such  a  gre 
affair  from  so  mighty  a  king,  he  must  perseve 
in  his  attempt.  The  Mexican  ambassador, 
much  anger  and  confusion,  broke  off  the  co 
ference. 

The  next  morning  there  were  no  Indians 
assist  the  Spaniards  and  to  bring  them  food.  T 
friends  of  the  Governor  Velazquez  murmur 


I 


ARMY  DISSATISFIED. 


59 


against  Cortes,  and  Diego  de  Ordaz  told  him  that 
the  army  was  averse  to  proceeding,  and  that  the 
means  at  his  disposal  were  not  sufficient  for  the 
conquest  of  such  an  empire  as  Montezuma’s. 
Cortes  replied  by  dwelling  on  the  success  which 
had  hitherto  attended  the  expedition ;  but  ad¬ 
mitted,  that  if  the  soldiers  were  so  disheartened 
as  Ordaz  asserted,  it  would  be  madness  to  attempt 
such  an  enterprise,  and  that  they  must  consider 
about  their  return  to  Cuba.  He,  accordingly, 

published  an  order  for  the  return  of  the  fleet  to 
that  island. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  Cortes  took  this 
important  step  without  having  thoroughly  pre- 
pared  for  it,  by  sounding  his  chief  partizans  as  to 
'he  course  they  were  inclined  to  take,  and,  pro¬ 
bably,  conveying  to  them  his  own  wishes.  The 
vay  in  which  the  camp  was  split  into  two  fac- 
ions,  and  the  underhand  negotiations  that  went 
>n,  cannot  be  better  seen  and  appreciated  than 
»y  the  short  account  which  Bernal  Diaz  gives  of 
?hat  happened  to  himself.  “  One  night,  a  little 
fter  midnight,  came  to  my  hut  Alonso  Her- 
andez  Puertocarrero,  Juan  de  Escalante,  and 
'rancisco  de  Lugo  (Lugo  and  I  were,  in  some 


Proclama 
tion  for 
return  to 
Cuba. 


60 


SECRET  CONFERENCE. 


The  par- 
tizans  of 
Cortes 
combine. 


They  con¬ 
fer  with 
Bernal 
Diaz 

secretly  at 
night. 


sort,  relations,  and  from  the  same  country),  an 
they  said  to  me :  ‘  Sehor  Bernal  Diaz  del  Ca$ 
tillo,  come  hither  with  your  arms  to  go  tt 
rounds,  for  we  will  accompany  Cortes,  who 
making  the  rounds.’  And  when  I  wras  at  soir 
little  distance  from  the  hut,  they  said  to  me 
‘Look,  Sehor;  keep  secret  for  a  little  time  th; 
which  we  are  going  to  tell  you,  for  it  is  of  mu( 
importance,  and  your  companions  in  the  hut  mu 
not  hear  it,  who  are  of  the  faction  of  Diego  V* 
lazquez.’  And  what  they  said  to  me  was  tl 
following  :  ‘  Does  it  seem  good  to  you,  SencS 
that  Hernando  Cortes  should  have  brought  us  i 
here  under  a  delusion,  and  given  out  proclams 
tions  in  Cuba  that  he  was  coming;  to  make  i 
settlement,  and  now  we  have  learnt  that  he  h 
no  authority  for  that,  but  only  for  trading;  a] 
they  wish  (the  change  of  person  may  here 
noted)  that  we  should  return  to  Santiago  with 
the  gold  that  has  been  taken,  in  which  case  \ 
should  all  be  ruined  men,  and  Diego  Yelazqu 
would  take  the  gold  as  he  did  before?’  ” 

They  then  reminded  Bernal  Diaz  that  he  h 
been  three  times  in  that  land  and  had  £ain 
nothing,  and  they  ended  their  address  to  him 


CRAFTY  POLICY . 


61 


uggesting  that  they  should  agree  to  form  a  settle- 
aent  in  the  name  of  His  Majesty,  the  Emperor; 
hat  they  should  elect  Cortes  as  Captain;  and  in- 
orm  His  Majesty  of  what  they  had  done. 

It  was  not  possible  that  these  private  dealings 
ould  go  on  unobserved  by  the  opposite  faction. 
L  camp  is  not  a  cabinet,  and  secrets  leak  out  even 
rom  a  cabinet.  The  followers  of  Velazquez  pro¬ 
ved  against  such  underhand  proceedings;  but 
heir  protestations  were  too  late.  When  the 
roclamation  for  return  was  made  known  to  the 
ildiers,  most  of  them  became  furious  with  Cortes, 
ad  declared  that  they  would  not  go  back  to  Cuba, 
t  was  remembered  how  ill  Grijalva  had  been 
3ceived  by  Velazquez,  because  he  had  returned 
ithout  founding  any  settlement.  Prepared  to 
tter  such  complaints  as  they  were  fairly  entitled 
)  make,  they  came  into  the  presence  of  Cortes, 
his  crafty  leader  had  his  followers  now  exactly 
1  the  temper  in  which  he  must  have  desired, 
id  which  he  had  schemed  to  evoke.  He 
fected  a  difficulty  in  acceding  to  their  wishes; 
id  the  tone  which  he  adopted  on  the  occasion 
well  described,  by  one  who  heard  him,  in  the 
ords  of  the  sly  proverb,  “  You  may  entreat  me 


Cortes  is 
pleased  to 
be  per¬ 
suaded  by 
his  men. 


The 

Chief  of 
Cempoala 
invites 
Cortes. 


C2  SUCCESSFUL  SCHEMING. 

to  do  that  which  I  like  to  do  ”  ( tu  me  lo  ruegas , 
go  me  lo  quiero ).  A  speech  has  been  made  fo 
him*  which  probably  does  not  differ  much  i 
substance  from  that  which  he  really  uttered 
He  tells  the  clamorous  malcontents  of  his  havin 
been  informed  that  it  was  their  desire  to  retur 

i  '  I 

home :  to  please  them  he  had  yielded ;  but  h 
was  glad  to  find  them  in  a  disposition  more  fittin 
for  the  service  of  their  King  and  the  duty  c 
good  Spaniards.  However,  as  he  did  not  wish  t 
have  unwilling  soldiers,  it  must  now  be  undei 
stood,  that  whoever  desired  to  return  to  Cub 
could  do  so,  and  that  he  would  provide  for  th 
embarkation  of  all  those  who  would  not  volur 
tarily  partake  his  fortunes. 

Just  at  this  period,  or  a  little  before,  whe 
Cortes  and  his  companions  were  feeling  somewha. 
desolate  and  disheartened,  there  came  messenger 
from  the  chief  of  a  neighbouring  territory,  callej 
Cempoala,  desiring  the  friendship  of  the  Spaniard* 
The  town  of  Cempoala  was  on  the  way  to  Chia 
huitzla,  that  port  of  which  Cortes  had  heard  froi 

T 

— 

%  De  Solis,  “  Conquista  de  la  Nueva-Espana,”  lib.  i! 
cap.  6. 


VOYAGE  OF  CORTES 


VOYAGE  OF  CORTES. 


63 


64 


VERA  CRUZ  FOUNDED . 


A  good 
mode  of 
founding  a 
town. 


those  he  had  sent  out  to  discover  one.  A  pro¬ 
ceeding  now  took  place  wThich  deserves  the  atten¬ 
tion  of  the  world  at  the  present  day,  and  whicli 
many  a  modern  nation  might  well  imitate  in  its 
attempts  to  colonize.  Cortes  began  to  take  step* 
for  founding  his  town, — not,  however,  by  choosing 
a  spot  of  ground,  and  commencing  to  build  upor 
it,  but  by  selecting  the  men  who  were  to  fill  th< 
chief  offices  in  the  town.  Certainly,  it  woul( 
appear  as  if,  in  those  ages,  they  had  more  belie 
in  men,  and  appreciated  more  the  difference  o 
one  man  from  another,  than  the  world  doe 
now. 

Cortes  had  no  intention  of  making  his  settle 
ment  at,  or  near,  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  but  a 
Chiahuitzla,  where  he  had  heard  of  tolerab! 
anchorage.  A  Spanish  town,  however,  was  some 
what  like  a  Roman  camp :  there  were  certai 
fixed  points  in  it,  and  the  difficulty  was,  not  8 
much  what  should  be  done,  as  who  should  b| 
appointed  to  do  it. 

Cortes  first  took  solemn  and  official  possessio 
of  the  country  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor.  1 
then  named  his  town,  which  at  present  existe 
only  on  paper,  calling  it  u  La  Villa  Rica  de  1 


OFFICIALS  APPOINTED. 


65 


7era  Cruz.”*  He  then  appointed  the  requisite 
ifficers.  It  appears,  too,  that  either  he  or  his 
>arty  suggested,  that  a  formal  requisition  should 
■e  made  to  him,  apparently  in  writing,  demanding 
i  &  most  peremptory  manner  that  the  main  object  change  or 
f  the  expedition  should  be  changed  from  that  of  I*6 
•ade  to  that  of  colonization ;  and  that  he  should  tl0n' 
ike  upon  himself  to  appoint  the  Alcaldes  and 
'egidors  of  the  new  town.  The  Alcaldes  named 
ere  Alonso  Hernandez  Puertocarrero  (a  native 

Medellin,  the  birthplace  of  Cortes)  and  Fran¬ 
co  de  Montejo.  The  Eegidors  were  Alonso  Cortes 
avila,  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  with  his  brother  thTchief 
bnso,  and  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval,  also  a  native  of  v*™Crl 
edelhn,  a  young  man  of  twenty-two,  who  will 
:erwards  take  a  great  part  in  the  conquest,  and 
10  was  much  beloved  by  Cortes.  Juan  de 
cal  ante  was  appointed  the  Alguazil  Mayor. 
istoval  de  Olid  was  to  be  the  Master  of  the 
mP  Maestro  del  (Jampo ).  There  were  other 
ior  appointments  which  need  not  be  recorded, 
ese  appointments  were,  no  doubt,  skilfully 

“  Por(lue  el  Viernes  do  la  Cruz  havia  entrado  en 
ella  Tierra.”  Gomara,  Crdnica  de  la  Nueva-Espaha, 

w- 

F 


66 


CHANGE  IN 


The  pro¬ 
cess  by 
which  au¬ 
thority  is 
brought 
into  due 
form  and 
shape. 


« 


made  by  Cortes,  affording  due  encouragement  tc 
his  friends,  and  offering  the  requisite  temptatioij 
to  those  amongst  his  enemies  who  might  be 

#  I 

gained  over. 

The  foundations  for  authority  were  now  laid 
and  we  must  own  that  the  deficiency  of  origina 
authority  was  endeavoured  to  be  supplied  in  th( 
most  skilful  manner.  Recounting  the  variou: 
steps  in  due  order,  we  find  that  it  was  votec 
universally,  or  at  least  determined  by  the  majority 
that  the  object  of  the  expedition,  as  stated  in  th 
original  instructions  (of  the  purport  of  which  the; 
had  not  been  aware),  must  be  entirely  changed, 
and  accordingly  that  these  instructions  did  no 
apply  to  the  changed  circumstances.  Then,  thj 
process  may  be  summed  up  as  follows  :  Cortex 
rises  from  the  mass  as  their  chosen  leader ;  anci 
at  their  request,  appoints  officers.  When  thesj 
are  appointed,  he  recognizes  their  authority  t| 
the  utmost  extent.  He  appears  bare-headed  be 
fore  them,  and  renounces  his  authority  of  Captainl 
General  and  Justicia-Mayor,  placing  it  in  thj 
hands  of  the  Alcaldes  and  Regidors .  He  the; 
leaves  the  assembled  officers  of  government  tj 
confer  amongst  themselves.  They,  as  might  U 


THE  EXPEDITION. 


67 


expected,  resolve  upon  reappointing  him;  and 
the  next  morning  come  to  him,  to  make  their 
determination  formally  known, —  which  intelli¬ 
gence  he  receives  with  proper  official  gravity, 
as  if  it  were  something  new  to  him.*  He  is 
pleased  to  accept  the  appointment ;  and  they  are 
allowed  to  kiss  the  hands  of  the  new  Captain- 
General  and  Justicia- Mayor,  who  is  thus  placed, 
with  some  show  of  legality,  at  the  head  of  the 
military  and  the  civil  services. 

In  the  midst  of  all  these  proceedings,  Cortes 
had  not  forgotten  the  friendly  invitation  which  he 
had  received  from  the  Cacique  of  Cempoala ;  and, 
indeed,  he  is  stated  to  have  made  use  of  this  in¬ 
vitation  as  an  argument  to  show  that  there  were 
illiances  which  might  be  formed  against  the 
Mexicans,  and  people  with  whom  he  might  nego- 
iate,  when  he  had  once  made  a  settlement,  f 


*  “  El  Dia  siguiente,  de  manana,  el  Regimiento  fue 
buscar  4  Hernando  Cortes,  el  qual,  como  si  nada 
lpiera  de  el  caso,  preguntd,  que  era  lo  que  mandaban  ?  ” 
-Herrera,  Hist.  de  las  Indias,  dec.  u.  lib.  v.  cap.  7. 
t  “I  aun  tambien  para  desde  all!  poder  con  mas 
cilidad  tener  amistad,  1  Contratacion,  con  algunos 
idios,  f  Pueblos  Comarcanos,  como  era  Ccmpoallan,  i 


Cortes  re¬ 
appointed 
as  Cap  tain  - 
general 
and 

Justicia- 

mayor. 


68 


CORTES  DISPATCHES 


Cortes 

enters 

Cempoala. 


Begins  to 
build  Vera 
Cruz. 


Nothing,  therefore,  could  be  more  fortunate  than 
this  offer  of  welcome  from  Cempoala,  which  Cortes 
did  not  fail  in  due  time  to  embrace;  and,  marching 
to  their  town,  was  very  kindly  received.  Thence 
he  moved  on  to  Chiahuitzla,  still  in  the  same 

i 

territory,  where  also  he  was  well  received  by  order 
of  the  Cacique  of  Cempoala.  Near  to  Chiahuitzla, 
Cortes,  working  with  his  own  hands,  founded  his 
town  of  Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera  Cruz;*  and  the 
appointed  officers  took  charge  of  it.  This  town 
was  of  much  importance  to  Cortes :  it  was  a 
stronghold  in  the  rear,  and  Juan  de  Escalante, 
who  had  the  chief  command,  was  a  devoted 
friend,  on  whom  Cortes  could  rely. 

The  town  being  now  founded,  it  was  resolved, 


otros,  que  havia  Contrarios,  1  Enemigos,  de  la  Gente  del 
Motecguma.” —  Gomara,  Crdnica  de  la  Nueva-EspahaA 
cap.  30. 

*  See  the  proceedings  (mentioned  in  Gomara,  cap.  37, 
and  incidentally  confirmed  by  Chimalpain  and  Busta-j 
mante,  cap.  35)  in  reference  to  the  actual  building  of  the] 
town,  when  sites  were  marked  out  for  the  church,  the 
grand  square,  the  town  hall,  the  wharf,  and  the  shambles! 
and  the  town  was  called  Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera  Cruz,  of 
they  had  agreed  vchen  the  Council  of  St.  Juan  de  Ulna  was 
nominated  (como  havian  acordado,  quando  se  nombrd  el 
Cabildo  de  San  Juan  de  Ulhua). 


MESSENGERS  TO  SPAIN. 


69 


m  full  council,  that  information  should  be  sent  to  Sends  mes 
Charles  the  Fifth  of  what  had  been  done ;  and  the  gST  t0 


wo  alcaldes,  Alonso  Hernandez  de  Puertocarrero 
nd  Francisco  de  Montejo,  were  chosen  for  this 
urpose.  They  went  to  Spain,  carrying  rich 
ifts  with  them,  but  unfortunately  found  the  Em- 
eror  absent,  and  were  ill  received  by  the  Bishop 

?  BurSos> the  head  of  the  colonial  administration, 
ho  favoured  Velazquez,  and  considered  these 
essengers  as  persons  who  had  been  concerned  in 
revolt  against  the  constituted  authorities. 


70 


CONSPIRATORS  P  UNI  SEED. 


Discovers  a 
conspiracy, 
and 

punishes 
the  con¬ 
spirators. 


Resolves 
to  destroy 
his  fleet. 


Meanwhile,  Cortes  did  not  hesitate  to  use  his 
newly-acquired  authority  with  vigour,  and  dis¬ 
covering  a  conspiracy  which  was  formed  by  some 
of  the  party  of  Velazquez  to  leave  the  army,  and 
to  give  information  to  that  Governor  which  might 
enable  him  to  seize  the  messengers  of  Cortes  on 
their  way  to  Spain,  he  caused  two  of  the  principal 
conspirators  to  be  put  to  death,  and  inflicted 
minor  punishments  upon  the  others.  “  I  re¬ 
member,”  says  Bernal  Diaz,  “  that  when  Cortes 
signed  that  sentence,  he  said  with  deep  sighs  and 
signs  of  suffering,  c  Oh !  who  would  not  be  igno¬ 
rant  of  writing,  so  that  he  might  not  have  to 
sign  the  death  warrants  of  men.’”  * 

It  was  during  his  stay  in  the  territory  of. 
Cempoala,  that  Cortes  adopted  that  determination 
to  destroy  his  fleet,  and  so  to  cut  off  all  means  of 
retreat  from  his  army,  which  has  become  one 
of  the  great  texts  in  history.  I  say  cc  adopted,” 
because  though  Cortes  himself  may  have  ori¬ 
ginated  the  idea  of  destroying  the  fleet,  and  then 

*  “  Acuerdome,  que  quando  Cortes  firmo  aquella  sen- 
tencia  dixo  con  grandes  suspiros  y  sentimiento  :  0  quien 
no  supiera  escrivir,  para  no  firmar  muertes  de  hombres !” 
— Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  57. 


DESTROYS  HIS  FLEET. 


71 


have  insinuated  it  into  the  minds  of  his  adherents,* 
it  is  certain  that  they  also  counselled  the  destruc¬ 
tion  of  the  fleet.  There  were  many  good  reasons 
for  this  counsel.  It  was  necessary  to  bind  the 
two  factions  together  in  some  indissoluble  manner. 
Again,  in  such  a  small  body,  where  every  man 
was  valuable,  the  sailors  were  an  important  addi¬ 
tion  to  the  little  army.  Even  those  who  were 
disabled  men,  or  unsuited  for  a  marching  expedi¬ 
tion,  sufficed  for  garrison  duty  in  the  new  town 
of  Yera  Cruz.  The  magnanimity  of  the  trans¬ 
action  is  diminished  by  its  evident  policy ;  and 
with  regard  to  Cortes  himself,  it  required  no  ex¬ 
traordinary  valour  on  his  part.  He  had  cut  off 
all  retreat  for  himself  when  he  refused  to  allow 
himself  to  be  superseded  by  the  orders  of  Ve¬ 
lazquez.  For.  Caesar  to  pass  the  Rubicon  might 
‘mve  been  a  great  resolve,  but  for  his  soldiers, 
nothing :  in  the  destruction  of  this  Spanish  fleet, 
'he  men  incurred  a  danger  which  their  Com¬ 
mander  had  already  brought  upon  himself,  and 

I - - - 

JfiwT 

“  Platicando  con  Cortes  en  las  cosas  de  la  guerra,  y 
;  amino  para  adelante,  de  platica  en  platica  le  aconsejamos 

f*uc  eramos  sus  amigos,  que  no  dexasse  navi'o  en  el 
j  uerto  ninguno.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  58. 


Obvious 
motives  for 
destroying 
the  fleet. 


72 


FREES  THE  CEMFOALANS. 


Cortes 
frees  the 
Cempo- 
alans  from 
tribute  to 
Mexico. 


thus  reduced  themselves  to  the  level  of  his  own 
desperation.  Juan  de  Escalante  was  entrusted 
with  the  execution  of  the  orders  that  Cortes  gave 
for  the  fleet  s  destruction,  which,  after  the  anchors, 
sails,  and  cables  had  been  taken  out,  was  sum- 

i 

marily  effected. 

Cortes  continued  to  maintain  a  strict  amity 
with  the  Cempoalans  ;  it  was  in  an  expedition  that 
the  Spaniards  made,  while  in  this  territory,  that 
he  caused  a  man  to  be  hanged  for  stealing  two 
fowls.  The  man  was  cut  down,  however,  when 
half  dead,  by  Alvarado. 

While  Cortes  was  in  Cempoala,  Montezuma’s 
collectors  of  tribute  came  into  the  country.  The 
Cempoalans  complained  much  of  the  Mexican 
king’s  exactions,  saying  that  he  demanded  their 
children  for  slaves  and  for  sacrifices.  Cortes  seized 
the  officers,  and  ordered  that  no  tribute  should  be 
paid.  But,  privately,  he  let  two  of  them  go  free 
with  a  peaceful  message  to  Montezuma,  and  the 
others  he  preserved  from  the  fury  of  the  Cem¬ 
poalans,  who,  when  they  had  overcome  their 
terror  of  the  great  King's  officers,  by  seeing  them 
imprisoned,  were  very  desirous  to  turn  the  tables 


ATTACKS  IDOLATRY. 


73 


upon  these  Mexicans,  and  to  offer  them  up  as  a 
sacrifice  to  the  local  divinities. 

This  is  one  of  many  instances  which  show  the 
vigour  and  crafty  wisdom  of  Cortes,  in  his  pre¬ 
parations  for  the  conquest  of  Mexico.  Indeed, 
his  conduct  at  this  period  of  his  fortunes  might  be 
:aken  as  a  model  by  all  those  who  may  be  placed 
in| similar  circumstances.  As  a  snake  through  The  policy 
angled  grass  and  herbage,  or  rather,  like  an  ofCortes- 
igile  wild  beast  through  the  forest,  now  lightly 
eaping  over  the  brushwood,  now  bounding  along 
he  open  space  under  great  trees,  always  with  an 
ye  to  prey,  always  with  a  soft  footfall,  so  did  the 
olitic  Cortes  move  through  the  difficulties  which 
eset  his  position, — the  conspiracies  of  dubious  fol- 
’wers,  the  snares  of  uncertain  allies,  the  perils  of 
a  unknown  country,  and  the  weight  of  countless 
umbers  brought  to  bear  upon  his  little  band, 
hich  was  but  the  scenic  counterfeit  of  an 

my. 

These  sacrifices  of  human 'beings,  which  the  Cortes 
exicans  and  the  Cempoalans  were  so  ready  to  fdoiatry  in 
flict  upon  each  other,  were  an  abomination  to  CemiJoa,a- 
Jrtes ;  and  he  resolved  to  put  an  end  to  them  in 
is  province,  and,  indeed,  to  the  whole  scheme  of 


Cempo- 
alans  take 
up  arms 
for  their 
gods. 


74  RESISTANCE  OF  IDOLATERS. 

idolatry  of  the  Cempoalans;  which  he  accomplished 
by  main  force,  sending  a  body  of  troops  to  hurl 
the  idols  down  from  the  temple.  The  use  of 
violence,  if  ever  justifiable  in  matters  of  religion, 
is  so  in  warring  against  a  cruel  creed  which  has 
for  its  groundwork  the  fears  of  men,  and  is 
perpetually  cemented  by  the  blood  of  the  weak 
amongst  its  worshippers.  It  was  not,  however,  i 
to  be  supposed  that  a  people  who  had  been 
oppressed  by  a  malign  religion  for  so  many  years 
would  part  with  their  burden  easily.  The  most ; 
galling  fetters  come  to  be  believed  in  as  amulets,  | 

mistaken  for  ornaments,  and  fondly  clung  to  as  ' 

I 

supports.  Accordingly,  the  Cempoalans  rushed  * 

X 

to  arms,  that  they  might  avenge  this  insult  to 
their  gods.  But  Cortes,  whose  Violence,  being 
for  the  most  part  the  violence  of  the  head,  was 
never  far  removed  from  her  severe,  but  serene 
sister,  Policy,  took  the  precaution  at  once  to  seize 
upon  the  Cacique  and  the  principal  chiefs,  and  to 
declare  that  they  should  be  put  to  death  if  any 
outrage  was  attempted  against  the  Spaniards. 
The  threat  was  successful ;  and  the  people  were 
pacified,  or  rather  awed  into  submission.  Cortes 
then  had  the  walls  of  the  temple  cleared  of 


ADVANCE  TO  MEXICO. 


75 


>lood.  He  erected  an  altar  there,  changed 
he  priests’  vestments  from  black  to  white,  and 
;ave  them  the  charge  of  this  altar.  He  also  set 
ip  a  cross,  and  taught  the  natives  to  make  wax 
andles,  and  to  keep  them  burning  .before  the 
ltar. 

The  next  step  of  Cortes  was  to  receive  the 
)empoalans  into  the  vassalage  of  the  King  of 
ipain.  Certainly  this  man’s  audacity  throughout 
orders  upon  the  ludicrous ;  and  the  way  in 
hich  the  strange  tale  was  first  told,  in  grave 
fEcial  documents,  does  not  diminish  to  an  intel- 
gent  reader  the  grotesque  wildness  of  the  trans¬ 
itions,  though  narrated  as  if  they  were  mere 
tatters  of  course. 

On  the  16th  of  August,  1519,  Cortes  set  off 
»r  Mexico,  resolved  to  see,  in  the  quaint  language 
the  unsuspected  historian  who  accompanied  him, 
what  sort  of  a  thing  the  great  Montezuma  was* 

:  whom  they  had  heard  so  much.” 

Cortes  himself  had  already  assured  his  Sove- 
ign  that  he  would  take  Montezuma,  dead  or 


Que  seria  bueno  ir  a  ver  que  cosa  era  el  gran 
ontequma.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  53. 


Cortes 
commences 
his  march 
to  Mexico, 
August  16, 
1519. 


76 


COMPARISON  OF  FORCES. 


Compara¬ 
tive  means 
of  the  bel¬ 
ligerents. 


Weapons 
of  the 
Mexicans. 


alive,  if  he  did  not  bring  him  into  vassalage  tc 
the  Spanish  crown.* 

This  is  not  the  place  for  giving  any  more  thac 
a  very  rapid  account  of  the  advance  of  Cortes; 
but,  previously  to  his  great  battles  with  the 
Mexicans  or  their  subjects,  it  will  be  advisable 
to  show  what  were  the  advantages  which  eact 
side  possessed.  , 

The  Mexicans  had  immense  superiority  ir 
point  of  numbers.  They  were  not,  like  the 
Indians  of  the  islands,  a  people  living  in  huts 
but  in  good,  stone-built  edifices.  They  formed 
a  mighty  kingdom,  mighty  at  least  in  appearance 
with  dependent  states,  that  paid  tribute  to  the 
King  of  Mexico,  but  which,  as  soon  appeared 
were  by  no  means  devoted  to  him.  The  weapons  ol 
the  Mexicans  were  lances,  darts,  bows  and  arrows,] 

*  “  En  la  otra  Relacion,  *  *  *  certifique  a  VuestrE 
Alteza,  que  lo  habria  preso  d  muerto,  b  Siibdito,  a  1c 
Corona  Real  de  Vuestra  Magestad.” — Lorenzaxa,  p.  39. 

f  “  It  was  usual  for  a  number  of  archers  to  assemble 
together,  and  throw  up  an  ear  of  maize  into  the  air,  at 
which  they  immediately  shot  with  such  quickness  anc 
dexterity,  that  before  it  could  reach  the  ground  it  was 
stripped  of  every  grain.” — Clavigero's  History  of  Mexico 
book  vii.  p.  367 — note. 


MEXICAN  WEAPONS. 


77 


slings  and  stones,  and  a  kind  of  sword  of  a  most 

|  I 

fearful  nature  and  aspect.* 


I  have  recounted  the  means  on  the  Mexican 
side,  which  consisted  of  innumerable  men,  who 


*  “  The  Maquahuitl,  called  by  the  Spaniards  Sjpada , 
>r  sword,  as  it  was  the  weapon  among  the  Mexicans 
rhich  was  equivalent  to  the  sword  of  the  old  continent, 
ras  a  stout  stick,  three  feet  and  a  half  long,  and  about 
our  inches  broad,  armed  on  each  side  with  a  sort  of 
azors  of  the  stone  itzli  (obsidian),  extraordinarily  sharp, 
ixed  and  firmly  fastened  to  the  stick  with  gum-lac, 
rhich  were  about  three  inches  long,  one  or  two  inches 
road,  and  as  thick  as  the  blade  of  our  ancient  swords, 
his  weapon  was  so  keen,  that  once  it  entirely  beheaded 
horse  at  one  stroke,  according  to  the  affirmation  of 
mosta ;  but  the  first  stroke  only  was  to  be  feared  ;  for  the 
azors  became  soon  blunt.  They  tied  this  weapon  by  a 
tring  to  their  arm,  lest  they  might  lose  it  in  any  violent 
onflict.” — Clavigero,  Hist,  of  Mexico,  bk.vii.  p.  367.  These 
re  the  words  of  Acosta :  “  Sus  armas  eran  unas  navajas 
?udas  de  pedernales  puestas  do  una  parte  y  de  otra  de 
u  baston,  y  era  esta  arma  tan  furiosa,  que  afirman  que 
3  un  golpe  echavan  con  ella  la  cabe(;a  de  un  cavallo 
iaxo  cortando  toda  la  cerviz.” — Hist.  Nat.  y  Moral  de 
uhas,  hb.  vi.  cap.  26.— The  engraving  in  the  text  is  a 
presentation  of  this  formidable  weapon. 


78 


RELATIVE  MEAN'S  OF 


as  it  proved  afterwards,  possessed  a  fierce  an 
pertinacious  bravery  like  that  of  the  Jews 
weapons  of  offence  which  would  not  have  bee 
contemptible  anywhere  in  a  previous  age,  bi; 
which  were  becoming  so  amongst  Europeans  i 
the  sixteenth  century ;  *  a  consolidated  kingdon 
of  which  the  capital  at  any  rate  was  devoted  t 
its  sovereign,  and  substantial  edifices. f 


On  the  other  hand,  their  defensive  armour  was  gooc 
though  not  to  be  compared  to  that  of  the  Spaniards. 

t  Lord  Macaulay,  in  his  “  Essay  on  Lord  Clive, 
says,  that  “the  victories  of  Cortes  had  been  gained  ove 
savages  who  had  no  letters,  who  were  ignorant  of  th 
use  of  metals,  who  had  not  broken  in  a  single  anima 
to  labour,  who  wielded  no  better  weapons  than  thos 
which  could  be  made  out  of  sticks,  flints,  and  fish-bones 
who  regarded  a  horse-soldier  as  a  monster,  half  mai 
and  half  beast,  who  took  an  arquebusier  for  a  sorcerer 
able  to  scatter  the  thunder  and  lightning  of  the  skies.” 

These  weapons,  however,  could  hardly  have  been 
contemptible  as  they  are  thus  represented,  for  we  fine 
that,  at  the  first  discharge  of  missiles  in  the  first  battk 
with  Cortes,  the  Indians  wounded  seventy  men,  two  ol 
them  fatally.  Neither  is  it  much  to  their  discredit,  that 
they  did  not  break  in  animals  to  labour,  as  there  were 
none  for  them  to  break  in.  Now  that  they  possess  horses, 
there  are  no  people  in  the  world  more  expert  with  them, 
as  may  be  seen  in  the  case  of  those  who  make  use  of  the 


MEXICANS  AND  SPANIARDS. 


79 


On  his  side  Cortes  had  valiant  captains,  trained 
men-at-arms,  a  small  park  of  artillery,  these  won¬ 
derful  horses,  and  his  own  dissembling  mind  and 
vast  audacity — cut  off  from  all  retreat.  The 
difficulties,  however,  in  his  own  camp,  which  his 
uncertain  position  created  for  him,  were  very 
great ;  and  his  enterprise,  considered  in  all  re¬ 
spects,  was,  perhaps,  as  difficult  as  any  feat  of 
arms  the  world  has  ever  contemplated. 


lasso.  Had  the  Mexicans  possessed  horses  in  those  days, 
there  would  not  have  been  the  slightest  chance  for  the 
Spaniards,  unless  they  had  come  in  large  armies,  in 
which  case  the  difficulty  of  finding  supplies  would  have 
been  almost  an  insuperable  obstacle. 


The  means 
which 
Cortes  had 
at  his 
command. 


CHAPTER  III. 


Cortes  marches  to  Tlciscala — Great  battle  with  the  Tlas 
calans — The  Tlascalan  senate  allies  itself  to  Cortes— 
Cortes  enters  Cholula — The  Great  Massacre  there— 
First  sight  of  Mexico — Cortes  enters  Mexico — Descriptw 
of  the  City . 


HE  next  step  which  Cortes  took  was  t 
march  towards  the  territory  of  Tlascala 
His  friends  at  Cempoala  had  informer 
him  that  the  people  of  that  territory  were  friend 
of  theirs,  and  very  especial  enemies  (muy  capitale 


Cortes 
marches 
on  towards 
Tlascala. 


Form 
of  the 
Tlascalan 
govern¬ 
ment. 


enemigos )  of  Montezuma.  The  Tlascalan  forn 
of  government  was  republican,  and  Cortes  com 
pares  it  to  those  of  Genoa,  Venice,  and  Pisa. 


*  “  La  orden  que  hasta  ahora  se  ha  alcanzado,  que  1 
gcnte  de  ella  tiene  on  gobernarse,  es  casi  como  la 
Senorias  de  Venecia,  y  Genova,  d  Pisa;  porque  no  ha. 
Sehor  genei*al  de  todos.” — Lorenz  ax  a,  p.  59. 


MESSAGE  OF  CORTES. 


81 


Before  his  approach,  he  sent  four  Cempoalans  to 
the  senate  of  Tlascala,  telling  the  senate  that  he  was 
coming  through  their  country  on  his  way  to  Mexico, 
that  he  had  freed  the  Cempoalans  from  Monte¬ 
zuma’s  yoke,  and  that  he  wished  to  know  what 


grievance  the  senate  had  against  the  Mexicans, 
that  he  might  make  the  Tlascalan  cause  his  own. 
Such,  at  least,  was  the  substance  of  what  Cortes 


Message 
of  Cortes. 


wrote  to  the  Tlascalans. 


The  Tlascalan  senate  received  this  crafty  mes¬ 
sage,  or  whatever  part  the  ambassadors  (who  pro¬ 
bably  spoke  on  behalf  of  their  own  nation)  chose 
to  report  of  it,  and  proceeded  to  debate  upon  the 
subject.  One  great  chief  advised  friendship  with 
:he  Spaniards,  as  being  a  race  more  like  gods  than 
nen,  who  would  force  their  way  even  if  the  Tlas- 
iialans  should  oppose  them.  It.  would  be  wise 
|  hci  cfbrc5  to  accept  their  friendship^  and  to  make 


Debate  in 
the  Senate. 


Magis- 

catzin’s 

counsel. 


illiance  with  them  against  the  common  enemy, 
Montezuma.  These  arguments  he  strengthened 
>y  appeals  to  omens  and  prophecies.  Another  Xico- 
enator  said  that  the  Spaniards  were  like  some  counsel! 


aonstrous  beasts  cast  upon  the  sea-shore.  He 
ightly  put  aside  the  omens,  on  account  of  their 


b 


G 


82 


TL AS C ALANS  DECLARE  WAR . 


The  Tlas- 
calans  re¬ 
solve  on 
war. 


incertitude.  He  probably  appealed  to  what  the 
Spaniards  had  already  done — mentioned  their  de¬ 
mands  for  gold ;  and,  no  doubt,  if  he  were  aware 
of  it,  described  the  indignities  they  had  offered  to 
the  gods  of  the  country, — undoubted  deities  in 
his  eyes,  whatever  the  new  comers  might  be.* 
His  voice  was  for  war :  and  such  was  the  deci¬ 
sion  of  the  assembly, — as  indeed  might  have  been 
expected  from  the  chiefs  of  a  nation  so  jealous  of 
interference  that  they  had  denied  themselves  the 
use  of  salt,  because  it  came  from  Montezuma's 
country,  and  they  were  unwilling  to  have  more 
intercourse  with  the  Mexicans  than  they  could 
help. 

Notwithstanding  the  opposition  to  be  expected 
from  the  Tlascalans,  Cortes  persevered  in  making 
his  entrance  into  their  country,  and  had  to  fight 
his  way  thither.  After  three  or  four  severe  en¬ 
gagements,  in  one  of  which,  he  tells  us,  he  had  to 


*  I  will  not  by  any  means  be  answerable  for  the 
exactitude  of  these  speeches.  There  are  more  elaborate 
ones  given  in  Torquemada,  Herrera,  and  Clavigero, — 
all  manifestly  proceeding  from  one  source,  and  tinged, 
I  think,  with  a  Spanish  colour.  I  have  no  doubt,  how¬ 
ever,  that  great  speeches  were  made  on  the  occasion. 


BATTLE  WITH  TEAS G ALANS. 


83 


encounter  one  hundred  and  forty-nine  thousand 
adversaries,  “  who  covered  the  whole  country,”* 
he  at  last  succeeded  in  bringing  the  Tlascalans  to 
terms.  But  this  object  was  not  attained  before 
the  Tlascalan  General  (Xicotencatl)  had  made 
great  efforts,  by  craft  as  well  as  force,  to  over¬ 
come  the  Spaniards.  It  may  a  little  diminish 
the  surprise  of  the  reader,  at  such  extraordinary 
numbers  being  met  and  vanquished  by  the  small 
army  of  Cortes,  to  find  that  they  attacked  in  bat¬ 
talions  of  only  20,000  men.f  An  incident  worth 
recording  occurred  when  the  Tlascalans  sent  cer¬ 
tain  spies  to  the  camp  of  Cortes.  These  spies,  forty 
in  number,  had  a  pretext  for  their  coming,  for 
they  brought  provisions  to  the  camp,  and  certain 
victims  (four  miserable  old  women)  for  sacrifice. 
When  the  forty  spies  arrived,  they  began  to 
sprinkle  incense  .upon  Cortes,  and  then  they  ex- 
i  bassane  in  the  following  words: 


Que  cubrian  toda  la  tierra.” — Lokenzana,  p.  52. 
t  “  Heureusement  pour  Cortez,  les  Tlaxcalteques  ne 
les  attaqucrent  pas  tous  h  la  fois,  mais  par  bataillons 
ie  vingt  mille  hommes  qui  se  succedaieut  les  uns  aux 
Mitres  a  mesure  qu’ils  etaient  repousses.”  —  Ixtul- 
kOCHiTL,  Hist,  des  Ghichimeques,  chap.  83. 


Cortes 
brings 
them  to 
terms. 


84 


TLASCALAN  SPIES . 


The  Tlas- 
calan  spies 
bring  food 
and  a  sacri¬ 
fice. 


“  Our  Captain  Xicotencatl  sends  you  this  present, 
which,  if  you  are  teules*  as  those  of  Cempoala 
say,  you  will  eat,  and  if  you  wish  sacrifices,  take 
these  four  women  and  sacrifice  them,  and  you  can 
eat  of  their  flesh  and  their  hearts.  We  have  not 
hitherto  sacrificed  before  you,  as  we  did  not  know 
your  manner  of  sacrifice.  And  if  you  are  men, 
eat  of  these  fowls  and  bread  and  fruit.  If,  how¬ 
ever,  you  are  benignant  teules ,  we  bring  you  in¬ 
cense  and  parrots’  feathers;  make  your  sacrifice 
with  these  things.”  Cortes  replied,  that  it  was 
not  the  custom  of  the  Spaniards  to  put  any  one  to 
death  for  sacrifice ;  and,  besides,  as  long  as  the 
Tlascalans  made  war  upon  him,  there  were 
enough  of  them  to  slay.  Afterwards,  discovering 
that  these  messengers  were  spies,  he  most  in¬ 
humanly,  as  I  think,  cut  off  the  thumbs  or  hands 
of  seventeen  of  them,  and  sent  them  back,  thus 
maimed,  to  their  Captain.  At  last  messengers  of 
peace  did  come  from  the  Tlascalans;  and  their  de-* 
sire  for  alliance  with  Cortes  must  in  no  respect 
have  been  diminished  by  the  arrival,  about  this 


*  Minor  deities. — “  Nos  tenian  por  Teules,  quo  son 
como  sus  idolos.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  72. 


s 


MARCH  TO  TLASCALA. 


85 


time,  of  ambassadors  from  Montezuma,  who  came 
bringing  presents,  and  offering,  as  Cortes  declares 
in  his  letter  to  Charles  the  Fifth,  vassalage  on 
the  part  of  Montezuma  to  that  Monarch. 


The  things  most  to  be  noted,  in  the  march  of 
Cortes  from  Cempoala  to  Tlascala,  are  the  popu¬ 
lousness  and  signs  of  civilization  which  he  meets 
with,  and  his  own  vigorous  sagacity.  At  one 
point  of  his  march  he  comes  upon  a  valley* 


*  The  valley  of  Yztacmastitan. 


S6 


MARC II  TO  TLASCALA . 


Populous-  where,  for  four  successive  leagues,  there  was  a 

ness  of  a 

district  continuous  line  of  houses ;  and  the  Lord  of  the 

through 

which  valley  lived  in  a  fortress  such  as  was  not  to  be 

Cortes 

passes.  found  in  the  half  of  Spain,  surrounded  by  walls 
and  barbacans  and  moats.*  He  also  came  upon 


The  great 
wall  of 
Tlascala. 


Cortes  not 
to  be  dis¬ 
mayed  by 
miens. 


the  great  wall  of  Tlascala,  which  was  nine  feet 
high,  and  twenty  feet  broad,  with  a  battlement  a 
foot  and  a  half  in  breadth.  This  wall  was  six 
miles  long,  and  had  an  entrance  constructed  like 
a  European  ravelin  of  that  day.f 


The  vigorous  sagacity  of  Cortes  was  shown  in 
his  resolution  to  listen  to  no  bad  omen,  con- 


*  “El  Senorfo  de  este,  seran  tres,  6  quatro  leguas  de 
poblacion,  sin  salir  Casa  de  Casa,  por  lo  llano  del  Valle, 
Ribera  de  un  Rio  pequeno,  que  va  por  el :  y  en  un  Cerro 
muy  alto  esta  la  Casa  del  Senor,  con  la  mejor  Fortaleza 
qne  hay  en  la  mitad  de  Espaiia,  y  mejor  cercada  de  Maro, 
y  Barbacanas,  y  Cabas/’ — Lorenzana,  p.  48. 

f  “  E  a  la  salida  del  dicho  Valle,  falle  una  gran  Cerca 
de  piedra  seca,  tan  alta  como  estado,  y  medio,  que  atra- 
vesaba  todo  el  Valle  de  la  una  Sierra  a  la  otra,  y  tan 
ancha  como  veinte  pies  :  y  por  toda  ella  un  Petril  de  pie, 
y  medio  de  ancho,  para  pelear  desde  encima :  y  no  mas 
de  una  entrada  tan  ancha  como  diez  pasos,  y  en  esta 
entrada  doblaba  la  una  Cerca  sobre  la  otra  a  manera  de 
Rebeliu,  tan  estrecho  como  quarenta  pasos.” — Loren¬ 
zana,  p.  49. 


DIPLOMACY  OF  CORTES. 


87 


sidering,  as  he  says,  that  God  is  above  Nature* _ 

in  not  being  dismayed  by  the  faint-heartedness  of 

\ 

some  of  his  companions,  whom  he  overhears  de¬ 
claring  that  he  is  mad,  and  that  they  will  return 
without  him,  —  and  in  the  ready  craft  with  which  he 
penetrates  and  defeats  the  plans  of  the  Tlascalans, 
who  thought  to  surprise  him  by  a  night  attack. 

The  Tlascalans  endeavoured  to  set  Cortes 
against  the  Mexicans :  the  Mexican  ambassadors 
did  all  they  could  to  make  him  distrust  the 
Tlascalans.  It  was  a  situation  eminently  suited  Thedipio- 
to  the  genius  of  that  crafty  conqueror.  He  Cortes^ 
says,  it  gave  him  much  pleasure  to  see  their 
discord,  for  it  seemed  to  further  his  design ;  he 
recollected  the  saying  in  the  Scriptures,  that  “  a 
kingdom  divided  against  itself  is  brought  to  deso¬ 
lation  5  and  was  also  fortified  by  the  secular  pro¬ 
verb,  “  I  rom  the  wood  comes  the  man  who  is  to 
burn  it.  f  “  In  secret,”  he  adds,  u  I  thanked 


*  “  E  aunque  todos  los  de  mi  Compania  decian,  que  me 
tornasse,  porque  era  mala  serial,  todavia  segui  mi  camino, 

considerando,  que  Dios  es  sobre  natura.” — Loeenzana, 

p.  54. 

f  “Del  monte  sale  quien  el  monte  quema.” — Oviedo, 
Hist.  Gen.  y  Nat.,  lib.  xxxiii.  cap.  4. 


Cortes  en¬ 
ters  Tlas¬ 
cala,  Sept. 

18. 

/ 


88  CORTES  ENTERS  TEAS C ALA. 

each  party  for  the  advice  which  they  offered  me,  ‘ 
and  gave  each  of  them  credit  (z.  c.,  in  words)  for 
more  friendship  towards  me  than  the  other.”* 

$ 

Meanwhile,  with  the  consent,  and,  indeed, 
upon  the  entreaty,  of  the  Tlascalan  chiefs,  he  had 
entered  the  town  of  Tlascala  on  the  18th  of 
September,  1520.  The  word  Tlascala  signifies  - 
bread,  or  anything  made  of  bread. f  He  was  l 

received  with  every  demonstration  of  affection  and 
regard  by  the  Tlascalans.  Their  priests,  as  he  j 
entered  the  town,  sprinkled  incense  upon  him  and  j 
his  soldiers.  As,  however,  they  were  repulsive- 1 
looking  creatures,  with  matted  hair,J  from  which  j 
dripped  blood  (their  own  blood,  for  they  were  in  I 
the  habit  of  piercing  their  ears,  their  lips,  and 


*  “  Aun  acordeme  de  una  autoridad  Evangelica,  que 
dice  :  Omne  Regnum  in  seipsum  divisum  desolabitur :  y 
con  los  unos,  y  con  los  otros  maneaba,  y  a  cada  uno  en 
secreto  le  agradecfa  el  aviso,  que  me  daba,  y  le  daba 

credito  de  mas  amistad  que  al  otro.” — Lorenzana,  p.  61. 

^  • 

f  “  Tlaxcallan,  quiere  decir  Pan  Cocido,  d  cosa  de 
Pan” — Goxara,  Crunica ,  cap.  55. 

J  “  Los  cabellos  muy  largos  y  enredados,  que  no  se 
pueden  desparcir,  sino  so  cortan,  y  llenos  do  sangre,  que 
les  salian  de  las  orejas,  que  en  aquel  dia  se  avian 
sacrificado” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  75 


DESCRIPTION  OF  TLASCALA. 


89 


their  tongues  with  the  thorns  of  the  maguey* 

their  incensing  must  have  been  much  more  of  a 

lorror  than  a  pleasure,  and  it  must  have  been  a 

?reat  relief  to  have  seen  the  hideous  priests 

tie  off,  and  the  Indian  girls  approach,  bearing 

ittle  pyramids  of  roses,  which  they  offered  to 

he  principal  captains.  When  the  Tlascalans 

ought  the  Spanish  General’s  friendship,  they 

old  him  what  struggles  they  had  always  made 

o  maintain  their  independence.  They  had,  how- 

ver,  fought  him  by  night,  and  fought  him  by 

ay ,  and  had  been  compelled  to  confess  their  in- 

monty.  When  they  had  once  confessed  this  to 

irn,  and  had  sought  his  friendship,  it  seems  as  if 

iey  had  thoroughly  thrown  aside  all  enmity, 

id  meant  to  abide  by  the  friendly  words  they 
ttered. 

•  -> 

Their  town  was  worthy  of  the  intelligence  of 


*  “  Era  frequente,  e  d’ogni  giorno,  I’effusion  di  sangue 
alcum  Sacerdoti,  ed  a  questi  davano  il  nome  di 
amacazqui.  Pungevansi  colle  acutissime  spine  del 
iguol,  e  foravansi  parecchie  parti  del  corpo,  massima- 
mte  l’orecchie,  le  labbra,  la  lingua,  e  la  polpa  delle 

mbo,  e  delle  braccia.”  Olavtgeeo,  Storia  Antica  del 
isswo,  tom.  ii.  lib.  vi.  p.  52. 


Favourable 
reception 
of  Cortes. 


90 


DESCRIPTION  OF  TLASCALA. 


its  inhabitants.  Cortes  says  that  it  was  much 
larger  and  much  stronger  than  Granada,  and  con- 

The  town  tained  far  more  people*  than  that  town  at  the 

and  market 

of  Tiascala.  time  of  the  Moorish  Conquest  There  was  a  daily 
market,  frequented  by  thirty  thousand  persons: 
which  could  boast,  among  its  wares,  of  gold,  silver, 
precious  stones,  earthenware  equal  to  the  best  in 
Spain  at  that  time,  wood,  charcoal,  and  medicines, 
As  a  proof  of  the  civilization  of  the  Tlascalans 
we  may  notice  that  they  had  public  baths.  Theii 
houses  were  built  of  bricks,  sun-burnt  and  kiln- 
burnt,  or  of  stone,  according  to  the  means  of  th( 
builder.  These  houses  were  large,  but  not  lofty 
and  had  terraces  upon  the  roofs.  The  Tlascalan: 
had  not  arrived  at  that  advanced  stage  in  the  ar 
of  building,  which  is  indicated  by  the  existence  o: 
doors ;  but  they  used  matting  instead,  which  wai 
adorned  with  bells  made  of  metal  or  sea-shells, 1 
that  gave  due  notice  of  entrance  and  exit. 


*  It  was  afterwards  ascertained  that  in  the  pro¬ 
vince  of  Tiascala  there  were  500,000  heads  of  families 
— “  Hay  en  esta  Provincia  por  visitacion,  que  yo  en  elk 
mande  hacer,  quinientos  mil  Vecinos.” — Lorenzana,  p.  60 
t  “  Las  Casas  de  Terrado,  d  de  A^otea  de  Vigas, 
tablagon,  heclias  de  Adoves,  Ladrillo,  f  de  Cal,  £  Canto 


ATTEMPT  AT  CONVERSION. 


91 


The  government  was  committed  to  four  chiefs, 
vho  depended  on  the  senate,  and  each  of  whom 
uled  a  quarter  of  the  city,  which  appears  to  have 
>een  strictly  governed. 

Almost  the  only  transaction  of  Cortes  at  Tlas- 
ala  of  which  we  have  a  clear  account,  serves  to 
lustrate  his  untiring  zeal  for  religion.  The 
-lascalan  chiefs  thought  they  could  not  welcome 
hese  resplendent  strangers  better,  or  secure  their 

I 

’iendship  more  certainly,  than  by  presenting  their 
aughters  to  them  as  wives.  Upon  this  occasion, 
!ortes,  whose  religious  zeal  had  already  been  re¬ 
gained  by  F ather  de  Olmedo,  took  the  oppor- 
mity  of  explaining  the  Christian  Faith  to  the 
lascalans,  and  endeavoured  to  make  it  a  con- 
tion  that  if  these  Indian  ladies  were  received  as 
ives,  the  Tlascalans  should  quit  their  idolatry. 


mo  cada  uno  bodia :  no  usaban  altos,  sino  paxos,  1 
das  mui  grandes,  de  estrana  hechura :  tampoco  Puer- 
s»  m  Uentanas,  sino  Esteras,  hechas  de  Carrigo, 
•stigas,  que  se  qnitaban,  1  ponian,  1  colgados  en  ellas 
ucaveles  de  Cobre,  i  de  Oro,  d  de  otros  Metales,  f  de 
jmchas  Marinas,  para  que  hiciesen  ruido,  quando  se 
1  itaban,  6  abrian,  f  cerraban. ’’-Herrera,  Hist,  de  las 
dias,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  12. 


Cortes  en¬ 
deavours  to 
convert  the 
Tlascalans. 


92 


MISSIONARY  ZEAL  OF  COIITES. 


and  worship  the  true  God.  The  chiefs  remoi 
strated  against  such  a  proceeding,  and  intimate 
that  their  people  would  die  sooner  than  cease  1 

Themis-  sacrifice  to  their  gods.  Upon  this,  Father  de  0 

sionary  zeal 

of  Cortes  medo  again  interfered.  He  said  that  it  would  m 

restrained 

by  Father  be  right  to  make  them  Christians  by  force.  Tht 

de  Olmedo.  °  J 

what  had  been  done  in  Cempoala,  in  throwin 
down  the  idols  there,  was  against  his  judgmen 
and  that  such  things  were  useless  until  the  Ii 
dians  should  have  some  knowledge  of  the  tru 
Faith.  “  What  was  the  good,”  he  remarked,  “( 
taking  away  the  idols  from  one  temple,  whe 
they  would  set  up  similar  ones  immediately  i 
another?”*  He  relied  upon  a  conversion  whic 
required  more  time  and  milder  means.  Such  w£ 
the  substance  of  what  Father  de  Olmedo  sai( 
anticipating,  perhaps,  that  Cortes  would  not  hes 
tate  to  take  extreme  measures  in  carrying  oi 
a  point  which  he  had  so  much  at  heart.  The  a( 
vice  of  the  good  Father,  much  in  advance  of  th 
temper  of  his  time,  and  indeed  of  our  time  to( 
seems  to  have  prevailed  in  this  instance ;  and  tb 
work  of  conversion  to  Christianity  was  left  t 

*  See  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  76. 


RELIGIOUS  DISCUSSION. 


93 


. 

he  trulj  Christian  methods  of  reasoning  and 
>ersuasion.  A  conversation  is  given  by  a  modern 
listen  ian,  which  a  certain  Tlascalan  lord,  named 
dagisca,  the  one  who  in  the  senate  had  advocated 
eace  with  the  Spaniards,  held  with  Cortes  on 
he  subject  of  religion.  He  perceived,  he  said, 
rnt  the  Spaniards  had  something  like  a  sacrifice, 
ut  yet  there  was  no  victim ;  and  the  Tlascalans 
could  not  imagine  how  there  was  to  be  a  sacri- 
ee  unless  some  one  should  die  for  the  safety 
the  rest.”*  Then,  again,  though  willing  to 
Imit  that  the  God  of  the  Spaniards  was  a  very 
•eat  God,  greater  than  his  own  gods,  he  yet 
aintained  that  each  god  had  power  in  his  own 
untry,  and  that  many  gods  were  necessary,  one 
ainst  tempests,  another  for  harvests,  a  third  for 
ir*f  In  short,  the  Tlascalans  were  firm  in  their 

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ 

I  I  Ni  sabian  que  pudiese  haber  Sacrificio  sin  que 

nriese  alguno  por  la  salud  de  los  demas.” — De  Solis, 

!  nquista  de  la  Nueva-Esjpaha ,  lib.  iii.  cap.  3.  I  do  not 

l3w  what  authority  De  Solis  had  for  this  conversation; 

j  rc‘marks  of  Magisca  have  some  air  of  verisimi- 
iide. 

I-  The  riascalans  were  much  astonished  to  find  that 
Spaniards  worshipped  (so  they  interpreted  it)  across, 
etablit  dans  la  grande  salle  du  palais  dc  Xicotencatl 


A  discourse 
between 
Cortes  and 
Ma  gisca  on 
religion. 


94 


TLASC ALANS  BECOME  VASSALS. 


The  Tlas- 
calans  be¬ 
come 
vassals  of 
the  King 
of  Spain. 


Cortes  pro¬ 
ceeds  to 
Cholula. 


idolatry.  They  were  willing,  however,  to  give 
way  in  a  temporal  matter  which  Cortes  had  very 
early  proposed  to  them,  namely,  to  become  vassals 
of  the  King  of  Spain.  But  we  may  safely  con¬ 
clude,  that  they  understood  but  little  of  what 
they  undertook  to  do  when  they  gave  this  pro¬ 
mise  of  vassalage. 

After  staying  twenty  days  in  Tlascala,  Cortes, 
accompanied  by  some  thousands  of  his  Tlascalan 
allies,  proceeded  on  his  way  to  Mexico.  He  had 
been  much  solicited  by  Montezuma’s  ambassadors 
to  come  to  Cholula  and  await  their  master’s  re¬ 
sponse  in  that  town.  The  Tlascalans,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  warned  him  of  some  treacherous 
intent  on  the  part  of  the  Cholulans  and  of  the 
Mexican  ambassadors. 

Cortes,  however,  marched  on  Cholula,  but  met 
with  a  cold  and  uncertain  reception  there.  It 

un  oratoire  avec  une  croix  et  une  image  de  Notre-Dame 
oil  Ton  dit  la  messe  presque  tous  les  jours ;  il  fit  placei 
avec  une  grande  solennite  une  autre  croix  dans  la  sallc 
oil  il  recevait  le  senat.  Les  Tlaxcalteques  etaient  tre* 
etonnes  de  voir  que  les  Espagnols  adoraicnt  le  Diet 
quils  appelaient  Tonacaquahuitl  ou  l’arbre  de  la  nour 
riture.” — Ixtlilxociiitl,  Histone  des  Chichimeques ,  chap 
84.  TERXAUX-Co.MrANS,  Voyages. 


CORTES  ENTERS  C HO  LULA. 


9  5 


was  a  grand  town.  Bernal  Diaz  thus  describes 
it.  “  It  had,  at  that  time,  above  a  hundred  very 


ofty  towers,  whicn  were  adoratories,  where  stood 
heir  idols ;  and  I  remember,”  lie  adds,  “  that, 
vhen  we  entered  that  city,  and  beheld  such  lofty 
owers  glistening  in  the  sun,  it  seemed  like  Valla- 
lohd.”  Cortes  gives  a  still  more  favourable  ac¬ 
count  of  Cholula.  “  It  is  a  more  beautiful  city  His  des 
rom  without  than  any  in  Spain,  for  it  is  many-  Cholula 
owered  and  lies  in  a  plain.  And  I  certify  to 
four  Highness  that  I  counted  from  a  mosque 


Mexican 

ambuscade. 


Treachery 
of  the 
Cholulans. 


96  DESCRIPTION  OF  CHOLULA. 

\ 

I 

there  four  hundred  other  mosques,  and  as  many 
towers,  and  all  of  them  towers  of  mosques.  It  is 
the  city  most  fit  for  Spaniards  to  live  in  of  any 
that  I  have  seen  here,  for  it  has  some  untilled 
ground  (meads)  and  water,  so  that  cattle  might 
be  bred,  a  thing  which  no  other  of  the  cities  that  i 
we  have  seen  possesses;  for  such  is  the  multitude  \ 
of  people  who  dwell  in  these  parts  that  there  is  I 
not  a  hand-breadth  of  ground  which  is  not  culti¬ 
vated.’ *  Here  Cortes  found  other  messengers1 

°  I 

from  Montezuma,  but  these  did  not  come  ap¬ 
parently  with  any  message  to  Cortes,  but  to  pre¬ 
pare  an  ambuscade  by  which  twenty  thousand 
Mexican  troops  were  to  fall  upon  the  Spaniards 
in  the  streets  of  Cholula.  This  scheme  was  be¬ 
trayed  to  Donna  Marina  by  a  Cholulan  woman; 
the  Tlascalans  had  also  suspected  it,  and  Bernal 
Diaz  says  that  he  remarked  that  the  Cholulans 
withdrew  from  them  with  a  mysterious  kind  of 
sneer  on  their  faces.  Cortes  seized  on  two  or 
three  of  the  Cholulans,  who  confessed  the  plot, 
laying  the  blame  on  Montezuma.  Calling  his 

*  “  Es  tanta  la  multitud  dc  la  Gente,  quo  en  estas! 
Partes  mora,  que  ni  uu  palmo  de  Tierra  hay,  queno  esfce 
labrada.” — Lokenzana,  p.  67. 


CHOLTJLAN  TREACHERY . 


97 


men  together,  Cortes  informed  them  of  the 
danger,  and  of  his  intention  to  punish  the  Cho- 
lulans.  To  the  townspeople  he  pretended  that 
he  was  about  to  set  off  the  next  morning,  for 
which  purpose  he  required  food,  attendants  for 
the  baggage,  and  two  thousand  men  of  war. 

These  they  agreed  to  furnish  him.  On  the  next 
morning  he  mounted  his  horse,  summoned  the 
Cholulan  caciques  round  him,  informed  them 
that  he  had  discovered  their  treachery,  and  then 
commenced  an  attack  upon  them.  He  had  placed 
i  guard  in  the  outer  court  of  the  building  wThere 
ie  was  lodged,  to  prevent  escape.  A  musket  Massacre 
■vas  fired  as  a  signal ;  and  then  the  Spanish  Choklans. 
oldiers  set  upon  the  unfortunate  Cholulans  in  a 
ray,  which,  as  Bernal  Diaz  says,  they  would 
or  ever  remember,  “  for  we  slew  many  of  them, 
nd  others  were  burnt  alive;  so  little  did  the 
romises  of  their  false  gods  avail  them.”* 


*  Las  Casas,  in  a  work,  the  only  one  of  his  which 
is  been  much  circulated  in  the  world,  gives  an  un- 
ir  account  of  the  massacre  of  Cholula,  entirely  ig. 
>nng  the  treachery  of  the  Cholulans,  which,  or  rather 
e  belief  in  which,  was  the  sole  cause  of  the  massacre; 
rnreas  he  makes  the  motive  of  Cortes  to  have  been  a 


Cortes 
marches  on 
to  Mexico. 


First  view 
of  the  great 
valley  of 
Mexico. 


98  CHOL  ULAN  D  EFEA  T. 

Cortes  had  the  Cholulans  now  completely  at 
his  mercy  :  he  appointed  a  new  Cacique,  the 
former  one  having  been  slain  in  the  massacre; 
addressed  the  priests  and  chiefs  on  the  subject  of 
religion ;  destroyed  the  cages  full  of  men  and 
boys  fattening  for  sacrifice;  and,  but  for  Father 
de  Olmedo’s  remonstrances,  he  would  have  pulled 
down  and  broken  to  pieces  the  idols,  but  he  con¬ 
tented  himself  with  erecting  an  altar  and  a  cross,  j 

Meanwhile,  the  twenty  thousand  Mexicans  re¬ 
turned  to  Mexico,  bringing  the  unwelcome  news 
to  their  Monarch  of  the  failure  of  the  enterprise : 
and  Cortes,  quitting  Cholula,  marched  on  with 
much  circumspection,  “  the  beard  always  on  the 
shoulder,”*  towards  the  capital. 

It  was  when  they  had  advanced  about  eight 
leagues  from  Cholula,  in  the  gorge  between  two 
lofty  mountains,  that  Cortes  and  his  little  army, 


wish  to  spread  terror.  “Acordaron  los  Espaholes  de 
hazer  alii  una  matanga,  6  castigo  (como  ellos  dizen)  para 
poner,  y  sembrar  su  temor,  e  braveza  en  todos  lo? 
rincones  de  aquellas  tierras.” — Brevuswia  Relation  de  h 
destruction  de  las  Indias ,  p.  17.  Sevilla,  aiio.  1552. 

*  “  Andavamos  la  barba  sob  re  el  ombro.11 — Bernal 
Diaz,  cap.  8*6. 


FIRST  SIGHT  OF  MEXICO. 


99 


looking  northwards,  first  saw  before  them  the 
great  valley  of  Mexico,  with  the  lakes,  the  central 
city,  and  the  smaller  tributary  towns  in  the 
neighbourhood.  Historians  have  made  much  of 
this  first  view  of  Mexico,  forgetting  how  little 
thought  a  busied  captain  and  a  band  of  fortune* 
seeking  adventurers  have  to  bestow  upon  what 
is  picturesque  and  beautiful.  Besides,  it  is 
the  parting,  and  not  the  coming  glance,  which 
discovers  the  full  beauty  of  any  scene  in  nature ; 
or,  at  least,  makes  men  inclined  to  linger  upon  it. 
But  Cortes  was  hurrying  on  to  conquest,  with 
a  mind  occupied  by  fanaticism,  ambition,  and 
that  which  is  dearer  than  all  to  men  who  aspire 
to  command,  namely,  a  wish  to  be  right  in  what 
they  have  once  determined  upon.  He,  therefore, 
tells  with  a  coolness,  which  forms  a  ludicrous 
Jontrast  to  the  glowing  descriptions  of  historians, 
if  his  first  beholding  the  territory  of  Montezuma.* 


*  “  Otro  dia  siguiente  subf  al  Puerto  por  entre  las  dos 
iierras,  que  he  dicho,  y  a  la  bajada  do  61,  ya  quo  la  tierra 
le  el  dicho  Muteczuma  descubrfamos  por  una  Provincia 
•o  ella,  que  se  dice  Chaleo.”- Carte  de  Relacion  de  D. 

’ernando  Cortes.  Lorenzana,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espaha, 

.  72. 


100 


FIRST  SIGHT  OF  MEXICO. 


Thoughts 
of  the 
common 
soldiers  on 
first  seeing 
Mexico. 


Monte¬ 
zuma’s 
messengers 
fail  to  stay 
Cortes. 


The  common  soldiers  are  represented  to  have 
been  divided  in  their  opinions  upon  what  they 
beheld.  The  more  resolute  amongst  them,  look¬ 
ing  down  upon  the  wondrous  cities  of  that 
vast  plain,  thought  of  the  booty  it  contained, 
and  recollected  a  well-known  proverb,  u  The  more 
Moors,  the  more  spoil."*  Those  who  were  in-  ; 
dined  to  prudence,  considering  the  populousness  \ 
of  which  they  beheld  so  many  signs,  thought  it 
was  a  temptation  of  Providence  for  such  a  handful 
of  men  to  enter  so  mighty  a  kingdom.  I 

At  the  place  where  Cortes  rested  after  his 
descent,  he  found  messengers  from  Montezuma, ; 
who  sought  to  dissuade  him,  by  the  pretended 
difficulties  of  the  way,  from  entering  further  into 
the  great  King’s  territories.  They  also  offered 
bribes. f  The  resolute  Cortes  replied  with  cour¬ 
tesy  ;  alleged  his  duty  to  the  King  of  Spain  to 
proceed ;  and  passed  on. 

There  is  a  tale,  which  comes  from  Mexican 
sources,  that  Montezuma  bethought  him  now  of 

*  “  Mas  Moros,  mas  ganancia.” 

t  “  Concertarian  de  me  dar  en  cado  ano,  ceriuvi 
quid."—  Lorenzana,  p.  73. 


THE  MEXICAN  ENCHANTERS. 


101 


staying  the  advance  of  the  Spaniards  by  means 
of  his  wizards  and  his  necromancers.  He  sent  a 
number  of  them  forth,  that  by  their  incantations 
and  their  wizardries  they  might  enchant  his 
enemies  to  their  destruction.  It  may  readily  be 
conjectured  that  these  wise  men  were  too  careful 
of  their  lives  to  adventure  within  the  Spanish 
camp ;  but  the  story  they  told  was,  that  they  met 
a  man  in  the  way,  “  he  seemed  like  an  Indian  of 


Monte¬ 

zuma’s 

necro¬ 

mancers. 


Chaleo ;  he  seemed  like  one  that  is  drunk and 
that  this  man  threatened  and  scorned  them. 
“What  does  Montezuma  intend  to  do?”  he  ex¬ 
claimed.  “  Is  it  now  that  he  is  bethinking  himself 
of  awakening;  is  it  now  that  he  is  beginning  to 
fear?  But  already  there  is  no  remedy  for  him ;  for 
he  has  caused  many  deaths  unjustly.  He  has  com¬ 
mitted  many  injuries,  treacheries,  and  follies.” 
Then  the  soothsayers  and  enchanters  were  much 
ifraid,  and  made  a  mound  of  earth  as  an  altar  for 
his  man.  But  he  would  not  sit  upon  it ;  and  his 
vrath  was  only  greater,  and  he  spake  again,  say- 
ng,  “  He  would  never  more  make  account  of 
Mexico,  nor  have  charge  of  that  people,  nor  assist 
hem.  And  when  the  soothsayers  would  have 


The  necro¬ 
mancers 
bring  back 
bad  tidings. 


102  THE  MEXICAN  ENCHANTERS. 

answered  him,  they  could  not  do  so  (lit.,  there  was 
a  knot  in  their  throats).”* 

Having  uttered  these  things,  and  other  threats 
pointing  to  the  destruction  of  Mexico,  the  seem¬ 
ing  Chalcan  vanished  from  their  sight.  Then  the 
soothsayers  perceived  that  they  had  been  talking 
with  the  god  Tezcatlipuk ;  and  they  returned 
to  Montezuma,  and  related  all  that  had  hap¬ 
pened  to  them.  And  when  he  heard  it,  the 
King  was  very  sad  and  crest-fallen  ( cobizbajo ), 
and  for  a  time  said  not  a  word.  At  last,  he  broke 
out  into  lamentations  over  Mexico,  deploring  the 
fate  of  their  old  men  and  their  old  women,  of  their 
youths  and  of  their  maidens,  concluding  a  doleful 
discourse  by  words  which  contain  the  philosophy 
of  despair  : — “  We  are  born  :  let  that  come  which 
must  come.”t  And  thus  these  soothsayers  and 
necromancers,  who  had  no  doubt  been  an  oppres¬ 
sive  institution  upon  the  Mexican  kingdom,  were 
of  no  avail  in  time  of  danger,  unless  to  utter  un¬ 
pleasant  and  reproachful  things,  which  utterances 
are  nearly  sure  to  be  made  in  the  days  of  adver- 


*  “  Hizoseles  un  nudo  en  la  garganta.” 
t  “  Nacidos  somos  :  venga  lo  que  viniere." 


THE  MEXICAN  ENCHANTERS. 


103 


sity*  without  the  aid  of  soothsaying  or  necro¬ 
mancy.* 


*  This  story  is  to  be  found,  more  fully  narrated,  in  the 
“  Historia  Universal  de  las  cosas  de  Nueva-Espana  ”  of 
Bernardino  de  Sahagun,  lib.  xii.  cap.  13,  Kingsborough’s 
Collection. 


104 


CORTES  AT  1ZTAPALATZINCO. 


The  march 
of  Cortes. 


Cortes  at 

Iztapalat- 

zinco. 


At  Cuit- 
lahuac. 


The  next  place  that  Cortes  reached  was  Ama- 
quemeca;  and  staying  there  for  the  night,  he  was 
well  received,  and  found  officers  of  Montezuma, 
who  had  been  sent  to  see  that  the  Spanish  army 
was  adequately  provided  for. 

At  Iztapalatzinco,  on  the  border  of  the  Lake 

of  Chaleo,  where  Cortes  rested  on  the  following 

© 

day,  an  embassage,  headed  by  the  King  of  Tezcuco, 
Montezuma’s  nephew,  made  a  last  effort  to  detain 
the  adventurous  Spaniard.  But  neither  the  ex¬ 
cuses  which  they  made,  nor  the  threats  which 
they  held  out,  sufficed  to  delay  the  march  of 
Cortes  for  a  single  hour. 

As  these  ambassadors  returned  to  Mexico, 
Cortes  followed  in  their  rear,  passing  through  an 
exquisite  little  town,  “  with  well-built  houses  and 
towers”  rising  out  of  the  water,  named  Cuitlahuac, 
situated  in  the  centre  of  a  causeway  that  divided 
the  Lake  of  Chaleo.  After  being  sumptuously 
regaled  at  Cuitlahuac,  Cortes  set  off  for  Iztapalapa, 
a  little  town  belonging  to  Cuitlahuatzin,  a  bro¬ 
ther  of  Montezuma.*  It  was  in  this  day’s  jour- 


*  Iztapalapa  is  derived  from  Yxtatl ,  the  Mexican  word 
for  salt.  “  Yxtapalapa,  quo  quiere  decir  Pueblos  doude 


NEAR  SIGHT  OF  MEXICO. 


105 


ney,  and  when  they  had  reached  the  broad  cause- 

way  that  forms  the  beginning  of*  the  highway 

from  that  town  to  Mexico,  that  the  full  beauty  of 

the  city  and  its  magnificent  environs  burst  upon 

their  sight.  I  have  said  before,  that  a  troop  of  The  first 

men  hastening  to  make  their  fortunes,  are  not  in  ofMextl 

the  humour  to  be  entranced  by  natural  scenery. 

But  here  was  a  scene  at  which  the  most  disciplined 
soldier  would  not  wait  for  the  word  of  command 
to  halt,  but  would  stop  short  of  his  own  accord, 
as  if  he  had  suddenly  come  into  some  realm  of 
enchantment.  Bernal  Diaz  exclaims,  “  And  when 
we  saw  from  thence  so  many  cities  and  towns  rising 
up  from  the  water,  and  other  populous  places  situ¬ 
ated  on  the  terra-firma,  and  that  causeway,  straight 
as  a  carpenter’s  level,  which  went  into  Mexico, 
we  remained  astonished,  and  said  to  one  another 
that  it  appeared  like  the  enchanted  castles  which 
they  tell  of  in  the  book  of  Amadis,  by  reason  of 
the  great  towers,  temples,  and  edifices  which 
there  were  in  the  water,  and  all  of  them  work  of 
masonry.  Some,  even,  of  our  soldiers  asked,  if 


se  co ge  Sal,  o  Yxtatl ;  y  aun  hoy  tienen  este  mismo  oficio 
los  de  Yxtapalapa.” — Lokenzana,  p.  56,  note. 


106 


CORTES  AT  IZATAPALAPA. 


Cortes  at 
Iztapalapa. 


this  that  they  saw  was  not  a  thing  in  a  dream.”* 
The  beauty  of  the  sight  seems  to  have  had  an 
exhilarating  effect,  for  there  is  not  a  word  said  of 
the  danger  which  these  enchanted  towers  and 
palaces  might  portend.  Their  General,  however, 
had  been  very  wary  throughout  his  route  from 
Cholula,  and  an  historian  remarks  of  his  conduct 
during  this  journey,  that  his  vigilance  was  always 
beyond  his  thoughts, f  by  which  is  meant  that  his 
caution  in  action  exceeded  even  his  apprehensive- 
ness  in  thought. 

At  Iztapalapa  Cortes  rested  for  a  night,  pre- 
viously  to  entering  Mexico.  In  recounting  any 
other  journey,  the  traveller,  or  even  the  historian, 
would  pause  to  relate  the  beauties  and  the  de¬ 
lights  of  Iztapalapa.  The  common  soldier,  Ber¬ 
nal  Diaz,  says  that  he  was  never  tired  of  behold¬ 
ing  the  diversity  of  trees,  the  raised  terraces,  the 
flower-gardens  traversed  by  large  canoes,  and 
adorned  with  beautiful  frescoes. :(: 


*  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  87. 

t  “  Mas  como  yban  sob  re  aviso,  y  el  general  era  tan 
aper^ebido  que  siempre  se  liallaba  adelante  de  sus  pen- 
samientos.  — Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.  y  Nat.,  lib.  xxxiii.  cap.  5. 
}  “  No  me  hartava  do  mirallo,  y  ver  la  diversidad  de 


EE  ENTERS  MEXICO. 


107 


The  next  day  Cortes  entered  Mexico. 

Who  shall  describe  Mexico — the  Mexico  of 
that  age  ?  It  ought  to  be  one  who  had  seen  all 
the  wonders  of  the  world;  and  he  should  have 
for  an  audience  those  who  had  dwelt  in  Venice 
and  Constantinople,  who  had  looked  down  upon 
Granada  from  the  Alhambra,  and  who  had  studied 
all  that  remains  to  be  seen,  or  known,  of  the  hun¬ 
dred-gated  Thebes,  of  Babylon,  and  of  Nineveh. 

The  especial  attributes  of  the  most  beautiful 
cities  in  the  world  were  here  conjoined;  and  that 
which  was  the  sole  boast  of  many  a  world-re¬ 
nowned  name,  formed  but  one  of  the  charms  of 
this  enchantress  among  cities.  Well  might  the 
rude  Spanish  soldier  find  no  parallel  but  in  the 
imaginations  of  his  favourite  Romance.*  Like 
Granada,  encircled,  but  not  frowned  upon,  by 

u  .  -  i 

arboles,  y  los  olores  que  cada  uno  tenia,  y  andenes  llenos 
de  rosas  y  flores,  y  muchos  frutales,  y  rosales  de  la  tierra, 
y  un  estanque  de  agua  dulce :  y  otra  cosa  de  ver,  que 
podnan  entrar,  en  el  vergel  grandes  canoas  desde  la 
laguna,  por  una  abertura  que  tenia  hecha  sin  saltar  en 
tierra,  y  todo  mui  encalado,  y  luzido  de  muchas  maneras 
de  piedras  y  pinturas  en  ellas.”— Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  87. 

*  “  Amadis  de  Gaul,” 


Cortes 
enters 
Mexico. 
Nov.  8, 
1519. 


Descrip¬ 
tion  of 
Mexico. 


108 


DESCRIPTION  OF  MEXICO. 


Mexico 
very  beau¬ 
tiful,  even 
when  seen 
clopely. 


mountains  ;  fondled  and  adorned  by  water,  like 
Venice;  as  grand  in  its  buildings  as  Babylon  of 
old  ;  and  rich  with  gardens,  like  Damascus  ; — the 
great  city  of  Mexico  was  at  that  time  the  fairest 
in  the  world,  and  has  never  since  been  equalled. 
Like  some  rare  woman,  of  choicest  parentage,  the 
descendant  of  two  royal  houses  far  apart,  who 
joins  the  soft,  subtle,  graceful  beauty  of  the 
South,  to  the  fair,  blue-eyed,  blushing  beauty  of 
the  North,  and  sits  enthroned  in  the  hearts  of  all 
beholders, — so  sat  Mexico  upon  the  waters,  with 
a  diadem  of  gleaming  towers,  a  fair  expanse  of 
flowery  meadows  on  her  breast,  a  circle  of  moun¬ 
tains  as  her  zone  :  and,  not  unwomanlike,  rejoicing  j 
in  the  reflection  of  her  beautiful  self  from  the 
innumerable  mirrors  which  were  framed  by  her 
streets,  her  courts,  her  palaces,  and  her  temples. 

Neither  was  hers  a  beauty,  like  that  of  many 
cities,  which  gratifies  the  eye  at  a  distance;  but  \ 
which  diminishes  at  each  advancing  step  of  the 
beholder,  until  it  absolutely  degenerates  into  J 
squalidity.  She  was  beautiful  when  seen  from 
afar ;  she  still  maintained  her  beauty,  when  nar-  I 
rowly  examined  by  the  impartial  and  scrupulous  j 
traveller.  She  wTas  the  city  not  only  of  a 


DESCRIPTION  OF  MEXICO. 


109 


great  king,  but  of  an  industrious  and  thriving 
people. 

If  we  descend  into  details,  we  shall  see  that 


he  above  description  is  not  fanciful  nor  exagge¬ 
rated.  Mexico  was  situated  in  a  great  salt  lake. 


110 


DESCRIPTION  OP  MEXICO. 


The 

aqueduct. 


Construc¬ 
tion  of  the 
streets. 


communicating  with  a  fresh-water  lake.  It  was 
approached  by  three  principal  causeways  of  great 
breadth,  constructed  of  solid  masonry,  which,  to 
use  the  picturesque  language  of  the  Spaniards, 
were  two  lances  in  breadth.  The  length  of  one 
of  these  causeways  was  two  leagues,  and  that  of 
another,  a  league  and  a  half ;  and  these  two  ample 
causeways  united  in  the  middle  of  the  city,  where 


stood  the  great  temple.  At  the  ends  of  these 


causeways  were  wooden  draw-bridges,  so  that 
communication  could  be  cut  off  between  the 
causeways  and  the  town,  which  would  thus  be- 
come  a  citadel.  There  was  also  an  aqueduct 
which  communicated  with  the  main  land,  consist¬ 
ing  of  two  separate  lines  of  work  in  masonry,  in 
order  that  if  one  should  need  repair,  the  supply 
of  water  for  the  city  might  not  be  interrupted. 

The  streets  were  the  most  various  in  construc¬ 
tion  that  have  ever  been  seen  in  any  city  in  the 
world.  Some  were  of  dry  land,  others  wholly 
of  water;  and  others,  again,  had  pathways  of 
pavement,  while  in  the  centre  there  was  room  for 
boats.*  The  foot-passengers  could  talk  with 


*  “  Les  autres  etaient  &  rnoitie  garnies  d’une  terre 


MONTEZUMA'S  PALACE. 


Ill 


those  in  the  boats.* *  It  may  be  noticed  that  a 
city  so  constructed  requires  a  circumspect  and 
polite  population. 

Palaces  are  common-place  things  to  describe; 
but  the  abodes  of  the  Mexican  kings  were  not 
like  the  petty  palaces  of  Northern  princes.  One 
of  the  most  observant  of  those  Spaniards,  who 
first  saw  these  wonders,  speaks  of  a  palace  of 
Montezuma’s  in  which  there  was  a  room  where 
three  thousand  persons  could  be  well  accommo¬ 
dated,  and  on  the  terrace-like  roof  of  which  a 
splendid  tournament  might  have  been  given. f 


argileuse,  battue,  qui  faisait  1  effet  d’un  pave  en  brique ; 
1 'autre  moitie  etait  remplie  d’eau ;  les  habitants  peuvent 
circuler  sur  la  terre  ou  bien  sur  l’eau  dans  leurs  barques.” 
— Relation  sur  la  Nouvelle-Espagne,  chap.  17.  Teexaux- 
Compaxs,  Voyages.  (Relatione  d’alcune  cose  della  Nuova 
Spagna  e  della  gran  cittd  di  Termstitan  Messico.  Fatta 

per  un  gentil’huomo  del  -Signor  Fernando  Cortese. 
Ramtjsio,  tom.  iii.) 

*  The  boats  that  plied  in  and  about  Mexico  were 
estimated  at  fifty  thousand  in  number. 

t  “  On  voyait  dans  une  de  ces  residences  un  salon 
assez  vaste  pour  que  trois  mille  personnes  pussent  y 
tenir  sans  etre  genees.  Ce  palais  etait  si  vaste,  que  sur 
la  terrasse  qui  le  couvrait  on  aurait  pu  donner  un 
tournois  ou  trente  cavaliers  se  seraient  exerces  aussi 


Monte¬ 

zuma’s 

palace. 


112 


DESCRIPTION  OF  MEXICO. 


i 


The 

market¬ 

place. 


The  great 
temple. 


The  en¬ 
closure  of 
the  great 
temple. 


There  was  a  market-place  twice  as  large  as 
that  of  the  city  of  Salamanca,  surrounded  with 
porticos  in  which  there  was  room  for  fifty  thou¬ 
sand  people  to  buy  and  sell. 

The  great  temple  of  the  city  maintained  its  due 
proportion  of  magnificence.  In  the  plan  of  the 
city  of  Mexico,  which  is  to  be  found  in  a  very 
early  edition  of  the  Letters  of  Cortes,  published 
at  Nuremberg,* *  and  which  is  supposed  to  be 
the  one  that  Cortes  sent  to  Charles  the  Fifth,  I 
observe  that  the  space  allotted  to  the  temple  is 
twenty  times  as  great  as  that  allotted  to  the 
market-place.  Indeed,  the  sacred  enclosure  was 
in  itself  a  town ;  and  Cortes,  who  seldom  stops 
in  his  terrible  narrative  to  indulge  in  praise  or  in 
needless  description,  says  that  no  human  tongue 
could  explain  the  grandeur  and  the  peculiarities 


facilement  que  sur  la  grande  place  d’une  ville.” — Rela¬ 
tion  sur  la  Nouvelle-Espagne,  chap.  20.  Ternaux-Compans, 
Voyages. 

*  See  Stevens’s  “  American  Bibliographer,”  under  the 
head  of  “  Cortes.”  A  facsimile  of  the  plan  is  inserted  in 
that  valuable  work,  from  which  the  one  given  in  this 
book  is  taken.  It  has  also  been  compared  with  the 
original  in  the  British  Museum. 


THE  GREAT  TEMPLE. 


113 


of  this  temple. *  Cortes  uses  the  word  “  temple/5 
but  it  might  rather  be  called  a  sacred  city,  as  it 
contained  many  temples,  and  the  abodes  of  all 
the  priests  and  virgins  who  ministered  at  them, 
also  a  university,  and  an  arsenal.  It  was  en¬ 
closed  by  lofty  stone  walls,  and  was  entered  by 
four  portals,  surmounted  by  bastions.  No  less 
than  twenty  f  truncated  pyramids  of  solid  ma¬ 
sonry,  faced  with  a  polished  surface  of  white 
cement  that  shone  like  silver  m  the  sun,  rose  up 
from  within  that  enclosure.  High  over  them  all 
towered  the  great  temple  dedicated  to  the  god  of 
war.  This,  like  the  rest,  was  a  truncated  pyramid, 
with  ledges  round  it,  and  with  two  small  towers 
upon  the  summit,  in  which  were  placed  the  images 
^)f  the  great  god  of  war  (Huitzilopochtli)  and  of 
the  principal  deity  of  all  (Tezcatlipuk),  the 
Mexican  Jupiter.  It  is  sad  to  own  that  an  en- 

*  “  Entre  estas  Mezquitas  hay  una,  que  es  la  principal, 
[ue  no  hay  lengua  humana,  que  sepa  explicar  la  grandeza, 
particularidades  de  ella:  porque  es  tan  grande,  que 
lentro  del  circuito  de  ella,  que  es  todo  cercado  de  Muro 
iuy  alto,  se  podia  muy  bien  facer  una  Villa  de  quinientos 
recinos — Lorenzana,  p.  105. 

t  Cortes  says  forty ;  but  I  prefer  abiding  by  the  words 
f  “  the  Anonymous  Conqueror.” 


A  sacred 
city. 


114 


EXTERIOR  BEAUTY. 


trance  into  these  fair-seeming  buildings  would 
have  gone  far  to  dissipate  the  admiration  which 
a  traveller — if  we  may  imagine  one  preceding 
Cortes — would,  up  to  this  moment,  have  felt  for 
Mexico.  The  temples  and  palaces,  the  polished,; 
glistening  towers,  the  aviaries,  the  terraces,  the 
gardens  on  the  house-tops  (many-coloured,  for; 
they  were  not  like  those  at  Damascus,  where: 
only  the  rose  and  the  jasmine  are  to  be  seen);! 
in  a  word,  the  bright,  lively  and  lovely  city i 
would  have  been  forgotten  in  the  vast  disgust 
that  would  have  filled  the  mind  of  the  beholder, 

The  temple  when  he  saw  the  foul,  blood-besmeared  idols, 

foul 

within.  with  the  palpitating  hearts  of  that  day’s  victims 
lying  before  them,  and  the  black-clothed,  filthy, 
unkempt  priests  ministering  to  these  hideous 
compositions  of  paste*  and  human  blood.  “  Let 
the  stern  Cortes  enter,”  is  the  cry  which  the 
amazed  spectator  would  have  uttered,  when  he 


*  “  Elies  etaient  composees  de  la  reunion  de  toutes  les 
plantes  dont  ils  se  nourrissent,  ils  les  enduisaient  de 
sang  de  coeur  humain  (‘  Le  impastavano  con  sanguc  di 
cuori  d’huomini.’ — Kamusio)  ;  voila  de  quelle  matierc 
leurs  dieux  etaient  faits.” — Relation  sur  la  Nouvelle- 
Espagne,  chap.  12.  Ternaux-Compans,  Voyages . 


INTERIOR  HORRORS. 


I 


115 


saw  these  horrors,  and  thought  of  the  armed  men 
who  were  coming  to  destroy  them.  And  yet  this 
conjunction,  which  was  to  be  met  with  at  Mexico, 
of  beauty  and  horror,  is  no  new  thing,  and  some¬ 
thing  very  like  it  may  be  discovered  in  other 
guise  throughout  the  world !  Civilization  side 
by  side  with  utter  barbarism  !  Such  is  the  con¬ 
trast  to  be  found  in  the  present  age  too;  and 
such,  perhaps,  in  each  of  ourselves.  And  so,  with 
some  feeling  of  pity,  even  for  a  nation  of  cruel 
rnd  bloodthirsty  idolaters,  we  may  contemplate 

he  arrival  of  the  Avenger  as  he  makes  his  entry 
nto  Mexico. 

If  any  one  should  think  that  the  foregoing 
ipology  for  the  Mexican  barbarities  is  over¬ 
trained,  let  him  imagine,  for  a  moment,  that 
Christianity  had  arisen  in  the  New  instead  of  the 
)ld  World ;  that  some  Peruvian  Columbus  had  led 
'ie  way,  from  West  to  East,  across  the  Atlantic; 
nd  that  American  missionaries  had  come  to 
hme,  in  the  first  century  of  the  Christian  era.  Worse 
bnoured  by  the  Emperor  as  ambassadors  from  thTSi-" 
•me  “  barbarian”  power,  and  taken  in  his  suite  to  kZ«L, 
e  Coliseum,  with  what  intense  disgust  and  con-  tempiUT 
ornation  would  these  pious  men  have  regarded  M™C°' 


116 


ROMAN  BARBARITIES. 


all  that  they  saw  there.  They  would  have  seen 
men  torn  in  pieces  by  wild  beasts,  not  for  any¬ 
thing  so  respectable  as  superstition,  but  simply 
to  minister  to  that  most  vile  and  morbid  of  plea¬ 
surable  excitements  which  is  to  be  derived  from 
witnessing  (ourselves  in  safety)  the  struggles  and 
the  agonies  of  others.  “  These  spectators  are 
indeed  savages,”  they  would  have  exclaimed  : 
“  and  behold,  there  are  women,  too,  amongst 
them !  No  longer  beautiful,  in  our  eyes,  are 
the  golden  palaces,  the  marble  colonnades,  anc 
the  countless  images,  admirably  sculptured,  which 
we  find  amongst  these  barbarous  Roman  people. 
Let  us  hasten  to  convert  them.” 

But  the  Old  World  has  always  been  proud  o: 
its  Rome,  and  has  spoken  of  its  Romans  as  th< 
masters  of  civilization. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Interviews  between  Cories  and  Montezuma— Cortes  visits 
the  Great  Temple— The  Mexican  Idolatry . 

HE  route  by  which  Cortes  entered 
Mexico  was  along  the  great  causeway 
which  led  from  Iztapalapa.  As  he 
approached  the  city,  he  was  met  by  a  thousand 
Mexican  nobles  richly  clad,  who,  after  the  fashion 
Df  their  country,  saluted  him  by  laying  their 
bands  in  the  dust,  and  then  kissing  them.  This 
leremony,  as  it  was  performed  by  each  one  sepa¬ 
rately,  occupied  more  than  an  hour.  Cortes  then 
>assed  over  the  drawbridge  which  led  into  the 
■ity ,  and  was  received  there  by  Montezuma.  The 
nonarch  had  been  borne  from  the  city  in  a  rich 
itter,  but  when  he  approached  the  bridge,  he  de- 
cended  to  receive  Cortes,  being  supported  on  the 
rms  of  his  brother  and  his  nephew,  the  Kings  of 


Reception 
of  Cortes 
by  Monte¬ 
zuma. 


118 


CORTES  AND  MONTEZUMA. 


Monte¬ 

zuma’s 

dress. 


Tezcuco  and  Iztapalapa.  A  gorgeous  pall,  of  which 
the  ground-work  was  either  green  feathers,  or 


adorned  with  pendent  embroidery  of  gold,  silver, 
pearls,  and  precious  stones.  This  pall,  or  canopy,  j 


ATTIRE  OF  MONTEZUMA. 


119 


was  heid  over  him  by  four  great  lords.  He  wore 
a  mantle  rich  with  gold  and  precious  stones  ;  on 
his  head  a  mitred  diadem  of  gold,  and  on  his  feet 
golden  sandals,*  richly  embossed,  “after  the 
manner  of  the  ancients.”  The  subordinate  Kinsrs 
were  bare-footed,  though  dressed  in  other  respects 
as  magnificently  as  Montezuma.  The  Spanish 
General  descended  from  his  horse  and  would 
have  embraced  the  Mexican  Monarch.  But  this 
gesture  did  not  accord  with  the  notions  of  re¬ 
verence  entertained  by  the  Mexicans  for  their 
kings ;  and  Cortes  was  prevented  from  executing 
this  friendly  but  familiar  intention  of  his.  They 
interchanged  presents,  however,  Cortes  throwing 
upon  Montezuma's  neck  a  collar  made  (some¬ 
what  significantly)  of  false  pearls  and  diamonds; 
while  Montezuma,  as  they  went  further  on,  gave 
the  Spanish  General  two  collars  made  of  shells 
which  the  Mexicans  valued  m-uch,  each  collar 
being  adorned  with  eight  golden  pendants  in  the 
form  ol  craw-fish,  admirably  wrought.  The  pro- 

*  4<  Trala  unos  Qapatos  de  Oro,  i  Piedras  engastadas, 
que  solamente  eran  las  Suelas  prendidas  con  Correas, 
coino  se  pintan  k  lo  antiguo.” — Gomaka,  Crimea  de  la 
Nueva-Espana,  cap.  65.  Bajrcia,  Ilistoriadores,  tom.  ii. 


Cortes  and 
Monte¬ 
zuma 
exchange 
presents. 


120 


AN  INVISIBLE  ATTENDANT. 


Apprehen¬ 
sions  of  the 
Spaniards. 


cession  then  moved  on  with  all  due  pomp  into  the 
town,  for  the  stately  Spaniard  was  the  man  of 
the  Old  World  who  understood  pomp  nearly  as 
well  as  any  of  these  despots  of  the  New  World. 
Ihe  eyes  of  the  beholders,  familiar  with  the 
aspect  of  gold  and  jewels,  were  doubtless  fixed 
upon  the  wondrous  animals  that  came  foaming 
and  caracolling  along.  Behind  them  all  rode 
Death,  but  no  one  saw  him. 

Mexico,  being  such  a  city  as  I  have  described, 
was  pre-eminently  adapted  for  the  display  of  a 
great  concourse  of  human  beings.  By  land  and 
by  water,  on  the  towers,  on  the  temples,  at  all 
heights  of  those  truncated  pyramids,  were  clus¬ 
tered  human  beings  to  gaze  upon  the  strangers. 
The  crowds  that  came  to  see  the  Spaniards  made 
the  spectacle  very  grand,  but  did  not  add  to  their 
sense  ot  security.  Indeed,  as  they  marched 
along  this  narrow  causeway,  intersected  by 
various  bridges,  of  which  they  well  knew  the  use 
that  might  be  made  in  war,  they  must  have  felt, 
as  one  of  them  owns  he  did  feel,  considerable 
apprehension.  The  wary  counsel  that  had  been 
given  to  them  by  the  Tlascalans  and  the  other 


SUPPRESSED  APPREHENSIONS. 


121 


enemies  of  Montezuma,  was  sure  on  this  occasion 
to  be  present  to  the  minds  of  some  of  them ;  but, 
no  doubt,  they  all  marched  on  with  soldierly  com¬ 
posure  to  the  quarters  which  Montezuma  had 
prepared  for  them.  These  were  in  the  palace  of 
his  father,  a  previous  sovereign  of  Mexico. 

Having  conducted  the  Spaniards  thither,  he  left 

them  to  refresh  themselves  after  the  fatigues  of 
:heir  journey. 

The  memorable  day  on  which  Cortes  and  his 
companions  entered  Mexico  was  the  8th  of  I\To- 
ember,  1519.  Their  number  was  about  four 
undred  and  fifty.  In  a  time  of  extraordinary 
3stivity ,  they  would  have  formed  but  a  poor  and 
lean  sacrifice  to  have  been  offered  to  the  Mexi- 
m  gods.  On  the  other  hand  the  very  least 
umber  at  which  the  population  of  Mexico  can 

J  estimated  is  three  hundred  thousand,  and  I  Population 
■nceive  it  to  have  been  much  larger.*  °f  Mexico. 


Torquemada  affirms,  that  the  population  of  the 
pital  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
I  uses ;  but  the  Anonymous  Conqueror,  Gomara,  Her- 
’a’  and  other  historians,  agree  in  the  number  of  sixty 
lusand  houses,  not  that  of  sixty  thousand  inhabitants, 
i  Robertson  says ;  for  no  ancient  author  computed  them 


122 


INTERCOURSE  DIFFICULT. 


The  course  of  history  amongst  people,  who  have 
the  same  general  ideas,  the  same  religion,  and 
who  are  not  far  removed  from  each  other  in  civi- 
lization,  is  apt  to  be  somewhat  monotonous,  and 
sadly  to  perplex  the  memories  of  children  and 
other  unfortunate  persons,  who  have  to  give  an 
account  of  what  they  read.  But  when  the  men 


so  few  in  number.  It  is  true  that  in  the  Italian  transla¬ 
tion  of  the  relation  of  the  Anonymous  Conqueror  we  reac 
sessante  mila  cibitanti;  but  this  has  been,  without  doubt, 
a  mistake  of  the  translator,  who  having,  perhaps,  founc 
in  the  original  sesenta  mil  vecinos ,  translated  it  sixty 
thousand  abitant-i,  when  he  ought  to  have  said  fuochi  - 
because,  otherwise,  Cholula,  Xochimilco,  Iztapalapa,  anc 
other  such  cities  would  be  made  greater  than  Mexico 
But  in  the  above  mentioned  number  the  suburbs  are  noi 
included.  It  appears  that  Torquemada  included  th( 
suburbs,  but  still  his  calculation  appears  excessive.”— 
Clavigero,  History  of  Mexico,  English  translation,  boot 
ix.  p.  72 — note. 

This  error  of  reckoning  the  heads  of  families  as  th< 
whole  population  requires  to  be  much  guarded  agains' 
in  early  American  history.  Even  M.  Humboldt  is  saic 
to  have  fallen  into  it.  See  Antigueclades  Ferucinas,  p.  60 
It  is  certain  that  vecinos  does  not  in  this  instance  meat 
individual  neighbours,  but  the  heads  of  neighbourin': 
families.  We  often  use  the  word  “neighbour”  in  th< 


same  sense. 


UNCERTAIN  INTERPRETATION.  123 

5  v 

of  one  hemisphere  meet  the  men  of  another,  after  Renewal  of 
having  been  separated  for  unknown  centuries,  the  between"^ 
simplest  affair  between  them  is  in  the  highest  the  xZ°f 
degree  curious ;  and  the  difficulties  of  the  narra-  Old  World, 
tive,  the  strangeness  of  the  names  (which,  how¬ 
ever,  might  not  be  so  inharmonious  if  we  knew 
how  to  pronounce  them),  and  whatever  else  may 
be  repulsive  in  the  story,  are  all  overcome  by  the 
originality  of  the  transactions.  In  this  case, 

Cortes,  who  may  very  fitly  represent  the  Euro¬ 
pean  commander  of  that  age,  both  in  his  valour, 
his  policy,  and  his  devoutness,  meets  the  greatest 
monarch  of  the  state  most  advanced  in  civiliza¬ 
tion  of  the  Western  world;  and,  if  we  could 
iut  trust  to  interpreters,  what  an  insight  we 
should  have  into  the  history  of  this  strange  and 
eventful  conquest. 

But  alas!  those  who  know  how  difficult  a  Much  left 
hing  it  is  to  render  one  European  language  into  Mta- 
nother,  may  well  feel  bewildered,  when  they  Sri 
ave  to  give  an  account  of  what  passed  through 
be  mouths  of  interpreters  in  languages  where 
equently  there  were  no  cognate  ideas.  More- 
ver,  supposing  the  respective  translations  freed 
om  mere  difficulties  of  language,  they  still  were 


124 


IMPORTANT  CONFERENCE . 


likely  to  be  varied  largely  by  the  passions  and 
the  interests  of  the  bystanders,  and  then  to  be 


coloured  according  to  the  personages  for  whom 


Conference 
between 
Cortes  and 
Monte¬ 
zuma. 


the  reports  of  these  conversations  were  prepared. 
It  is  necessary  to  bear  all  these  difficulties  in 
mind  when  considering  the  transactions  which 
are  now  to  be  narrated,  and  the  evidence  upon 
which  they  rest. 

After  the  Spaniards  had  dined  in  the  palace 
set  apart  for  them,  Montezuma  returned,  and  had 
a  formal  conference  with  Cortes.  The  account 
which  the  Spanish  Commander  gives  to  his  Sove¬ 
reign  of  this  conference  is,  that  Montezuma  com- 

© 

menced  by  saying,  that  he  and  his  subjects  were 
descended  from  strangers  who  had  come  from  afar 
into  this  country.*  He  added  that  their  leader 
had  returned  to  his  own  country,  and  that  when 
he  came  again  to  seek  his  people,  they  declined 
to  accompany  him  back,  and  that  finally  he  re¬ 
turned  alone.  The  Mexican  nation,  howe\er5 


*  Observe,  from  Peter  Martyr’s  account  of  the  speech, 
how  a  statement  of  this  kind  grows.—"  Ad  oras  mag- 
nas  quidam  princeps  post  omnium  viventium  memo- 
riam,  classe  vechis,  majores  nostros,  perduxit.  Dec. 
cap.  3. 


A  SUSPICIOUS  SPEECE. 


125 


had  always  supposed  that  the  descendants  of  this 
great  leader  would  come  again,  and  subdue  the 
earth;  that  it  was  probable  that  the  great  per¬ 
sonage  of  whom  Cortes  had  spoken*  (Charles  the 
Fifth)  was  a  descendant  of  the  first  leader  of  the 
Mexicans  to  that  country,  and,  consequently,  their 
natural  Lord;  that  he,  therefore,  and  his  people 
held  Cortes  for  Lord  in  the  place  of  his  master, 
and  placed  all  that  they  had  at  his  disposal. 

So  far  the  report  of  the  speech  of  Montezuma  improba- 
seems  likely  to  be  false,  or,  at  least,  greatly  over-  pancif the 
strained.  Montezuma  may  have  sought  to  claim  reported! 
kindred  with  these  wondrous  and  valorous  stran- 

i 

gers.  He  may  have  alluded  to  prophecies  about 
their  coming — and  the  concurrence  of  testimony 
on  this  point  is  very  remarkable.  But  that  he 
placed  himself  and  his  kingdom  in  this  unreserved 
manner*  in  open  court*  as  it  were*  at  the  feet  of 
Cortes  in  their  first  interview*  is  in  the  highest 
legree  unlikely  ;  and  we  cannot  but  regret  to  find 
:he  authority  for  this  conversation*  not  only  in 
history  subsequently  drawn  up  by  the  Chap- 


*  Not  on  the  present  occasion,  but  before,  to  Monte- 
uma’si  ambassadors. 


126 


CORTES  ON  RELIGION . 


Cortes 

visits 

Monte¬ 

zuma. 


lain  of  Cortes,  but  in  the  letter  of  Cortes  himself 
to  the  Emperor.  What  follows  is  probable  and 
credible.  Montezuma  went  on  to  say  that  he 
well  knew  that  Cortes  had  heard  from  the  Tlas- 
calans  and  others  many  calumnies  about  him, 
also  many  exaggerations,  such  as  that  the  walls 
of  his  palaces  were  made  of  gold,  and  that  he  was 
a  god ;  “  whereas  you  see,”  he  said,  my  palaces 
are  made  of  stone,  lime,  and  earth,  and  my  flesh 
is  like  yours.”  He  then  assured  them  that  they 

i 

should  be  provided  with  all  necessary  things,  and 
be  under  no  care,  just  as  if  they  were  still  in 
their  own  country  and  their  own  homes. 

The  next  day  Cortes  paid  a  visit  to  Monte¬ 
zuma.  This  time  the  conversation  was  not  poli¬ 
tical  but  religious ;  and  Cortes,  insincere,  crafty, 
and  reserved,  in  mundane  matters,  seems  to  have 
compensated  for  all  this,  and  to  have  indulged  in 

a  sincerity  which  bordered  on  rashness,  in  all  that 

• 

concerned  spiritual  matters.  It  may  be  doubted 
whether,  in  the  annals  of  conquest,  any  conqueror 
can  be  found  (except  perhaps  some  Mohamedan 
one)  who  was  more  deeply  imbued  with  the 
missionary  spirit  than  was  Cortes. 

The  Spanish  Commander,  already  not  unprac- 


BASE  ZEAL. 


127 


tised  in  expounding  the  mysteries  of  the  Christian 
Faith,  repeated  briefly  the  story  of  Christianity ; 
explained  to  AEontezuma  why  the  Spaniards  wor¬ 
shipped  the  cross;  condemned  and  scorned  the 
Mexican  idols ;  and  informed  Montezuma  how 
these  idols  had  given  way  before  the  cross.* 

From  the  New  Testament  Cortes  passed  to 
the  Old  Testament,  spoke  of  the  Creation,  of 
Adam  and  Eve,  of  the  universal  brotherhood  of 
man,  and  then  said  that  his  King,  in  the  spirit  of 
such  brotherhood,  grieving  over  the  loss  of  souls, 
had  sent  the  Spaniards  to  prevent  the  adoration 
of  idols  and  the  sacrifice  of  men  and  women. 
He  then  held  out  a  hope  that  certain  persons, 
■vho  were  of  a  much  more  saintly  character  than 
ie  and  his  men,  would  hereafter  be  sent  by  the 

£ing  of  Spain  to  instruct  the  Mexicans  in  these 
acred  things. 

Montezuma  now  indicating  a  wish  to  speak, 
^ortes  concluded  his  discourse,  doubtless  putting 


Quo  mirassen  quan  malos  son,  y  do  poca  valia, 
ue  adonde  tenemos  puestas  Cruzes,  como  las  quo  vieron 
is  Embaxadores,  con  temor  dellas  no  osan  parecer  de- 
,nte.”_ Berjjal  Diaz,  cap.  90. 


Cortes  as  a 
preacher. 


Monte¬ 
zuma's 
reply  to 
Cortes. 


128  CUNNING  TOLERANCE. 

a  restraint  upon  himself  for  so  eloquent  ; 
preacher. 

It  brings  the  whole  scene  more  vividly  befon 
us,  and  shows,  I  think,  that  at  least  we  are  righ 
in  concluding  Religion  to  have  been  the  chief,  i 
not  the  only  subject  discussed  at  this  interview 
that  Cortes  turned  to  his  men  and  said,  “  W< 
will  finish  with  this,  as  it  is  the  first  touch.”* 

“  My  Lord  Malinche !”  f  replied  Montezuma 
(t  I  have  had  a  perfect  understanding  of  all  th> 
discourse  and  reasonings  which  you  have  addressei 
before  now  to  my  vassals  upon  the  subject  o 
your  God  5  and  also  upon  that  of  the  cross  ,  an< 
also  respecting  all  the  other  matters  that  you  hav 
spoken  about  in  the  pueblos  through  which  yoi 
have  passed.  We  have  not  responded  to  any  0 
these  things,  for  from  the  beginning  here  we  hav 
adored  our  gods  and  have  held  them  to  be  goo 
gods  5  and  so,  no  doubt,  are  yours:  do  not  takl 


*  “  E  dixonos  Cortes  a  todos  nosotros,  que  con  < 
fuimos  ;  con  esto  cumplimos,  por  scr  el  primer  toque.- 
Bekxal  Diaz,  cap.  90. 

f  Malinche,  from  Malinizin,  the  Lord  of  Marina;  t»i 
bein"  a  Mexican  title,  added  to  names,  and  correspom 

O  I 

in  or  to  the  word  “  Lord.” 

O 


129 


MONTEZUMA'S  BE  FLY. 

the  trouble*  at  present*  to  say  anythipg  more 
about  them  to  us.  And*  with  respect  to  what 
vou  say  about  the  Creation  of*  the  "World*  we* 
.00*  are  of  opinion  that  it  was  created  a  long  time 
igo*  and  we  hold  it  for  certain  that  you  are  the 
persons  of  whom  our  ancestors  spoke  to  us*  who 
vould  come  from  where  the  sun  rises  ;  and  to 
hat  great  king  of  yours  I  am  much  obliged;  and 
will  give  him  of  that  which  I  may  have.”* 

The  above  is  part  of  a  speech  recorded  by 
vernal  Diaz*  and  may  be  taken  as  an  unbiased 
ccount  of  what  that  honest  soldier*  who  was  pre- 
ent*  gathered  of  the  meaning  of  what  passed  in 
Ins  memorable  interview.  It  will  be  observed 
ow  inconsistent  it  is  with  the  report  given  by 


Xo  os  hemos  respondido  a  cosa  ninguna  dellas  ; 
arque  desde  abinicio  aca  adoramos  nuestros  Dioses,  y 
s  tenemos  por  buenos  :  e  assi  deuen  ser  los  vuestros  ; 
no  cureis  mas  al  presente  de  nos  hablar  dellos ;  y  en 
’So  de  la  creacion  del  mundo,  assf  lo  tenemos  nosotros 
eido  muchos  tiempos  passados :  e  a  esta  cansa  tene- 
os  por  cierto,  que  sois  los  qne  nuestros  antecessores 
)s  dixeron  que  vernian  de  adonde  sale  el  Sol  e  a  esse 
lestro  gran  Eey  yo  le  soy  en  cargo,  y  le  dare  de  lo  que 
viere.”— Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  90. 


I. 


K 


130 


FRIENDLY  EXPLANATIONS. 


Monte¬ 
zuma  asks 
about  De 
Cordova 
and  Gri¬ 
jalva. 


Rational 
and  digni 
tied  dis¬ 
course  of 
Monte¬ 
zuma. 


Cortes  of  what  took  place  on  a  former  occasion. 
The  grand  and  polite  Montezuma  might  well  say 
that  he  would  give  of  what  he  had  to  this  un- 
known,  though  closely-related,  foreign  potentate ; 
but  this  is  a  very  different  thing  from  promising 
vassalage  and  subjection ;  and,  yet  unconquered, 
talking  like  a  defeated  man  and  a  prisoner. 

Montezuma  then  asked  some  very  natural  ques¬ 
tions,  such  as  whether  Hernandez  de  Cordova 
and  Grijalva  were  of  the  same  nation  as  Cortes, 
and  being- answered  in  the  affirmative,  went  on  to 
say,  how  happy  he  was  to  see  the  Spaniards  at 
his  court.  If  he  had  sought  to  prevent  them  from 
coming  there,  it  was  not  from  any  wish  of  his  to 
exclude  them,  but  because  his  subjects  were  so 
frightened  at  them,  saying  that  they  threw 
thunder  and  lightning  about,  that  they  were 
savage  deities,  and  follies  of  that  sort.  For  his 
part,  now  that  he  had  seen  the  Spaniards,  his 
opinion  of  them  was  raised.  He  held  them  in 
more  esteem  than  before,  and  would  give  them  of 
whatever  he  possessed. 

Cortes  and  all  the  Spaniards  present  responded 
with  fitting  courtesies;  and  then  Montezuma 
smilingly,  for  he  was  a  humorous  man,  though  a 


CONCILIATORY  GIFTS.  131 

\ 

dignified  one,*  made  the  same  remarks  about  the 
calumnies  and  exaggerations  of  the  Tlascalans 
which  have  been  quoted  before. 

Cortes,  in  his  turn  smiling,  replied  with  some 
commonplace  remark  about  men  always  speaking 
ill  of  those  whom  they  were  opposed  to;  and 
then  the  interview  was  gracefully  brought  to  an 
end  by  gifts  of  gold  and  garments,  which  were 

distributed  amongst  all  the  Spaniards  who  assisted 
at  the  interview. 

I  think  it  must  be  admitted  that  on  this 
occasion  f  the  great  King  of  the  West  comported 
limself  with  much  discretion  and  dignity,  putting 
iside  politely,  and  yet  respectfully,  any  discussion 
ipon  theological  matters,  as  if  he  had  been  a 
worldly  statesman  of  our  own  time,  always  anxious 
o  get  rid  of  these  subjects,  as  knowing  how  little 

hey  tend  to  the  outward  peace  and  physical  hap- 
iness  of  mankind. 


“  Porque  en  todo  era  mui  regozijado,  en  su  liablar 
8  gran  Senor.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  90. 

t  It  is  curious  that  Cortes  does  not  say  anything  of 
ns  interview  in  his  letter  to  Charles  the  Fifth:  the 
ason  for  such  an  omission  may  be  because  he  had  re- 
ived  no  such  commission  as  he  claimed,  and  therefore 
not  like  to  make  such  a  statement  to  the  Emperor. 


132 


DIFFICULTIES  OF 


The  Gospel 
might  have 
been  in¬ 
troduced 
peaceably. 


A  well-known  writer,  and  one  thoroughly 
skilled  in  Mexican  affairs,  the  celebrated  Jesuit 
Acosta,  remarks,  in  reference  to  the  proceedings 
of  this  day,  or  of  some  other  early  day  after  the 
arrival  of  Cortes  in  Mexico,  that  many  persons 
were  of  opinion  that  the  Spaniards  might  have 
made  anything  they  pleased  of  Montezuma  and 
his  people,  and  have  introduced  the  gospel  with¬ 
out  bloodshed.  “  But,”  as  he  adds,  “  the  judg¬ 
ments  of  God  are  high,  and  the  faults  on  botl 
sides  were  many,  and  so  the  thing  turned  out  ver) 
differently.”* 

This  opinion  may  be  well-founded  ;  but,  on  th( 
other  hand,  it  must  be  remarked  that  the  Mexi¬ 
cans  were  not  in  a  similar  state  to  those  Indian: 
amongst  whom  the  most  remarkable  conversion.* 

O 

have  been  made  by  peaceful  means.  An  estab 
lished  priesthood,  with  large  revenues,  pompou 


*  “  Es  opinion  de  muchos,  que  como  aquel  dia  qued 
negocio  puesto,  pudieran  con  facilidad  hazer  del  Rey  ;j 
reyno  lo  que  quisieran,  y  darles  la  Ley  de  Christo  coi 
gran  satisfacion  y  paz.  Mas  los  juizios  de  Dios  son 
altos,  y  los  pecados  de  ambas  partes  muchos,  y  assi  b  ; 
rodeo  la  cosa  muy  diferente.” — Acosta,  Hist.  Nat. 
Moral  de  las  Indias ,  lib.  vii.  cap.  25. 


MEXICAN  CONVERSION 


133 


buildings,  and  a  carefully  regulated  ritual,  formed 
an  element  in  the  Mexican  Empire  which  would 
render  it  much  less  convertible  to  Christianity 
than  were  the  comparatively  primitive  people  of 

Copan  and  Paraguay,  or  the  wandering  tribes  in 

« 

Florida.  Amongst  these  latter  is  to  be  found  the 
most  remarkable  instance  of  conversion,  or  rather 
of  opportunity  for  conversion,  that,  I  think,  ever 
was  recorded.  It  is  to  be  met  with  in  the  narra¬ 
tive  of  Cabe^a  de  Yaca.  He  and  his  companions, 
shipwrecked,  naked,  and  for  a  long  time  treated 
as  slaves,  acquired,  probably  through  their  medi¬ 
cal  knowledge,  or  greater  discernment  in  things 
in  general,  an  influence,  as  of  gods,  over  the  na¬ 
tives  of  Florida.  The  remarkable  point  of  the 
narrative  is,  that  they  were  not  held  in  this  high 
consideration  by  one  tribe  only,  but  by  all  they 
came  amongst;  and  that  they  were  borne  in 
triumph  from  one  tribe  to  another,  all  men’s 
goods  in  the  tribe  at  whose  grounds  they  arrived 
being  brought  out  before  them,  and,  to  the  great 
vexation  of  the  Christians,  divided  amongst  their 
followers,  who  consisted  of  the  preceding  tribe.* 


Mexicans 
not  easy  to 
convert. 


Treatment 
of  Cabe^a 
de  Vaca 
and  his 
compan¬ 
ions  in 
Florida. 


1  “I  los  robadores  para  consolarles  los  decian,  que 


134 


LEAVE  TO  SEE  THE  TEMPLE. 


Cortes  asks 
for  leave 
to  see  the 
temple. 


The  whole  of  this  narrative  seems  to  throw  some 
light  upon  the  extraordinary  stories  which  per¬ 
vade  the  Indian  traditions  in  America  of  men  of 
higher  cultivation  than  their  own  who  come  and 
give  the  natives  laws  and  manners,  and  then 
vanish  away,  having  promised  to  return. 

Such  transactions,  however,  were  only  possible 
amongst  a  primitive  people,  and  were  not  to  be 
expected  to  take  place  amongst  the  Mexicans, 
though  much,  doubtless,  might  have  been  done  to 
introduce  Christianity  gradually  amongst  them. 

These  speculations  are  a  very  fit  introduction 
to  the  next  public  proceeding  of  Cortes,  which 
was  to  ask  for  leave  to  see  the  great  temple,  dedi¬ 
cated  to  the  Mexican  god  of  war.  This  request 


eramos  Hijos  del  Sol,  1  que  teniamos  poder  para  sanar 
los  enfermos,  f  para  matarlos,  1  otras  mentiras,  aim 
maiores  que  estas,  como  ellos  las  saben  mejor  hacer 
quando  sienten  que  les  conviene :  1  dixeronles,  que  nos 
llevasen  con  muclio  acatamiento,  f  tuviesen  cuidado  de 
no  enojarnos  en  ninguna  cosa,  1  que  nos  diesen  todo 
quanto  tenian,  1  procurasen  de  llevarnos  donde  havia 
mucha  Gente,  \  que  donde  llegasemos  robasen  ellos,  i 
saqueasen  lo  que  los  otros  tenian,  porque  asf  era  cos- 
tumbre.” — Naufr agios  de  Alvar  Nunez  Cade<ja  de  Yaca, 
en  la  Florida ,  cap.  xxviii.  tom.  1.  Barcia,  Historiadores. 


MEXICAN  MARKET. 


135 


Montezuma  granted  with  apparent  pleasure.  But, 
for  fear  lest  the  Spaniards  should  do  any  dis¬ 
honour  to  his  gods,  as  they  had  done  in  the  pro¬ 
vinces,  he  resolved  to  go  himself  to  the  temple ; 
and  accordingly  he  repaired  thither  with  his  ac¬ 
customed  pomp.  On  their  way,  the  Spaniards 
visited  the  great  market-place,  which  perhaps  was 
the  best  means  of  learning,  in  a  short  time,  the 
skill  and  riches  of  the  people  by  whom  they  were 
surrounded. 

In  this  vast  area  each  kind  of  merchandize 

had  its  own  quarter;  and  it  would  be  difficult  to 

» 

specify  any  kind  which  was  not  to  be  seen  there. 
To  begin  with  the  most  shameful  merchandize, 
namely,  that  of  human  beings,  there  were  as 
many  to  be  found  for  sale  as  there  were  in  Spain 
of  those  “  negroes  whom  the  Portuguese  bring 
from  Guinea.”*  Then,  every  kind  of  eatable, 
every  form  of  dress,  medicines,  perfumes,  un- 


*  “  Esclavos  y  esclavas ;  digo,  que  traian  tantos  a 
render  a  aquella  gran  plaga,  como  traen  los  Portugueses 
os  negros  de  Guinea,  e  traian  los  atados  en  unas  varas 
argas,  con  collares  a  los  pescue^os,  porque  no  se  les 

myessen,  y  otros  dexavan  sueltos.” — Bernal  Diaz, 
;ap.  92. 


Visits  the 
market  on 
his  way. 


Commodi¬ 
ties  sold 
there. 


136  WISE  REGULATIONS 


Wise  regu¬ 
lations 
of  the 
market. 


guents,  furniture,  lead,  tin,  brass,  copper,  and 
gold  and  silver  ornaments  wrought  in  the  form 
of  fruit,  adorned  the  porticoes  and  allured  the 
passer-by.  Paper,  that  great  material  of  civiliza¬ 
tion,  was  to  be  obtained  in  this  wonderful  em¬ 
porium;  also  every  kind  of  earthenware,  salt, 
wood,  tobacco,  razors  made  of  obsidian,*  dressed 
and  undressed  skins,  cotton  of  all  colours  in 
skeins,  painters’  colours,  building  materials,  and 
manure  ;  wine,  honey,  wax,  charcoal ;  and  little 
dogs.  Convenience  was  well  considered  ;  porters 
were  to  be  hired,!  and  refreshments  to  be  ob¬ 
tained.  One  curious  thing,  which  Cortes  noticed, 
was,  that  every  commodity  was  sold  by  number 
or  by  measure,  and  not  by  weight. 

With  regard  to  the  regulations  under  which 
this  vast  bazaar  was  held,  it  may  be  noticed  that: 


*  “  Obsidian,  jade,  and  Lydian-stone,  are  three  mi¬ 
nerals,  which  nations  ignorant  of  the  use  of  copper  or 
iron,  have  in  all  ages  employed  for  making  keen -edged 
weapons.  .  .  .  This  variety  of  lava”  (obsidian)  “was 
employed  as  an  object  of  ornament :  and  the  inhabi¬ 
tants  of  Quito  made  beautiful  looking-glasses  with  an 
obsidian  divided  into  parallel  laminee.” — Humboldt’s 
Personal  Narrative ,  vol.  i.  chap.  2. 

t  “  Hay  Hombres  como  los  que  llaman  en  Castilla 
Ganapanes,  para  traher  cargas.” — Lorenzana,  p.  103. 


OF  THE  MARKET. 


i  37 


he  Mexicans  had  arrived  at  that  point  of  civili- 
ation,  where  fraud  is  frequent  in  the  sale  of 
;oods;  but,  superior  even  to  ourselves  in  this 
ay,  they  had  a  counterpoise  to  this  in  a  body  of 
fficers  called  judges,*  who  sat  in  a  court-house 
n  the  spot,  and  before  whom  all  causes  and 
otters  relating  to  the  market  were  tried,  and 
rho  commanded  the  delinquents  to  be  punished, 
here  were  also  officers  who  went  continually 
x>ut  the  market-place,  watching  what  was  sold, 
id  the  measures  which  were  used.  When  they 
>und  a  false  one  they  broke  it.  This  market 
as  so  much  frequented,  that  the  busy  hum  of  all 
e  buying  and  selling  might  be  heard  at  the 
stance  of  a  league.  Among  the  Spaniards  there 
ere  soldiers  who  had  served  in  Italy  and  in  the 
ast;  and  they  said,  that  a  market-place  so  skil- 

*  “  Hay  en  esta  gran  Plaza  nna  muy  buena  Casa 
no  de  Audiencia,  donde  estan  siempre  sentados  diez, 
.oze  Personas,  que  son  Jueces,  y  libran  todos  los  casos, 
cosas,  qne  en  el  dicho  Mercado  acaecen,  y  mandan 
itigar  los  Delinquentes.  Hay  en  la  dicha  Plaza  otras 
rsonas,  que  andan  continuo  entre  la  gente,  mirando 
que  se  vende,  y  las  medidas  con  que  miden  lo  que 
iden;  y  se  ha  visto  quebrar  alguna  que  estaba  falsa.” 
L/ouenzana,  p.  104. 


138 


FOLLY  AND  FOULNESS 


Things  de¬ 
ficient 
in  the 
market  of 
Mexico. 


fully  laid  out,  so  large,  so  well-managed,  and  s 
full  of  people,  they  had  never  seen.  In  consider 
ino*  the  list  of  commodities  which  were  to  be  sol 

o 

there,  and  which  may  serve  to  make  life  tolerable 
I  note  only  three  deficiencies, — bills  of  exchange 
newspapers,  and  books  ;  but  any  one  of  thes 
things  indicates  a  civilization  of  a  higher  orde 
than  the  Mexican;  and  they  were  reserved  to  l 
invented  by  some  of  the  steadiest  and  subtle: 
thinkers*  of  the  great  races  of  the  world. 

From  the  market-place  the  Spaniards  moved  c 

• 

towards  the  temple,  or  to  what,  as  before  notice< 
might  have  been  justly  called  the  sacred  city,  f< 
even  before  they  reached  the  central  square,  the 
came  upon  courts  and  enclosures,  which,  doub 
less,  were  the  precincts  of  the  temple,  and  mu 
have  been  in  some  way  connected  with  its  se 
vices.  At  last  they  reached  the  polished  su 
face  of  the  great  court,  where  not  even  a  straw  ( 
any  particle  of  dirt  was  suffered  to  remain.  Amid 
all  the  temples  which  adorned  this  court  one  stoc 
pre-eminent,  where  Montezuma  himself  was  wo 


*  The  Italians  have,  I  believe,  the  best  claim  to  tl 
merit  of  having  invented  bills  of  exchange. 


OF  TEE  TEMPLE. 


ippiiig.  On  seeing  Cortes,  the  king  s 
lests  and  two  of  his  principal  nobles  to  conduc 
e  Spanish  Commander  up  to  the  summit  of  the 
nple.  When  they  came  to  the  steps,  which 
ire  a  hundred  and  fourteen  in  number,  the  at- 
tidant  Mexicans  wished  to  take  Cortes  by  the 
Ins,  and  to  assist  him  in  ascending ;  but  he  dis¬ 


used  with  their  aid,  and,  accompanied  by  his 
in,  mounted  to  the  highest  platform,  where  they 
ir  a  h°rrible  figure  like  a  serpent,  with  other 
i  eous  figures,  and  much  blood  newly  spilt.  What 
i|iange  from  the  wisdom  of  the  market-place  to 
l  sublime  folly  and  foulness  of  the  temple ! 

W  this  moment  Montezuma  came  forth  from 
I  chamber,  or  chapel,  if  we  may  call  it  so,  where 
^iad  been  worshipping.  •  Receiving  Cortes  and 
•company  with  much  courtesy,  he- said,  “  You 

!t  be  tired,  my  Lord  Malinche,  after  your 
•  nt  to  this  our  great  temple.”  But  Cortes 


Ijied  that  “  he  and  his  men  were  never  tired 
flinything.”* 

’hen  the  King  took  Cortes  by  the  hand,  and 


■* 


I  Que  cl,  ni  nosotros  no  nos  cansavamos  en  cosa 
cana.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap  92. 


from  the  summit 


^  iew 
from  the 
summit  of 


the  great 


temple. 


him look  down  upon  the  great  city,  and  u 
•he  surrounding  cities  on  the  border  of  the  lak, 
t  ose  beautiful  glistening  satellites  of  the  prim 
and  pre-eminent  Mexico.  Cortes,  however  d 
act  tell  us  anything  of  the  beauties  and  wond 
which  were  to  be  seen  in  this  view  from 
summit  °f  the  temple.  It  i8  the  inherent  cu 
O  po  itic  and  foreseeing  men,  that  they  enj< 
and  even  recognize,  the  present  so  much  less  th 
er  men  do.  The  common  soldiers  looked  dot 
an  gazed  in  all  directions,  noticing  the  tern 
the  oratories,  the  lit  tie  towers,  the  fJoatin  ' 
dens,  and  those  light  and  graceful  draw  ' 


plant,  o  '  ^  WiU°WS’ and  roots 

P  ts,  or  other  materials,  together,  which  are  lid 

capable  of  supporting  the  earth  of  the  garden 

that 'float  they„‘ay  ^ 

LDe  Jake,  and  over  all,  the  mud  an rT 

Their  reth'X  ^  bott°“  °f  the  —  1 

breadfli  °  •  gU1 6  13  <tuadrangular ;  their  length 

breadth  various  ;  but  as  far  as  we  can  judge  they 

Hrg“aThei “d  “  *“»  s. 

oreadth,  and  have  less  than  a  foot  in  elevation 

whicHr  K  ““  W“,er'  Tl“>  "ere  tb*  «. 

pepper,  „d  otter  pfc*.  neee^  fo,  ttT.^ 


OF  TEE  TEMPLE .  141 

lich  were  especially  to  be  seen  in  the  surround- 
y  towns.  It  was  then  that  a  murmuring  talk 
:>se  amongst  them  about  Rome  and  Constanti- 
ple,  and  all  that  each  man  had  seen  of  what  was 
emed,  till  this  moment,  most  beautiful  in  the 
>rld.  But,  as  Cortes  looked  down,  what  other 
oughts  were  his !  A  poet  speaks  of  “  the  cloudy 
*eheads  of  the  great.”  The  child  and  the  rustic, 
simple  envy  of  those  above  them,  who  seem  to 
gm  all-powerful,  little  dream  of  the  commanding 
res  and  hungry  anxieties  which  beset  the  man 
10  has  undertaken  to  play  any  considerable  part 
the  world.  And,  if  ever  there  was  a  man  who 


progress  of  time,  as  those  fields  grew  numerous 
cessivamente  moltiplicati ,  orig.)  from  the  industry  of 
)se  people,  there  were  among  them  gardens  of  flowers 
3  odoriferous  plants,  which  were  employed  in  the 
rship  of  their  gods,  and  served  for  the  recreation  of 
3  nobles . In  the  largest  gardens  there  is  com¬ 

ply  a  little  tree,  and  even  a  little  hut  to  shelter  the 

tivator,  and  defend  him  from  rain,  or  the  sun . 

at  part  of  the  lake  where  those  floating  gardens  are, 
i  place  of  infinite  recreation,  where  the  senses  receive 
3  highest  possible  gratification.” — Clavigero,  History 
Mexico ,  book  vii.  p.  375.  See  also  Torquemada,  lib. 
u  cap.  32. 


The 
anxious 
thoughts 
of  a  leader 
of  men. 


142 


CORTES'  MEDITATIONS. 


The 

thoughts  of 
Cortes  as 
he  looked 
down  from 
the  temple. 


had  undertaken  a  great  part,  without  rehearsal, 
was  Cortes.  The  multitude  of  people  moving  t 
and  fro,  which  enlivened  the  beautiful  prospect  i 
the  eyes  of  the  common  soldier,  afforded  matte 
of  most  serious  concern  to  the  man  who  had  t 
give  orders  for  the  next  step  in  this  untrodde 
wilderness  of  action.  Even  the  hum  of  th 
market-place  was  no  pleasant  murmur  in  his  ear; 
for  he  could  readily  translate  it  into  the  fierc 
cries  of  thousands  of  indignant  warriors. 

It  is  often  happy  for  us  that  we  do  not  knoi 
the  thoughts  of  those  who  stand  by  us,  or  perhaj 
on  this  occasion,  the  lofty  politeness  of  the  sove 
reign  and  the  warrior  might  have  changed  int 
an  instant  death-struggle  as  to  which  of  ther 
should  be  hurled  down  first  from  that  platforn 
and  complete  the  sacrifice  of  that  eventful  dav. 

Cortes,  in  whom  Policy  slumbered  only  whe: 
Religion  spoke  to  him,  said  to  Father  de  Olmedc 
“  It  appears  to  me,  that  we  might  just  make 
trial  of  Montezuma,  if  he  would  let  us  set  uj 
our  church  here?”*  The  wiser  priest  replied 

*  “  Pareceme  Senor  Padre,  que  sera  bien  que  demo 
un  tiento  a  Montezuma  ;  sobre  que  nos  dexe  liazer  aqu 
nuestra  lglesia.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  92. 


MEXICAN  IDOLS. 


143 


that  it  would  be  very  well  to  make  that  request  if 
there  were  any  likelihood  of  its  being  successful, 
but  that  the  present  did  not  appear  to  him  the  time 
for  making  it,  nor  did  he  see  in  Montezuma  the 
iumour  to  grant  it.  Upon  this  Cortes  abandoned 
die  idea,  and  merely  asked  the  king  to  allow  the 

a 

Spaniards  to  see  his  gods.  To  this  Montezuma, 
ifter  having  consulted  his  priests,  consented; 
md  the  Spaniards  entered  those  dread  abodes  of 
dolatry. 

There  is  a  family  likeness  in  most  idols ;  and, 
rhen  the  Spaniards  had  advanced  within  the 
ittle  tower  where  the  hall  of  the  "  god  of  war  ” 

»’as,  they  found  two  hideous  creatures  seated  on 
n  altar  and  under  a  canopy,  large  and  bulky 
gures,  the  one  representing  Huitzilopochtli  and  The  Medi¬ 
ae  other  Tezcatlipuk.  The  god  of  war  had  a  the  god  of 
road  face,  wide  mouth,  and  terrible  eyes.  He  War'  ‘ 
as  covered  with  gold,  pearls,  and  precious 
ones ;  and  was  girt  about  with  golden  serpents, 
a  one  hand  he  held  a  bow,  in  the  other 
•rows.  A  little  idol,  his  page,  stood  by  him, 
ilding  a  lance  and  a  golden  shield.  On  Huitzi- 

pochtli’s  neck,  were  the  faces  of  men  wrought 

© 

silver,  and  their  hearts  in  gold.  Close  by  were 


144 


MEXICAN  IDOLS. 


Tezcatli 

puk. 


Centeotl. 


braziers  with  incense,  and  on  the  braziers  three 
real  hearts  of  men  who  had  that  day  been  sacri 
ficed. 

All  around,  the  walls  were  black  with  clotte( 
blood.* 

On  the  left  hand  of  the  god  of  war  wa 
Tezcatlipuk,  with  a  countenance  like  that  of  i 
bear,  and  with  mirrors  for  eyes.  A  string  o 
little  demons  encircled  his  waist.  Five  humai 
hearts,  of  men  that  day  sacrificed,  were  burning 
before  this  idol. 

A  third  false  deity,  the  “  deity  of  increase, 
half  woman, f  half  crocodile,  gilded  and  jewellet 
like  the  rest,  was  to  be  seen,  not  in  the  sann 
room  with  Huitzilopochtli  and  Tezcatlipuk,  bu 
enniched  above,  in  a  recess  that  was  formed  ii 
the  highest  part  of  the  tower. 


*  Literary  men  and  antiquarians  have  blamed  th«j 
efforts  of  those  who  sought  to  efface  the  memory  o 
these  accursed  idolatries  from  the  minds  of  the  Indian? 
We  cannot  wonder,  however,  at  any  sacrifice  of  book 
pictures,  or  even  buildings,  for  that  great  end. 

|  Bernal  Diaz  says  “  half  man,"  but  I  think  the  deit; 
must  have  been  Centeotl,  the  Mexican  Ceres,  the  god 
dess  of  centli  (maize). 


CORTES’  REMONSTRANCE. 


145 


In  this  recess,  too,  the  walls  and  the  altar  on 
which  the  idol  stood  were  covered  with  blood. 

The  smell  of  the  great  hall  had  been  like  that  of 
some  slaughter-house;  but  in  the  recess,  the 
awning  horror  of  this  accursed  place,  the  de- 
.estable  odour  was  so  overpowering,  that  the  only 
.hought  of  the  Spaniards  who  had  ascended  into 
his  part  of  the  building  was  how  most  quickly 
o  get  out  of  it.*  Here  was  a  great  drum  made 
>f  serpents’  skins,  which,  when  struck,  gave  forth 
1  melancholy  hideous  sound ;  and  here  were 

nstruments  of  sacrifice,  and  many  hearts  of 
nen. 

It  might  be  prudent,  or  it  might  not  be  pru-  Cortes 
ent,  but  Cortes  felt  that  he  must  give  some  testify 
tterance  to  his  feelings ;  and  we  may  well  thesT1 
fonder  at  the  reserve  with  which  he  spoke,  ldolatnes' 
ither  than  at  his  being  able  to  refrain  no  longer. 

Vrith  a  smile  he  said,  “  I  do  not  know,  my  Lord 
Iontezuma,  how  so  great  a  king  and  so  learned  a 
,an  as  you  are,  can  have  avoided  to  perceive 
iterally,  should  not  have  collected  in  your 


“  Era  tan  to  el  hedor,  que  no  viamos  la  hora  de 
lirnos  a  fuera.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  92. 


I. 


146 


MONTEZUMA'S  DEFENCE . 


Montezu¬ 
ma  defends 
his  false 
gods. 


thoughts),  that  these  idols  of  yours  are  not  gods, 
but  evil  things  which  are  called  ‘ devils;’  and 
that  you  and  all  your  priests  may  be  satisfied 
of  this,  do  me  the  favour  not  to  take  it  ill  that 
we  should  put  in  the  lofty  recess  of  this  tower  a 
cross,  and  then  in  the  hall  where  your  deities! 
Huitzilopochtli  and  Tezcatlipuk  are,  we  will 
make  a  compartment  where  we  may  put  an 
image  of  Our  Lady  (this  Montezuma  had  already 
seen),  and  you  will  behold  the  fear  which  those 
idols  that  keep  you  in  delusion  have  of  it.” 

But  Montezuma  and  his  priests  were  troubled 
and  grieved  at  these  words ;  and  the  King  said, 
“  My  Lord  Malinche,  if  you  believe  that  it  is 
your  business  to  say  such  dishonourable  things  as 
you  have  said  of  my  gods,  I  will  not  show  them 
to  you.  W e  hold  them  for  very  good  gods  ;  and 
they  give  us  health  and  rain,  harvests  and  fine 
weather,  victories  and  whatever  we  desire :  it  is 
our  business  to  adore  them,  and  to  sacrifice  unto 
them.  I  must  request  of  you  that  no  more  words 
be  uttered  to  their  dishonour/’  To  this  speech, 
and  to  the  alteration  of  aspect  in  the  King,  which 
Cortes  noticed  with  the  swift  appreciation  of  a 
courtier,  the  Spaniard  with  an  apparently  gay 


RETURN  FROM  THE  TEMPLE. 


countenance  replied,  “  It  is  time  that  Your  High¬ 
ness  and  we  should  go.” 

To  this  Montezuma  answered  that  it  was  well, 
but  that  for  his  part  he  must  stay  behind,  to  pray 
and  make  sacrifice  for  the  sin  he  had  committed 
in  permitting  the  Spaniards  to  ascend  the  great 
temple,  and  for  his  having  been  the  cause  of  in¬ 
jurious  words  having  been  uttered  against  his 
gods.  Upon  this,  the  Spanish  Commander,  with 
all  due  courtesy,  took  leave;  and  his  men,  de¬ 
scending  with  difficulty  the  steps  of  the  temple, 
marched  back  to  their  quarters,  sickened  and  sad¬ 
dened,  but  somewhat  enlightened  as  to  the  nature 
)f  the  men  by  whom  they  were  surrounded. 

Coming  into  the  light  of  day,  hearing  the  busy 
umult  of  the  market-place  and  the  merry  noise 
>f  children  playing  in  the  sun;  then  catching 
’right  glimpses  of  the  water,  and  looking  at  the 
nnumerable  boats  which  plied  along  the  streets ; 

11  that  they  had  seen  in  the  dark  and  dismal 
harnel-houses  of  Huitzilopochtli  and  Tezcatlipuk 
lust  have  seemed  to  the  Spaniards  an  ill-omened 
ream.  Years  would  pass  away,  and  they  would 
ecome  veterans,  scarred  with  wounds  and  re¬ 
nting  in  renown,  before  they  would  have  time 


Cortes 
returns 
from  the 
temple. 


143 


AN  APPARENT  ANOMALY. 


Some 
attempt 
to  explain 
the  horrors 
of  the 
Mexican 
religion. 


to  think  over  and  to  realize  to  themselves  the 
full  horror  of  the  accursed  things  which  they 
had  looked  upon  that  day. 

Living  in  a  Christian  country  and  with  every 
means  of  enlightenment,  we  feel  it  difficult  to 
comprehend  how  so  much  civilization,  or  what 
looks  very  like  it,  could  be  found  in  company 
wTith  barbarous  human  sacrifices;  but  this  ap¬ 
parent  anomaly  is  soon  explained,  when  we  come 
to  look  into  some  of  the  prime  causes  of  move¬ 
ment  in  the  human  soul.  In  justice  to  the  Mexi¬ 
cans,  we  should  consider  what  can  be  said  for 
them.  We  of  this  age  must  not  share  the  blind 
sentiments  of  horror  which  occupied  the  minds  of 
Cortes  and  his  followers,  and  served  to  justify 
their  subsequent  proceedings. 

When  we  reflect  upon  the  untoward,  dis¬ 
astrous,  and  ridiculous  aspect  of  human  life — 
how,  for  instance,  little  things  done,  or  neglected 

t  | 

to  be  done,  in  youth,  have  so  fatal  an  influence 
throughout  a  life-time, — when  we  behold  the 
success  of  iniquity,  and  contemplate  the  immense 
injustice,  and  the  singular  infelicity,  which  often 
beset  the  most  innocent  of  men — nay,  further. 


EVIL  DEITIES.  149 

when  we  see  the  spitefulness  of  nature — for  so  it 
seems  unless  profoundly  understood, — when  we 
consider  the  great  questions  of  human  life,  such 
as  free  will  and  the  origin  of  evil,  which  are  not 
explained  now,  but  only  agreed  to  be  postponed 
in  humble  hopefulness,  and  which,  in  the  earlier 
periods  of  the  world's  history,  exercised  to  the 
full  their  malign  discouragement, — we  cannot 
wonder  at  the  belief  in  evil  deities  of  great 
power  and  supremacy.  And,  then,  what  more 
natural  than  to  clothe  such  deities  with  the  worst 
attributes  of  bad  men,  and  to  suppose  that  they 
must  be  approached  with  servility,  and  appeased 
by  suffering.  Then,  further,  what  more  natural 
than  to  offer  to  such  gods  of  the  best  upon  earth, 
namely,  our  fellow  men. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  there  was  often 
t  friendly  feeling  towards  the  persons  sacrificed ; 
ind  that  in  some  cases  they  were  looked  upon 
is  messengers  to  the  gods,  and  charged  with  dis- 
inct  messages. 

The  idea  of  human  sacrifice,  as  pleasing  to  the 
;ods,  being  once  adopted  in  moments  of  victory, 
oubt,  or  humiliation,  is  soon  developed.  The 
vil  practice  becomes  a  system,  and  partakes  of 


150 


HUMAN  SACRIFICE . 


the  strength  of  all  systems*  taking  root  amongst 

the  interests*  the  passions*  and  the  pleasures  of 

mankind  ;  and*  thenceforward*  he  will  be  a  bold 

man*  and*  rarer  still*  an  audacious  thinker*  not 

given  to  stop  anywhere  in  thought*  who  shall  lift 

himself  above  the  moral  atmosphere  of  his  nation, 

and  shall  say*  “  This  thing  which  all  consent  in, 

and  which  I  have  known  from  my  youth  upward, 

is  wrong.” 

° 

, 

Having  thus  stated  something  on  behalf  of  the 
Mexicans*  which  does  not  however  make  the  in¬ 
dignation  of  the  Spanish  soldiers  less  reasonable 
or  natural*  I  take  up  the  thread  of  the  story, 
and  return  to  the  little  garrison  of  Cortes  in  the 
midst  of  this  splendid  city  of  cruel  and  polite 
idolaters. 


I  must  call  the  attention  of  the  reader  to  the  fact, 
that  a  work  which,  for  convenience,  is  constantly  re¬ 
ferred  to  in  these  pages  as  Lorenzana,  is  a  collection 
of  the  letters  of  Cortes,  made  by  Francisco  Antonio 
Lorenzana,  Archbishop  of  Mexico,  and  published,  with 
maps  and  annotations  of  some  value,  in  1770.  For  an 
account  of  these  letters,  which,  from  their  length,  may 
more  fitly  be  called  despatches,  see  Stevens’s  “  American 


CORTES’  LETTERS. 


151 


Bibliographer.”  The  first  despatch  is  lost :  the  second 
ccptains  the  occurrences  from  16th  of  July,  1519,  to 
30th'  of  October,  1520 ;  the  third  contains  the  occur¬ 
rences  from  30th  of  October,  1520,  to  15th  of  May,  1522. 
The  second  and  third  despatches  are  those  principally 
referred  to  in  this  biography. 


CHAPTER  V. 

' 

Difficult  position  of  Cortes — Capture  of  Montezuma, 


What 
course  left 
for  Cortes? 


I 


HE  question  as  to  what  Cortes  was  to 
do  next,  was  a  most  difficult  one.  If 
we  put  ourselves,  in  imagination,  into 
his  place,  and  lay  down  several  plans  of  action, 
we  shall  find  great  difficulties  inherent  in  any  of 
them.  AY  as  he  to  play  the  part  of  an  ambassador, 
and,  after  observing  the  nature  of  the  country, 
and  endeavouring  to  form  some  league  of  amitv 
with  the  monarch,  to  return  to  Cuba  or  to  Spain  ? 
He  would  but  have  returned  to  a  prison  or  a 
grave ;  for  the  ambassadorial  capacity  which  he 
assumed  was  a  mere  pretext. 

A\ras  he  to  make  a  settlement  in  the  country  ? 
For  that  purpose  he  must  get  safe  out  of  Mexico, 
return  through  territories  whose  gods  he  had  in- 
suited,  and  whose  people  he  had  slaughtered,  and 


CONQUEST  COMTES’  ONLY  COURSE.  153 

taking  up  a  position  at  his  city  of  Vera  Cruz,, 
remain  exposed  to  the  revengeful  attacks  by  sea 
of  his  employer,  the  Governor  of  Cuba. 

Was  he  to  be  a  missionary  or  a  trader?  By 
what  unfit  men  was  he  surrounded;  for  such  en¬ 
terprises  as  these  ! 

His  only  career  was  conquest ;  and  unfortu¬ 
nately,  in  the  rapidity  of  that  conquest  lay  his 
'hief  hope  of  safety.  Now,  what  is  so  swift  as 
.error  ?  What  could  he  do  in  that  way,  what 
lostage  could  he  secure,  which  should  paralyze 
it  once  the  arms  of  the  vigorous  multitudes  who 
urrounded  him,  waiting  but  a  despot’s  nod  to 
nake  at  least  the  endeavour  to  overwhelm  these 
inwelcome  strangers? 

There  was  no  such  hostage  but  the  person  of 
he  king  himself!  True  that  this  monarch  had 
eceived  Cortes  graciously  and  grandly,  and  it 
ould  be  an  act  of  vast  perfidiousness  thus  to 
squite  his  hospitality.  But  policy  does  not  take 
le  virtues,  or  the  affections,  into  council.  This 
;t  of  treachery  seemed  the  safest  thing  to  be 
me,  and,  therefore,  with  Cortes,  it  was  the  best, 
have  shown  that  the  destruction  of  the  fleet  was 
>t  so  great  a  transaction  as  it  has  often  been 


154 


FATAL  POSITION  OF 


Fatal 
position 
of  Cortes. 


I 


represented  to  be,  and  that  other  people  shared 
in  it ;  but  this  projected  seizure  of  Montezuma  s 
person  belonged  to  Cortes  alone,  and  whatever 
greatness  there  was  in  it,  call  it  great  prudence 
or  call  it  great  iniquity,  was  his.  I  am  reminded 
of  a  maxim,  full  of  wisdom,  uttered  by  a  man 
versed  in  conspiracy,*  who  said  that  there  are 
certain  positions  of  affairs,  in  which  it  is  im¬ 
possible  to  make  a  step  which  shall  not  be  a 
wrong  one :  but  that  men  do  not  come  into  those 
positions  without  some  considerable  fault  of  their 
own.  The  fault  in  the  position  of  Cortes  was  an 
incurable  one,  namely,  the  uncertainty  of  support 
from  the  mother-country,  but  it  was  a  fault  occa¬ 
sioned  by  his  original  misconduct  to  his  em¬ 
ployer,  Velazquez.  In  the  greatness  of  the  con¬ 
quest  we  are  apt  to  forget  the  poor  position  of  the 
conqueror,  and  to  speak  of  him  as  if  he  had  been 
a  powerful  prince,  or  an  authorised  general,  with 
all  the  strength  and  the  responsibility  of  such  a 
station  ;  whereas  he  was  merely  a  brilliant  ad¬ 
venturer,  having  lost  the  authority  with  which 
he  was  originally  clothed.  It  was  the  misfor- 


* 


Cardinal  de  Retz. 


SPANISH  CONQUERORS. 


155 


<'une  that  beset  nearly  all  the  Spanish  conquests 
n  America,  that  they  were  made  by  men  of 
nsufficient  power  and  authority  for  such  transac- 
ions.  Another  Alexander  was  required  to  con- 
[uer  another  India.  Had  there  been  a  powerful 
European  prince  for  such  an  undertaking,  con- 
olidation  might  have  gone  hand  in  hand  with 
onquest ;  and  millions,  absolutely  millions,  of 
ves  might  have  been  saved.  But  that  want  of 
ime  which  is  the  saddest  and  most  common  de- 
ciency  for  all  men  in  power,  the  disturbed  state 
f  Europe  at  this  period,  and  the  inability  to  re- 
igmze  what  is  most  requisite  to  be  done,  which 
elongs  to  each  successive  generation,  prevented 
>e  conquest  of  America  from  taking  anything 
ke  its  highest  form,  and  threw  it  into  the  hands 
men  who  lacked  the  authority  to  maintain 
etnselves  in  the  position  which  they  had  assumed. 
The  reader,  who  probably  knows  the  outline 
the  story  of  Cortes,  may  be  surprised  at  his 
reer  being  considered  otherwise  than  most  suc- 
ssful.  On  the  contrary,  however,  I  venture  to 
ink  that  a  conquest  is  most  dearly  purchased 

nch  is  accompanied  by  large  destruction  of  the 
□quered  people. 


Also  of 
other 
Spanish 
conquerors. 


156 


COBTES1  BE  SOLVE 


The  re¬ 
solve  of 
Cortes. 


His 

pretext. 


Having  made  an  apology  for  the  resolve  of 
Cortes,  which  he  would  probably  have  thought 
very  needless,  we  may  proceed  to  consider  its 
execution.  The  deed,  once  resolved  upon,  was 
sure  to  be  swiftly  accomplished.  That  miserable 
interval  between  resolve  and  execution,  which  is 
the  torment  and  the  ruin  of  weak  men,  was  a 
thing  not  known  in  the  career  of  Cortes.  He  had 
not  been  one  week  in  Mexico  before  he  resolved 
to  seize  the  person  of  Montezuma,  had  chosen  his 
pretext  for  doing  it,  and  had  arranged  his  plans. 
The  plea  that  he  made  use  of  was  a  skirmish  (into 
the  details  of  which  we  need  not  enter)  between 
Juan  de  Escalante,  who  had  been  left  in  command 
at  Villa  Rica,  and  the  people  of  a  neighbouring 
town,  called  by  the  Spaniards  Almeria,  in  which 
skirmish  Escalante  and  six  Spaniards  had  fallen. 
That  this  affair  was  only  important  as  it  furnished 
a  pretext,  may  be  seen  from  the  account  which 
Cortes  gives  of  the  transaction  to  Charles  the 
Fifth,  in  which  he  states  that  from  some  things 
which  he  had  seen  since  his  entry  into  Mexico, 
and  also  from  what  he  had  observed  on  his  journey, 
it  appeared  to  him,  “  that  it  was  convenient  for 
the  royal  service,  and  for  the  security  of  the 


TO  SEIZE  MONTEZUMA. 


157 


Spaniards  under  his  command,  that  Montezuma 
should  be  in  his  power,  and  should  not  have 
complete  liberty.”  Cortes  adds,  that  he  feared 
est  there  should  be  an  unfavourable  change  in 
:he  Mexican  Monarch’s  conduct  towards  the 
Spaniards,  “  especially  as  we  Spaniards  are 
somewhat  difficult  to  live  with,  and  troublesome, 
md  if  Montezuma  should  take  offence,  he  was 
)Owerful  enough  to  do  us  much  harm ,  so  much 
o,  indeed,  that  we  might  be  utterly  destroyed” 
literally,  that  there  might  be  no  memory  left  of  us)* 
Moreover,  Cortes  thought  that,  Montezuma  once 
n  his  power,  all  the  provinces  of  the  Mexican 

Empire  would  easily  be  brought  under  the  Spanish 
ominion. 


Cortes  communicated  to  his  soldiers  his  intern 


Que  convenia  al  Real  Servicio,  y  a  nuestra  segu- 
dad,  que  aquel  Senor  estuviesse  en  mi  poder,  y  no  en 
ida  su  libertad,  porque  no  mudasse  el  proposito,  y  vo- 
mtad,  que  mostraba  en  servir  a  Vuestra  Alteza,  mayor- 
lente,  que  los  Espanoles  somos  algo  incomportables,  e 
aportunos,  e  porque  enojandose  nos  podria  bacei * 
ucho  dano,  y  tanto,  que  no  oviesse  memoria  do  noso- 
■os,  segun  su  gran  poder.” — Loiienzana,  p.  89. 


158 


HIS  MODE  OF  ACTION. 


The  mode 
of  execu¬ 
tion. 


tion  of  seizing  Montezuma ;  and  they,  according 
to  Bernal  Diaz,  passed  the  night  in  prayer  to  the 
Lord,  “  that  the  enterprise  might  be  so  conducted 
as  to  redound  to  His  holy  service.”*  In  the 
morning,  careful  preparations  having  been  made, 
Cortes  went  to  the  palace,  accompanied  by  five 
of  his  principal  captains  and  his  two  interpreters, 
Geronimo  de  Aguilar  and  Donna  Marina.  So 
cautious  a  general  took  care  to  keep  up  the  line 
of  communication  between  his  advanced  position 
and  the  main  body  of  his  forces  in  the  fortress, 
by  stationing  parties  of  his  men  at  the  points 
where  four  streets  met.f  When  arrived  at  the 
palace,  Cortes,  according  to  his  own  account, 
began  by  talking  playfully  to  Montezuma,  who 
gave  him  on  that  occasion  some  golden  ornaments 
and  one  of  his  daughters.  The  Spanish  General 
then  turned  the  discourse  to  the  affair  of  Almeria, 
and  to  the  loss  of  the  Spaniards  under  Escalante, 
in  which  a  certain  unfortunate  cacique  was  con- 


*  “  Kogando  a  Dios,  que  fuesse  de  tal  modo,  que  re- 
dundasse  para  su  santo  servicio.’' — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  95. 

f  “  Dcjando  buen  recaudo  eii  las  encrucijadas  de  las 
Calles.” — Lorenzana,  p.  84. 


MONTEZUMA'S  PROMPTNESS. 


159 


:erned,  whose  name,  as  corrupted  by  Spanish 
)ronunciation,  was  Qualpopoca.  Cortes,  who, 

■s  Bernal  Diaz  says,  «  did  not  care  a  chestnut 
bout  the  matter”  ( no  lo  tenia  en  una  castana ), 
jade  it  out  to  be  a  concern  of  the  most  serious 
ature.  He  was  answerable,  he  declared,  to  his 
ing  for  the  Spaniards  who  had  been  killed ; 
nd  Qualpopoca  had  said  that  it  was  by  Monte- 
uma’s  orders  he  had  committed  this  assault.  The 
lonarch  immediately  took  from  his  wrist  a  bracelet 
ith  a  seal  bearing  the  effigy  of  the  Mexican  god 
war,  and  giving  it  in  charge  to  some  of  his 
tendants,  ordered  that  they  should  go  to  the 
ene  of  this  skirmish  between  the  Spaniards  and 
j3  Peopie>  that  they  should  inquire  into  the 
utter,  and  bring  Qualpopoca  bound  before  him. 

This  was  a  very  prompt  procedure,  and  Cortes  Cortes 
Uuked  the  monarch  for  it,  but  said  that,  until  upon  Mon¬ 
ti  matter  was  cleared  up,  Montezuma  must  come  t0 

r  Hve  With  the  SPaniards  in  their  quarters,  quaft^ 
ijiich,  it  is  almost  needless  to  add,  they  had  taken 

]e  t0  make  a  strong  post  of.  The  Spanish 
’  ieral  begged  Montezuma  not  to  be  annoyed 
'  this  request,  saying  that  he  was  not  to  be  a 
'iJoner,  but  was  to  conduct  his  government  as 


V 


160 


CORTES'  REQUEST. 


before*  and  that  he  should  occupy  what  apart 
ments  he  pleased*  and,  indeed,  that  he  woul( 
have  the  Spaniards  in  addition  to  his  own  at 
tendants*  to  serve  him  in  whatsoever  he  shoul( 
command. 

But  it  may  be  conjectured  that  all  these  sooth 
ing  words  were  not  even  heard  by  the  Mexicai 
monarch,  who  sat  stupified  by  the  vast  audacit; 
of  the  demand.  Here  was  a  man,  into  whos 
eyes  other  men  had  not  ventured  to  look;  wh 
was  accustomed,  when  rarely  he  moved  from  hi 
palace,  to  see  the  crowd  prostrate  themselves  be 
fore  him  as  he  went  along,  as  if  he  were  indee< 
a  god;  who  never  set  foot  upon  the  ground  :*  an< 

*  “  Jamas  puso  sus  pies  en  el  suelo,  sino  siempr 
llevado  en  ombros  de  Senores.” — Acosta,  Hist.  Is  at. 
Mor.  de  Indicts ,  lib.  vii.  cap.  22.  This  assertion,  tha 
Montezuma  never  set  foot  on  the  ground,  must  be  cor 
fined  to  his  appearances  in  public  ;  for,  when  he  wen 
in  disguise,  like  an  Eastern  caliph,  to  ascertain  whethe 
his  judges  took  bribes,  he  must  have  gone  about  lik 
any  other  man.  “  Tambien  se  disfra^ava  muchas  vezee 
y  aun  echava  quien  ofreciesse  cohechos  a  sus  Juezes, 
los  provocase  a  cosa  mal  hecha,  y  en  cayendo  en  aig 
desto,  era  luego  sentencia  de  rnuerte  con  ellos.  — 
Acosta,  ibid. 


Monte¬ 

zuma's 

amaze¬ 

ment. 


MONTEZUMA’S  ANSWER. 


161 


now,  in  his  own  palace,  undefeated,  not  bound, 
with  nothing  to  prepare  him  by  degrees  for  such 
a  fearful  descent  of  dignity,  he  was  asked  by  a 
few  strangers,  whom  he  had  sought  to  gain  by 
hospitality,  and  to  whom  he  had  just  given  rich 
piesents,  to  become  their  prisoner  in  the  very 
quarters  which  he  had  himself  graciously  ap¬ 
pointed  for  their  entertainment.  It  is  a  large 
assertion  to  make  of  anything,  that  it  is  the 
superlative  of  its  kind,  but  it  must,  I  think,  be 
admitted,  that  the  demand  of  Cortes  was  the 
most  audacious  that  was  ever  made,  and  showed 
an  impudence  (there  is  no  other  fitting  word) 
which  borders  upon  the  heroic.  At  this  day, 
though  we  have  all  known  the  story  from  child¬ 
hood,  it  seems  as  if  it  were  a  new  thing ;  and  we 

still  wonder  what  Montezuma  will  say  in  reply 
to  Cortes. 

The  Monarch’s  answer,  when  he  could  speak 

at  all,  was  the  following :  “I  am  not  one  of 

those  persons  who  are  put  in  prison.  Even  if 

I  were  to  consent,  my  subjects  would  never 
permit  it.”* 


“  Je  ne  suis  pas  de  ceux  que  Ton  met  eii  prison 

M 


The  un¬ 
paralleled 
request  of 
Cortes. 


Monte¬ 
zuma  re¬ 
fuses. 


Cortes 

persists. 


% 

162  CORTES  PERSISTS. 

Cortes  urged  his  reasons  why  Montezuma 
should  adopt  the  course  proposed  by  the  Spaniards, 
but,  as  these  reasons  were  based  upon  falsehood, 
it  is  no  wonder,  that  even  in  the  opinion  of  one 
of  his  followers,  he  should  have  appeared  to  have 
the  worse  of  the  argument.*  This  controversy 
lasted  some  time,  and  Cortes  himself  speaks  of 
the  prolixity  of  the  discourse,  and  betrays  all  the 
insolence  of  a  conqueror,  when  he  declares  that  it 
is  needless  to  give  account  of  all  that  passed,  as 
not  being:  substantial  to  the  case.f 

Meanwhile  the  peril  of  the  Spaniards  was  in¬ 
creasing,  and  the  patience  of  these  fierce  men  was 


meme  si  j’y  consentais  mes  sujets  ne  le  souffriraient 
jamais.” — Fernando  D’Alva  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist,  des 
Cliichimeques ,  chap.  85  ;  —  Ternaux-Compans,  Voyages. 
This  account,  given  by  the  historian  of  Mexican  origin, 
is  confirmed  in  some  respects  by  Bernal  Diaz,  who  says. 
“  Que  no  era  persona  la  suya  para  que  tal  le  mandas- 
sen.” — Cap.  95. 

*  “  Cortes  le  replied  mui  buenas  razones  ;  y  el  Monte¬ 
zuma  le  respondia  mui  mejores.  — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  95. 

f  “  Acerca  de  esto  pasamos  muchas  platicas,  y  ra¬ 
zones,  que  serfan  largas  para  las  escribir,  y  aun  p&fl^ 
dar  cuenta  de  cllas  a  Vuestra  Alteza,  algo  prolijas,  y 
tambien  no  sustanciales  para  el  caso.”  —  LorexzaNa, 
p.  86.  t| 


MARINA’S  COUNSEL. 


163 


fast  passing  away,  when  one  of  them,  a  man  with 
a  harsh  voice,  exclaimed,  “  What  is  the  use  of  all 
these  words?  Let  him  yield  himself  our  prisoner, 
or  we  will  this  instant  stab  him.  t  herefore  tell 
him  that  if  he  cries  out,  or  makes  disturbance,  we 
must  kill  him,  for  it  is  more  important  in  this 
conjuncture  that  we  should  secure  our  own  lives 
than  lose  them.”  Montezuma  turned  to  Donna 
Marina  for  the  meaning  of  this  fierce  utterance  ; 
and  we  cannot  but  be  glad  that  it  was  a  woman 
who  had  to  interpret  these  rough  words  to  the 
falling  Monarch,  and  even  to  play  the  part  of 
counsellor  as  well  as  interpreter.  She  begged  Marina 
iim  to  go  with  the  Spaniards  without  any  re-  ^eunseIs 
instance ;  for,  she  said,  she  knew  that  they  would  Monarcil- 
lonour  him  much,  like  a  great  lord  as  he  was ; 

md  that  on  the  other  side  lay  the  danger  of  im- 
oediate  death. 

The  unfortunate  Montezuma  now  made  a  last 
ffort  to  obviate  the  dire  indignity.  He  said, 

:  My  Lord  Malinche,  may  this  please  you : _ I 

ave  one  son  and  two  daughters,  legitimate, 
ake  them  as  hostages,  and  do  not  put  this  affront 
pon  me.  What  will  my  nobles  say,  if  they  see 
e  borne  away  as  a  prisoner  ?  ”  But  Cortes  was 


164 


MONTEZUMA  YIELDS . 


not  the  man  to  swerve  in  the  least  from  his  pur¬ 
pose,  and  he  said  that  Montezuma  must  come 
with  them,  and  that  no  other  thing  would  do. 

Montezu-  The  Monarch  was  obliged  to  yield.  It  is  said, 
ma  yields.  ^  *g  not  improbable,  that  he  was  urged  to  de¬ 
clare  that  he  acted  thus  in  obedience  to  a  response 
given  by  Huitzilopochtli,  the  Mexican  god  of  war, 
though  this  was  hardly  the  fitting  deity  to  choose 
as  the  imputed  instrument  of  such  ignoble  counsel. 

Orders  were  instantly  given  to  prepare  apart¬ 
ments  for  Montezuma  in  the  Spaniards’  quarters. 
The  Mexican  nobles,  whose  duty  it  was  to  bear 
his  litter,  came  at  his  bidding,  and  prepared  them- 
selves,  barefooted,  with  their  accustomed  humility, 
and  with  more  than  their  accustomed  affection, 
to  place  the  litter  on  their  shoulders.  But,  as  all 
pomp  and  state,  even  in  the  mightiest  monarchies, 
requires  some  time  for  arrangement  and  prepara¬ 
tion,  it  appears  that  the  equipage  itself  was  but  a 
poor  one.*  And  so,  in  a  sorry  manner,  borne  on 
Monte-  by  his  weeping  nobles,  and  in  deep  silence,  Mon- 
bis^alace.  tezuma  quitted  his  palace,  never  to  return.  He 

*  “  Trakian  unas  Andas,  no  muy  bien  aderezadas 

llorando,  lo  tomaron  en  ellas,  con  muclio  silcncio.5’- 
Lorenzana,  p.  86. 


CAUSE  OF  HIS  BUm. 


165 


was  forthwith  taken  to  the  Spanish  quarters. 
On  his  way  he  encountered  throngs  of  his  faith¬ 
ful  subjects,  who,  though  they  could  hardly  be 
aware  of  what  the  transaction  meant,  would,  at  the 
slightest  nod  of  the  Monarch,  have  thrown  them¬ 
selves  upon  the  swords  of  the  Spaniards,  in  all 
the  plenitude  of  devotion  of  a  people  who  believed 
in  their  King  as  the  greatest  of  men,  and  as  the 
vicegerent  of  their  gods  on  earth. 

But  no  such  signal  came.  Slowly  and  silently 
the  litter  passed  onwards  ;  and  it  must  have  been 
with  strange  misgivings  that  the  people  saw  their 
Monarch  encompassed  by  those  whom  they  had 
long  known  to  be  their  enemies,  the  Tlascalan 
allies  of  Cortes,  and  by  a  strange  race  of  bearded, 
armed  men,  who  seemed,  as  it  were,  to  have  risen 
from  the  earth,  to  appal  their  nobles  and  to  affront 
their  religion. 

This  is  an  unparalleled  transaction.  There  is 
nothing  like  it,  I  believe,  in  the  annals  of  the 
world. 

The  completeness  of  the  despotism  of  Monte¬ 
zuma  was  a  great  part  of  his  ruin.  It  was  noticed 
by  the  Spaniards,  as  they  entered  Mexico,  that 
his  grandees  did  not  dare  to  look  him  in  the  face. 


Monte¬ 
zuma’s 
despotism 
the  cause 
his  ruin. 


166 


QUALPOPOCA  BURNT. 


Qualpo- 
poca  burnt. 


To  use  the  expressive  words  of  the  chronicler, 
“  thej’  did  not,  in  thought  even,  look  up  at  him, 
but  kept  their  eyes  fixed  on  the  wall.”  *  It  was 
very  natural,  therefore,  for  Cortes  to  think  that 
striking  a  blow  at  the  head  would  paralyze  all 
the  body  politic  in  Mexico.  He  would  hardly 
have  thought  of  seizing  any  one  of  the  Chiefs  of 
Tlascala,  where  there  was  a  Senate  and  men  of 
nearly  equal  authority.  In  such  a  case  the  in¬ 
dignity  is  felt  by  all,  and  the  power  to  avenge  it  is 
scarcely  lessened  by  the  forced  removal  of  any  one. 

In  a  short  time  the  officers  who  had  been  sent 
for  by  Montezuma’s  signet  were  brought  to 
Mexico.  They  were,  in  all,  seventeen  persons. 
Being  asked  if  they  had  made  the  attack  on  the 
Spaniards  by  Montezuma’s  orders,  they  said  no: 
but,  upon  their  sentence  being  carried  into  execu¬ 
tion,  which  sentence  was,  that  they  should  be 
burnt,f  they  all  confessed  that  it  was  by  Monte- 
zuma’s  orders  they  had  acted.  Cortes,  thereupon, 
added  to  the  inhumanity  of  this  atrocious  sentence 

*  “  Todos  estos  sehoresni  por  pensamiento  le  miravan 
a  la  cara.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  88. 

t  Very  justly  had  Cortes  displayed  the  blue  and 
white  flames  upon  his  banner. 


SERVILITY  OF  MEXICANS. 


167 


upon  these  unfortunate  men  the  cruel  indignity 
to  Montezuma  of  putting  him  in  irons  during 
their  execution,  which  took  place  in  front  of  the 
palace.  Terror  was  evidently  what  the  Spaniard 
throughout  relied  upon;  and,  in  doing  so,  he 
appealed  to  an  influence  which  had  long  been  pre¬ 
dominant  in  the  mind  of  every  Mexican.  One 
who  loved  them  well,*  and  who  devoted  his  life 
to  their  conversion,  owns  that  their  character  was 
servile.f  They  had  been  taught,  he  says,  to  do 
nothing  for  the  love  of  good,  but  all  things  solely 
from  the  fear  of  punishment.  To  appease  their 
gods  they  would  sacrifice  their  own  children.  In 


*  Peter  of  Ghent. 

+  “  Ils  sont  bien  disposes  a  accepter  notre  religion  ; 
nais  ce  qui  est  mal,  c’est  que  lenr  caractere  est  servile ; 
Is  ne  font  rien  s’ils  n’y  sont  forces ;  on  ne  pent  rien 
)btenir  d’enx  par  la  douceur  ou  la  persuasion.  Cela  ne 
ient  pas  de  leur  naturel,  c’est  le  resultat  de  l’habitude. 
)n  les  a  accoutumes  a  ne  rien  faire  pour  l’amour  du 
)ien,  mais  seulement  par  crainte  des  chatiments.  Tous 
eurs  sacrifices,  qui  consistaient  a  tuer  leurs  propres 
aifants  ou  a  les  mutiler,  etaient  le  resultat  de  la  terreur 
t  non  pas  de  l’amour  que  leurs  dicux  leur  inspiraient.” 
— Lettre  du  Frere  Pierre  de  Gand,  en  date  du  27  Juin, 
•v29.  Tern aux -  Com pans ,  Voyages. 


168 


TERROR  THEIR  GOD. 


truth,  though  taking  many  forms,  terror  was  their 

Terror  a 

prevailing  prod  :  and  now  a  greater  terror  than  they  had 

influence  in 

the  minds  hitherto  known — a  terror  that  could  not  be 

of  the 

Mexicans,  dispelled  by  their  deities  or  their  priests — had 
come  amongst  them.  Premature  decay  is  ever 
inherent  in  a  one-sided  cultivation  of  the  powers, 
the  intellect,  or  the  affections,  of  mankind. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Consequences  of  the  Capture — Montezuma  becomes  a  vassal 

of  the  King  of  Spain — Pamphilo  de  Narvaez  arrives 

upon  the  Coast— Cories  quits  Mexico  and  defeats 
Narvaez. 

F^|HE  pretext  of  Montezuma’s  capture  be- 
|d  -g  disposed  of,  we  naturally  turn  to  con- 
sider  the  consequences  of  the  capture 
self.  We  may  imagine  the  rumours  which  ran 
irough  the  city  after  Montezuma  had  been  seen 

'  accompany  the  Spaniards  to  their  quarters _ 

hat  a  fervid  noise  rose  up  from  the  thronged 
arket-place  as  the  news  was  bruited  there  ;  how 
was  re-echoed  in  the  gay  streets,  where  the 
>atmen  exchanged  news  with  the  passers-by  on 
ry  land;  what  fierce  intonation  was  given  to  it 
'  the  sacred  precincts  of  the  temple,  in  the  col- 
!?es,  and  the  convents ;  and  with  what  subdued 


170 


MONTEZUMA  IN  CAPTIVITY. 


Very  little 
restraint 
upon  Mon¬ 
tezuma. 


The 

probable 
thoughts 
of  Monte¬ 
zuma  in 
captivity. 


and  stealthy  voices  the  matter  was  discussed  ii 
the  palaces  of  grave  and  powerful  nobles. 

The  wary  Cortes  strove  to  make  the  imprison 
ment  look  as  much  like  a  visit  as  possible.  Th< 
Mexican  King  received  ambassadors*  directe( 
judges*  held  his  court*  and  continued  to  fulfil  th* 
functions  of  royalty  nearly  after  the  same  fashioi 

that  he  had  been  accustomed  to.  He  was  no 

« 

restricted  in  his  amusements*  not  even  in  th 
chase ;  and  the  slightest  indignity  shown  to  Inn 
by  any  Spaniard  was  severely  punished  by  Cortes 

Meanwhile*  what  were  the  thoughts*  the  plans 
the  hopes*  and  the  fears  of  this  captive  Monarch 
Historians*  who  are  often  supposed  to  know  every 
thing*  and  to  be  able  to  write  with  an  insight  int 
the  minds  of  their  principal  personages  possesse< 
only  by  the  writers  of  fiction*  will  always  b 
sorely  puzzled  to  account  for  Montezuma’s  con 
duct.  But*  if  one  is  obliged  to  give  any  ex 
planation  of  it*  that  explanation  must,  I  think,  b 
based  upon  the  ground  that  Montezuma  reall; 
believed  in  the  notion  that  the  coming  of  Corte 
and  his  men  fulfilled  the  traditions  of  the  Mexicai 
race.  A  near  acquaintance  with  the  Spaniard 
gave  Montezuma  a  greater  insight  into,  and  ap 


HIS  RELIGIOUS  EXERCISES. 


171 


prehension  of,  their  power  than  was  possessed  by 
most  of  his  subjects.  Moreover,  he  doubtless 
perceived  that  his  best  chance  of  preserving*  his 
own  life  was  in  preventing  disturbance  of  any 
kind.  It  must  be  recollected  also,  that  in  dealing 
with  Cortes  he  had  to  encounter  one  of  the 
;raftiest  of  men  ;  and,  finally,  the  circumstances 
were  such  as  would  have  greatly  perplexed  any 
nan  who  was  not  perfectly  ready  to  peril  his  own 
iffij  who  did  not,  to  use  an  emphatic  expres- 
ion,  carry  his  life  in  his  hand. 

There  is  nothing  which  can  serve  better  to 
lustrate  the  limits  of  Montezuma’s  freedom  of 
ction  at  the  present  moment,  the  extent  of  the 
ower  which  Cortes  had  gained  by  bringing 
lontezuma  to  his  quarters,  and  the  general 
.ehng  of  the  Mexican  people,  than  the  religious 
iservances  of  the  Mexican  Monarch.  Had  the 
iptive  been  of  the  religion  of  his  captors,  or 

any  religion  which  did  not  require  public  de- 
onstration,  a  chapel  might  have  been  put  up  in 
s  prison  ;  and,  comparatively  speaking,  much 
;38  would  have  been  indicated  by  the  Monarch’s 
■'  sence  from,  or  presence  at,  religious  rites  and 
1  remonies.  But,  whatever  was  left  of  kingship 


172 


MONTEZUMA  PERMITTED 


Monte¬ 
zuma  is 
allowed  to 
go  to  the 
temple. 


in  Montezuma  must  be  seen,  or  inferred,  from 
his  presence  on  the  summit  of  that  dread  temple 
which  overlooked  the  whole  city.  Accordingly, 
we  find  that  Montezuma  demanded  permission 
from  Cortes  (what  a  humbling  of  the  mighty !)  tc 
go  to  his  temple  to  make  sacrifices  and  to  fulfi 
his  devotions,  in  order,  as  he  probably  told  the 
Spaniards,  that  he  might  show  himself  to  hi; 
people,  and,  afterwards,  give  his  captains  and  prin 
cipal  men  to  understand  that  it  was  by  the  com 
maud  of  his  god  Huitzilopochtli  that  he  continue* 
to  remain  in  the  power  of  the  Spaniards.  Corte 
wisely  granted  the  request,  warning  Montezum 
at  the  same  time,  that-  if  there  were  any  disturb 
ance,  it  would  be  at  the  peril  of  his  life.  T! 
ensure  the  constant  presence  of  that  peril,  on 
hundred  and  fifty  Spanish  soldiers  were  to  a( 
company  the  King.  Cortes  also  made  it  a  cor 
dition  that  there  should  be  no  human  sacrifice 
There  were,  he  said,  the  altars  of  the  Christia 
religion  and  the  image  of  “  Our  Lady,”  befoi 
which  the  King  might  pray.  Montezuma  pr< 
mised  that  he  would  sacrifice  no  living  soul,  ar 

f 

set  forth  to  the  great  temple  in  full  state  with  hi 
sceptre  borne  before  him,  his  people  and  his  nobld 


TO  ATTEND  THE  TEMPLE. 


173 


showing  themselves  as  obedient  and  as  respectful 
as  heretofore.  But  the  human  sacrifices  had 
already  taken  place,  for,  in  the  preceding  night, 
four  victims*  had  been  sacrificed.  The  assertion, 
therefore,  of  Cortes,  that  while  he  was  in  Mexico 
no  human  sacrifices  were  allowed, f  must  be  taken 
with  considerable  limitations.  The  truth  is,  that 
neither  Coites  nor  the  prudent  Father  Olmedo 
could  at  that  time  prevent  these  sacrifices  takino- 
place,  for,  as  Bernal  Diaz  says,  “  they  were 
obliged  to  dissimulate  with  Montezuma,  as  Mexico 
was  much  disposed  to  revolt,  and  other  great 
cities,  together  with  the  nephews  of  Montezuma.” 
The  King  did  not  stay  long  in  the  temple,  and 
when  he  returned,  he  was  in  high  good  humour, 
and  ga\e  largesse  to  the  soldiers  who  accompanied 
him.  It  was,  no  doubt,  a  great  satisfaction  to  the 
poor  Monarch,  to  have  been  able  to  show  himself 
to  his  people  in  so  much  apparent  freedom. 

We  discern  from  what  has  just  been  stated 


Cortes  can¬ 
not  entirely 
prevent 
human 
sacrifices. 


*  “Ya  le  tenian  sacrificado  desde  la  noche  antes 
quatro  Indios.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  98. 

t  En  todo  el  tiempo,  que  yo  estube  en  la  dicha 
Ciudad,  nunca  se  vid  matar,  ni  sacrificar  alguna  Cria- 
tura.” — Lorenzana,  p.  107. 


174 


MEXICAN  EFFORTS 


about  the  inability  of  Cortes  to  put  a  stop  t( 
human  sacrifice,  that  the  Spanish  General,  thougl 
he  had  the  person  of  the  Mexican  Monarch  in  hi 
power,  found  still  much  to  conquer  in  the  dispo 
sition  of  the  Mexican  people,  and  in  the  near  re 
lations  of  Montezuma,  some  of  whom  were  kincr 
themselves.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  many  o 
Montezuma’s  devoted  adherents  offered  to  mak< 
an  effort  to  release  their  master,  to  all  of  whon 
he  replied  that  it  was  the  will  of  Huitzilopochtl 
that  he  should  be  kept  in  this  durance,  or,  at  least 

he  intimated  that  it  was  his  own  will  that  the> 

* 

should  make  no  move  for  the  present.  Then 
was  one  member,  however,  of  the  Mexican  roya 
family  who  was  not  to  be  controlled  so  easily 
This  was  Cacamatzin,  the  nephew  of  Montezuma 
and  King  of  Tezcuco,  a  beautiful  city  on.  th< 
borders  of  the  Salt  Lake,  in  which  Mexico  wai 
situated.  There  is  not  time  in  this  world  for  dis 
cussing  minutely  the  family  affairs  of  semi-bar 
barian  princes  with  unpleasant  names,  who  liavt 
perished  long  ago ;  and,  therefore,  I  shall  mereh 
relate  the  fate  of  Cacamatzin,  who  was  the  chie 
personage  in  the  conspiracy  amongst  the  Mexicai 


TO  RELEASE  MONTEZUMA. 


175 


ords  and  princes  which  now  threatened  the  domi- 
lation  of  Cortes. 


The  Spanish  General  first  sought  to  gain  over 
icainatzin  himself;  but,  failing  in  this,  he  then 


176  INDIGNATION  OF  CACAMATZIN. 


endeavoured  to  bring  the  influence  of  Montezum 


Indigna¬ 
tion  of  Ca- 


camatzin, 


the  King  of 


Tezcuco. 


to  bear  upon  his  nephew,  in  order  to  allure  hii 
within  the  power  of  the  Spaniards.  But  the  brav  : 
young  Prince  was  filled  with  scorn  at  the  patienc 
of  his  uncle,  and  with  indignation  at  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  strangers.  He  had  before  counseile 
war,  and  that  the  Spaniards  should  have  been  me 
at  the  pass  of  the  Sierra  of  Chaleo ;  and  he  no\ 
declared  that  his  uncle  had  no  more  courage  tha 
a  hen.  He  said  that  the  Spaniards  were  wizard: 
who  by  their  magic  had  charmed  away  the  grer ; 
heart  and  courage  of  Montezuma.  Their  force 
he  maintained,  resided  not  in  them,  but  in  theifj 
gods,  and  in  the  great  woman  of  Castille  (la  gra , 
muger  de  Castilla ),  for  thus  he  designated  th 
Virgin. 

Such  an  enemy  must,  at  all  cost,  be  secured 
and  Montezuma,  won  over  by  Cortes,  and  pr( 
bably  informed  of  his  nephew's  contemptuoi 
speeches,  consented  to  a  deed,  the  most  deploil 
able  of  any  which  mark  his  captivity.  It  appeal! 
that  he  had  in  his  pay  some  of  the  principal  pe 
sons  at  the  Court  of  Tezcuco.*  By  their  meai 


*  The  Mexican  historian,  Ixtlilxochitl,  makes  tl 


CAPTURE  OF  CA  CAM  A  TZIN.  177 

^acamatzin’s  people  were  to  be  gained  over,  and 
lis  person  secured.  This  scheme  was  successful. 

Vt  a  midnight  meeting,  when  the  Tezucan  King 
ras  concerting  his  plans  for  attacking  Mexico,  Capture  of 
ie  was  8eized>  hurried  into  a  boat  (the  waters  of  of So. 
he  lake  ran  underneath  his  palace),  and  was 

arned  off  to  Mexico,  where  Cortes  put  him 
1  chains. 

It  was  now  less  difficult  for  Cortes  to  persuade 
lontezuma  to  give  some  public  sign  of  fealty  to 
ie  King  of  Spain.  The  unfortunate  Monarch 
msented  to  summon  his  nobles  and  dependent 
rinces  for  that  purpose.  No  Spaniard  was 
resent  at  the  first  interview  of  the  King  with 
3  n°bles,  save  Orteguilla,  a  page  in  the  suite  of 
ortes.  This  boy,  who  was  about  thirteen  years 
d,  had  learned  Mexican  at  Cempoala,  having 
*en  left  for  that  purpose  with  the  Cacique.  On 
count  of  his  knowledge  of  the  language  he  had 
‘en  placed  in  the  service  of  Montezuma,  and  was 


others  of  Cacamatzin  guilty  of  this  treachery.  “  Ca- 
01a,  qui  ne  se  defiait  de  rien,  se  livra  a  ses  freres,  qui, 
and  ilfut  dans  le  canot,  s’emparerent  de  sa  personne, 
conduisirent  a  Mexico,  et  le  mirent  entre  les  mains  de 
rtes.  Histoire  cles  Chichimeques ,  chap.  86. 


178 


MONTEZUMA'S  CONFERENCE. 


Conference 
of  Monte¬ 
zuma  with 
his  nobles. 


in  the  room,  probably  unobserved  by  the  Monarc! 
while  this  conference  was  being  held. 

The  account  which  we  have  of  this  conferenc< 
and  for  which  the  young  page  must  be  respor 
sible,  seems  to  be  very  like  the  truth.  The  M< 
narch  began  by  reminding  his  counsellors  of  th 
history  of  their  ancestors,  and  of  the  prophecy,  ths 
from  the  East  should  come  those  who  were  t 
have  the  lordship  over  the  land  of  Mexico.  It  i 


in  such  expressions  as  the  above  that  we  may  sm 
pect  a  leaning  towards  that  form  of  translatio 
which  would  be  most  acceptable  to  the  Spaniards 
but  where  so  much  is  mere  conjecture,  I  woul< 
not  say  that  Montezuma  did  not  use  such  an  ex 
pression,  which  he  is  made  to  emphasize  by  th 
following  words  of  his  speech,  in  which  he  de 
dared  that  at  that  time,  namely,  upon  the  adven 
of  those  people,  the  Mexican  Empire  was  to  cease 
A  despot  like  Montezuma  cannot,  without  q 


diminution  of  dignity,  quote  any  less  importan’ 
personages  than  the  gods  of  his  country.  lie  ac¬ 
cordingly  proceeded  to  declare  that  the  Spaniard; 
who  had  now  arrived  were  the  expected  strangers. 
He  added,  that  Huitzilopochtli,  having  been 
sacrificed  to,  and  consulted  by  the  priests  upon 


hlitzilopochtlt s  response. 


179 


the  present  juncture  of  affairs,  would  not  respond 
as  usual.  All  that  the  god  would  give  them  to  The 
understand  was,  that  what  he  'had  said  to  them  ITthT" 
at  other  times  was  that  which  he  gave  now  for  a 
response,  and  that  they  should  not  ask  him  more.* 

The  politic  idol !  No  Delphian  oracle  could  have 
shown  more  craft ;  but  the  conclusion  which  Mon¬ 


tezuma  chose  to  draw  was,  that  the  Mexicans 
should  offer  obedience  to  the  King  of  Castille, 

‘  f°rj”  he  added>  with  the  faith  in  coming  events 
proving  favourable,  which  belongs  to  those  who 

ack  the  presence  of  mind  to  strike  a  bold  stroke 

iow,  “  nothing  comes  of  that  at  present, f  and, 

■s  time  goes  on,  we  shall  see  if  we  have  another 


'Otter  reply  from  our  gods,  and,  as  we  shall  see 

be  occasion,  so  we  will  act;  for  the  present,”  „ 

ontinued  the  Monarch,  “  that  which  I  command 

ad  beseech  you,  is  to  give  some  sign  of  vassal- 

?e,  and  soon  I  will  tell  you  what  it  may  better  \ass^t0 

efit  us  to  do.”  He  then  told  them  how  he  was 

iportuned  by  Malinche  to  give  this  sign  of  vas- 


‘  “  ^  10  qU!  l6S,ha  dioto  °^ras  vezes,  aquello  da 
P  respuesta ;  e  que  no  le  pregunten  mas 

JtNAX  Dtaz,  cap.  101. 

t  “  A1  presente  no  va  nada  en  ello .’’-Eerxal  Duz, 


/ 


Orief  of  the 
Mexican 
King  and 
hio  nobles. 


Monte¬ 
zuma  pub¬ 
licly  recom¬ 
mends  an 
act  of 
vassalage. 


180 


MONTEZUMA’S  VASSALAGE 


salage.  Finally,  he  appealed  to  their  loyalty  am 
their  gratitude.  Had  he  not  enriched  them,  mad< 
broad  their  lands,  and  given  to  them  governments 
If  he  were  detained  in  this  durance,  was-  it  no 
that  their  gods  permitted  it,  and  (as  he  had  oftei 
had  occasion  to  tell  them)  that  Huitzilopocht! 
had  enjoined  upon  him  to  stay  where  he  was ! 

The  Mexican  lords  responded  dutifully  to  thei 
Sovereign’s  demands ;  but  neither  could  they,  no 
could  the  Monarch  himself,  conceal  the  grie 
which  insisted  upon  being  felt  at  such  humilia 
tion.  They  wept  ;  they  sobbed :  and  for  one 
the  full  flow  of  human  passion  was  permitted  a 
this  precise  court,  in  the  presence  of  their  drea< 
Sovereign, — still  dread  to  them,  and  never,  per 
haps,  so  dear.  It  represented  the  wailing  of  ; 
whole  nation,  who  had  been  accustomed  to  thin! 
themselves  the  greatest  people  upon  earth,  an< 
who  now  saw  their  dignity  trampled  upon  by  u 
small  body  of  unknown  men.  I 

When  the  conference  broke  up,  Montezuma 
sent  a  messenger  to  Cortes,  informing  him,  tha 
the  next  day  they  would  perform  the  act  of  vas 
salage  to  the  King  of  Castille.  Accordingly,  01. 
the  following  day,  in  the  presence  of  Cortes  am 


TO  KING  OK  SPAIN. 


181 


the  Spaniards,  Montezuma  made  an  address  to 
his  lords  similar  to  the  speech  which  he  had  ut¬ 
tered  the  day  before,  except  that  the  hopes  he 
had  hinted,  and  the  consolations  he  had  suggested, 
in  their  private  interview,  did  not,  for  manifest 
reasons,  find  a  place  in  this  deplorable  discourse, 
which  was  an  undisguised  recommendation  of 
vassalage  to  the  King  of  Spain. 

Montezuma  could  bring  himself  to  utter  the 
words  wrung  from  him  by  the  importunity  of 
Cortes,  but  he  could  not  command  his  feelings 
sufficiently  to  do  so  with  anything  like  regal  un¬ 
concern.  From  the  first  to  the  last  his  speech 
was  broken  by  sobs,*  and  by  uncontrollable  emo¬ 
tion.  When  he  had  ended,  his  lords  could  not 
reply  to  him  for  some  time,  so  great  was  their 
inguish,  and  so  loud  their  lamentations.  The 
Spaniards  themselves  were  almost  as  much  moved 

Lo  qual  todo  les  dijo  lloran  do,  con  las  may  ores 

agrimas,  y  suspiros,  que  un  hombre  podia  manifestar ; 

!  assimismo  todos  aquellos  Senores,  que  le  estaban 

liendo,  lloraban  tanto,  que  en  gran  rato  ne  le  pudieron 

esponder,  Y  certifico  a  Yuestra  Sacra  Magestad,  que 

i0  hahia  tal  de  los  Espanoles,  que  oiesse  el  Razona- 

mento>  que  no  bobiesse  mucha  compas ion. ’’—Lorenz ana, 
97. 


182 


ACT  OF  VASSALAGE. 


Act  of 
vassalage 
takes  place. 


1 

f 


The  objects 
of  Cortes. 


as  the  Mexicans,  and  there  was  amongst  them  a 
soldier  who  wept  as  much  as  Montezuma  himself.* 

At  last  the  Mexican  lords  were  sufficiently 

J  i 

composed  to  declare  themselves,  “jointly  and  seve¬ 
rally,”  vassals  to  the  King  of  Spain.  Never  was 
a  great  empire  more  strangely  and  suddenly,  and, 
we  may  say,  ludicrously  humiliated.  Never  did 
the  animal  creation  play  so  great  a  part.  Had 
Montezuma  possessed  twenty  horses,  his  Empire 
would,  I  am  convinced,  have  been  unconquer¬ 
able  by  Cortes.  This  ceremony  of  professing  vas¬ 
salage  was  performed  with  all  due  legalities,  a 
notary  being  present,  and  drawing  up  a  solemn 
attestation  of  the  proceedings. 

As  might  be  expected,  one  of  the  first  things 
demanded  of  Montezuma,  after  this  act  of  vas¬ 
salage,  was  gold,  of  which  a  great  quantity — no 
less  in  value  than  one  hundred  thousand  ducats — 
was  handed  over  to  Cortes  by  the  King. 

* 

Cortes,  who  possessed  a  mind  of  the  highest 
capacity  for  civil  as  well  as  military  business, 


*  “  Sc  nos  enternecieron  los  ojos,  y  soldado  huvo, 
que  llorava  tanto  como  Montezuma,  tanto  era  el  amor 
que  lc  teniamos.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  101.  I  conjecture  < 
that  this  soldier  was  Bernal  Diaz  himself. 


OBJECTS  OF  COBTES. 


183 


turned  to  the  best  account  the  power  and  influ¬ 
ence  which  he  had  obtained  over  Montezuma. 
It  will  serve  to  illustrate  the  difference  between 
a  soldier  who  is  more  than  half  a  statesman,  and 
the  vulgar,  semi-animal  conqueror,  to  see  what 
were  the  objects  Cortes  instantly  turned  his  at¬ 
tention  to,  instead  of  the  ordinary  pillage  and 
rapine  which  would  have  absorbed  the  whole  at¬ 
tention  of  a  mere  man  of  conquest  in  a  similar 
position.  But  Cortes  reminds  us  of  Caesar ;  and 
war  with  him  was  but  a  means  to  an  end. 

He  first  took  care  to  ascertain  where  the 
Mexican  gold  mines  were  to  be  found,  and  forth¬ 
with  sent  Spaniards,  accompanied  by  Monte¬ 
zuma  s  officers,  into  the  several  provinces  desig¬ 
nated  as  gold-producing. 

Then  he  took  measures  to  accomplish  that 
which  had,  from  the  first,  been  a  great  object 
with  him,*  namely,  to  discover  a  good  harbour 
in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  On  inquiring  of  Monte¬ 
zuma  in  reference  to  this  point,  the  Monarch  re¬ 
plied,  that  he  did  not  know  of  any  such  harbour 

liespues  que  en  esta  Tierra  salte,  siempre  he  tra- 

>ajado  de  buscar  Puerto  en  la  Costa  de  ella.” — Loeen- 
uxa,  p.  93. 


Mines. 


Harbour¬ 
age  in  the 
Gulf  of 
Mexico. 


184 


EXTENSIVE  SURVEYS. 


(and,  indeed,  the  coast  is  very  deficient  in  har¬ 
bourage)  ;  but  he  provided  Cortes  with  a  map 
of  the  whole  coast,  made  for  the  occasion,  in 
which  the  roadsteads  and  the  rivers  were  all  set 
down;  and  then  Cortes  sent  out  an  exploring 
party  of  Spaniards.  It  is  remarkable  that,  both 
in  this  expedition,  and  in  those  which  went  out  to 
survey  the  gold-producing  provinces,  the  Spaniards 
found  native  chiefs  who  were  willing  to  receive 
the  messengers  of  Cortes,  and  who  sent  them 
back  with  gracious  messages, — such  wms  already 
the  fame  of  the  Spanish  Conqueror  throughout 
New  Spain ;  but  these  same  chiefs  would  not 
allowT  the  officers  of  Montezuma  to  enter  their 
country. 

We  may  here  mention  a  circumstance  wrhicb, 
though  slight  in  itself,  serves  well  to  illustrate 
the  talents  of  Cortes  for  government,  namely,  > 
that  on  the  return  of  one  of  these  exploring 
parties,  finding  that  they  gave  a  very  favourable 
account  of  the  fertility  of  the  province  they  had 
visited,  Cortes  asked  Montezuma  to  make  a  farm 
there  for  the  King  of  Spain,  where  the  cultiva¬ 
tion  of  maize,  and  of  cacao,  the  money  of  the 
country,  was  immediately  commenced.  It  would 


CORTES  DESTROYS  IDOLATRY.  185 

have  been  long  before  a  mere  soldier, such  as  Pedro 
de  Alvarado,  would  have  thought  of  these  thino-s 
But  the  triumph  of  Cortes,  and  that  use  of 
his  power  for  which  he  has  been  likened  to 
Judas  Maccabfeus,  was  in  the  destruction  of  the 
hideous  Mexican  idols,  the  cleansing  of  their  Destruc- 
foul  chapels,  and  the  stern  forbidding  of  human  MoK ' 
sacrifice.  Montezuma  himself  and  many  of  his 
lords  were  present  at  the  downfall  of  these  idols.* 

It  must  have  been  a  glorious  sight ;  and  Cortes, 
who  has  enough  evil  to  answer  for,  may,  on  the 
other  hand,  be  greatly  praised  for  this  deed, 
which  alone  must  ever  separate  him  from  the 
Timours,  Attilas,  Genghis  Khan3,  and  other 
unmeaning,  purposeless  destroyers  of  mankind, 
bortes  tells  his  master  Charles  the  Fifth,  that 
Montezuma  and  the  Mexican  nobles  assisted  at 
Je  deposition  of  their  idols  with  a  joyful  coun- 
enance.  Great,  then,  must  have  been  their 
:ommand  of  countenance.  What  they  felt  in 
heir  hearts  is  not  known  to  us ;  but  any  one 

*  “  El  dieho  Muteczuma,  y  muchos  de  los  Principales 
e  *a  C'udad,  estuvieron  con  migo  hasta  quitar  los  Idolos, 
limpiar  las  Capillas,  y  poner  las  Imagenes,  y  todo  con 
legre  semblante.” — Lorenzana,  p.  107. 


186  CORTES  PROVIDES  SELF-DEFENCE. 


who  has  observed  mankind,  and  seen  that  there 
is  no  stronger  feeling,  nor  one  which  men  are 
more  proud  of,  than  that  which  binds  together  a 
class,  a  sect,  a  guild,  or  a  profession,  must  know 
what  an  intensity  of  enmity  Cortes  would  thence¬ 
forward  have  to  contend  against,  in  the  priesthood 
whom  he  had  thus  mocked  and  brought  to  nought. 
I  much  fear,  too,  that  even  if  no  human  sacrifice 
took  place  on  the  sacred  stones  of  the  great 
pyramidal  temple,  yet  that,  in  many  a  dark  and 
secret  chamber,  the  god  of  war  was  propitiated 
with  the  usual  rites,  and  with  no  lack  of  human 
hearts  laid  before  some  rude  and  hastily- com¬ 
pounded  effigy  of  their  monster  demon. 

These  plans  for  mining,  farming,  and  surveying 
the  country,  and  for  converting  the  inhabitants, 
did  not  render  Cortes  inattentive  to  the  first  care 
he  had  on  hand, — namely,  that  of  self-defence.  It 
was  easy  at  a  glance  to  see  that  the  warlike  science 
of  the  Spaniards,  superior  in  all  respects,  would 
be  remarkably  so  when  manifested  on  the  water;* 
and,  moreover,  that  a  sure  mode  of  withdrawal,  orj 
escape,  would  be  provided  for  them,  if  they  could! 
have  a  few  vessels  launched  upon  the  great  Saltl 


POSITION  OF  MONTEZUMA. 


187 


Lake  of  Mexico.  The  first  care,  therefore,  of 
Cortes  was  to  build  brigantines  to  navigate  the 
Lake. 

» 

The  position  of  Montezuma,  one  of  the  most  re- 
markable  lecorded  in  history,*  remained  unchanged 
for  many  months.  Cortes  pursued  with  steadiness 
his  own  ends,  waiting  for  good  news  and  for  any 
reinforcements  that  might  come  to  him  from  Spain 
and  from  Hispaniola.  Meanwhile,  Montezuma 
continued  to  govern  as  usual,  only  that  he  governed 
m  the  direction  prescribed  by  Cortes,  that  is,  as 
regarded  those  affairs  in  which  the  Spanish  Com¬ 
mander  took  an  interest. 

It  was  impossible  that  such  a  mode  of  govern- 
nent  could  be  otherwise  than  most  distasteful  to 
he  chief  persons  governed.  To  have  a  foreign 
Mayor  of  the  Palace  lording  it  over  them,  was 
aore  than  any  people  could  be  expected  to  submit 
o ;  but  in  this  case  there  were  also  other  causes 


He  might  be  compared  to  one  of  the  Merovingian 

ungs  of  France,  with  an  all-powerful  Mayor  of  the 

alace;  but  then  Montezuma’s  Mayor  was  a  stranger 

h°’  as  it  were,  had  dropped  amongst  them  like  a  me- 
*oric  stone. 


Cortes 
begins  to 
build  bri¬ 
gantines. 


188 


DISCONTENT  OF  MEXICANS 


% 


Govern¬ 
ment  of 
Cortes 
hateful 
to  the 
Mexicans. 


of  offence,  each  one  sufficient  to  produce  a  revolu¬ 
tion, — namely,  in  the  imprisonment  of  several  royal 
personages,  near  relations  of  the  king,  and  in  the 
changes  which  Cortes  had  made,  or  attempted  to 
make,  in  matters  of  religion.  It  must  not  be 
forgotten  that  the  priesthood  of  Mexico  was  also 
the  fountain  of  education ;  and  it  may  be  con¬ 
ceived  with  what  ardour  the  young  men  of  the 
great  city  would  embrace  the  side  of  the  priest¬ 
hood.  For  youth,  according  to  that  strange  in¬ 
version  often  seen  in  human  affairs,  is  the  time  at 
which  prejudices  are  strongest,  the  capability  of 
judging  being  at  its  lowest, — all  which  might  be 
of  little  matter,  however,  but  that  the  readiness  i 
to  act  upon  those  prejudices  is  ten  times  greater 
then  than  at  any  other  period  of  life.  A  youth 
does  not  understand  holding  a  strong  opinion,  and 
not  doing  something  to  enforce  it.  Nor  was  the 
present  an  occasion  when  the  older  and  graver 
men  of  a  city  would  be  likely  to  impose  the  least 
restraint  upon  the  younger  and  the  more  impa¬ 
tient.  The  King  imprisoned,  the  royal  family 
maltreated,  the  chiefs  made  nought  of,  a  foreign 
enemy  introduced  into  the  capital,  and,  above  all, 
the  gods  deposed  and  ridiculed,  what  could  be 


MONTEZUMA'S  SUBMISSION . 


189 


expected  but  that  the  citizens  of  Mexico  should 
be  in  a  state  of  fervour  and  ebullition*  hardly  to 
be  repressed  even  by  the  risk  of  immediate  per¬ 
sonal  injury  to  their  monarch? 

Montezuma  himself  bore  his  imprisonment 
quietly  enough  for  some  time.  Cortes  ventured 
to  tempt  him  on  several  occasions  with  the  offer 
of  liberty*  which  the  Monarch  refused  to  profit 
by*  alleging  that*  if  he  were  in  entire  liberty*  he 
might  be  compelled  by  the  importunity  of  his 
vassals  to  take  such  steps  against  the  Spaniards 
as  he  himself  would  not  approve  of.* 

It  must  be  confessed  that  Montezuma  appears 
to  have  been  a  mean-spirited  person.  He  may, 
however*  have  suspected  that  the  proposal  of 
Cortes  was  only  made  for  the  purpose  of  sounding 
him*  which  certainly  was  the  case.  As  the  days 
went  on*  his  nobles  became  more  importunate*  his 
priests  more  imperative*  his  own  discontent  more 
leveloped  ;  and  this  feeling  was  probably  aug- 

*  “  Sus  Yasallos  le  importunassen,  6  le  induciessen  a 
pie  hiciesse  alguna  cosa  contra  su  voluntad,  qne  fuesse 
uera  del  servicio  de  V.  A.,  y  que  el  tenia  propuesto  de 
ervir  a  Vuestra  Magestad  en  todo  lo  a  el  posible.”— 
jOREnzana,  p.  88. 


190 


CHANGE  IN  MONTEZUMA. 


Change  in 
Monte¬ 
zuma. 


The 
motives 
for  that 
change. 


merited  by  various  little  slights  to  his  dignity,  of 
which  history  makes  no  mention,  but  upon  which, 
as  a  monarch,  he  doubtless  laid  much  stress. 
There  certainly  was  a  change  at  this  period  in 
Montezuma’s  conduct,  and  the  following  are 
the  motives  for  it  which  are  stated  by  an  histo¬ 
rian,*  who,  whatever  his  inaccuracies,  had  at 
least  the  advantage,  as  a  chaplain  of  Cortes,  of 
hearing  his  version  of  the  matter.  The  chaplain 
assigns  three  motives  for  this  change  in  Monte¬ 
zuma  ;  the  continued  importunities  of  his  people, 
an  interview  which  the  king  had  with  the  Devil, 
and  the  mutability  of  human  nature.  It  is  said 
by  the  Spanish  historians,  that  Montezuma  secretly 
prepared  an  army  of  an  hundred  thousand  men ; 
but  this  is  not  at  all  likely,  as  it  could  hardly 
have  been  done  without  the  cognizance  of  the 
two  thousand  Tlascalans  who  were  in  the  city.f 


*  Gomara. 

f  I  agree  with  what  Clavigero  says  upon  this  matter, 
who  seems  in  general  to  show  much  judgment  in  writing 
upon  these  affairs.  “  Quasi  tutti  gli  storici  SjDagnuoli 
dicono,  que  allorche  il  Ke  fece  chiamar  Cortes  per  inti- 
margli  l’ordine  di  partire,  avea  allestito  un  esercito  per 
farsi  ubbidir  per  forza,  se  mai  vi  fosse  qualche  resistenza, 


REQUESTS  CORTES  TO  BE  FART.  191 


One  day,  in  the  sixth  month  of  his  imprison¬ 
ment,  the  king,  accompanied  by  several  of  his 
nobles,  went  into  the  square  of  the  palace,  and 
sent  for  Cortes.  This  was  a  very  unusual  pro¬ 
ceeding.  Cortes  was  accustomed  to  pay  his  court 
to  Montezuma  once  or  twice  in  the  day,  but 
lad  never  been  sent  for  before.  “  I  do  not 
ike  this  novelty,”  he  exclaimed;  “  please  God 
here  may  be  no  mischief  in  it.”  Accompanied 
)y  a  few  Spaniards,  Cortes  went  immediately 
nto  the  Monarches  presence,  who  took  him  by 
he  hand,  led  him  into  a  room  where  seats  were 
placed  for  them  both,  and  then  addressed  him 
bus: — “I  pray  you,  take  your  departure  from 
his  my  city  and  land,  for  my  gods  are  very  angry 
hat  I  keep  you  here.  Ask  of  me  what  you  may 
v’ant,  and  I  will  give  it  you.  Do  not  think  that 
say  this  to  you  in  any  jest,  but  very  much  in 

ia  vi  e  una  gran  varieta  fra  loro,  poiche  alcuni  affermano, 
a’erano  in  arme  cento  mila  uomini,  altri  scemano  questo 
umero  della  meta,  ed  altri  finalmente  il  riducono  a 
nque  mila.  Io  mi  persuado  che  vi  sia  stata  in  fatti 
aalche  truppa  allestita,  non  pero  per  ordine  del  Re,  ma 
)ltanto  d’alcuni  Nobili  di  quelli,  che  aveano  preso  un 
u  grand’  impegno  in  questo  affare.”— Clavigero,  Storia 
ntica  del  Messico,  tom.  hi.  lib.  ix.  p.  112. 


Monte¬ 
zuma  re¬ 
quests 
Cortes  to 
depart. 


Excuse  of 
Cortes  for 
delay. 


192  THE  ANSWER  OF  CORTES. 

t 

earnest.  Wherefore,  fulfil  my  desire,  that  so  i 
may  be  done,  whatever  may  occur.” 

Cortes,  a  man  whom  events  might  surprise 
but  could  not  discompose,  replied  at  once :  “ 
have  heard  what  you  have  said,  and  thank  yoi 
much  for  it.  Name  a  time  when  you  wish  u 
to  depart,  and  so  it  shall  be.”  To  this  the  politt 
Monarch  replied  again,  “  I  do  not  wish  you  to  g( 
but  at  your  own  time”  (meaning,  he  did  not  wisl 
to  hurry  them  away).  “  Take  the  time  that  seem- 
to  you  necessary ;  and  when  you  do  go,  I  will  give 
to  you,  Cortes,  two  loads  of  gold,  and  one  to  each 
of  your  companions.”  By  the  time  that  the  con¬ 
versation  had  advanced  thus  far,  an  excellent  ex¬ 
cuse  for  delay  occurred  to  Cortes.  “  You  are 
already  well  aware,  my  Lord,”  he  said,  “  how  I 
destroyed  my  ships  when  I  first  landed  in  your 
territory.  And  so  now  we  have  need  of  other 
ships  in  order  to  return  ta  our  own  country.) 
\Y  herefore,  I  should  be  obliged  if  you  would  give : 
us  workmen  to  cut  and  work  the  wood.  I  myself 
have  ship-builders;  and  when  the  ships  are  built, 
we  will  take  our  departure.  Inform  your  deities 
and  your  vassals  of  this.”  Montezuma  assented,  j 
Cortes  was  provided  with  Mexican  workmen  who! 


MONTEZUMA'S  DEMEANOUR  CHANGED.  193 


were  sent  to  Vera  Cruz  under  Spanish  officers, 

and  the  building  of  ships  was  commenced  in 

earnest,  though  it  is  highly  improbable  that 

Cortes  had  the  slightest  intention  of  taking  his 
departure  in  them. 

It  has  been  said  that  Cortes  told  Montezuma 
on  this  occasion  that  he  would  have  to  accom¬ 
pany  the  Spaniards  in  order  to  be  presented  to 
the  iving  of  Spain ;  but  the  whole  course  of  the 
narrative  contradicts  this  statement,  and  it  would 
lave  been  perfect  madness  in  Cortes  at  this  junc- 
ure  to  make  Montezuma  so  desperate  as  such  a 
hreat  would  infallibly  have  made  him.  Cortes 

10  <^ou*3t  re^e(J  upon  palliatives  and  delays,  in 
he  hope  of  receiving,  in  the  meantime,  succour 
■om  home.  Throughout  the  interview,  according 
>  the  accounts  given  of  it  by  the  two  historians 
ho  ought  to  have  known  most,  it  is  discernible 
mt  the  tone  of  the  Mexican  king  towards  Cortes  Monte- 
as  altered  from  that  which  it  had  been.  He  is  bean.il 
'en  reported  to  have  said  that  it  was  not  “  words  cTef 
it  deeds”  that  he  wanted.*  The  Spanish  soldiers  Cha"KHd- 


“  Dixo  que  le  daria  los  carpinteros,  y  que  lueo-o 
ipachasse ;  y  no  huviesse  las  palabras,  sino  obra ,s.” 

L  o 


194  WARINESS  OF  SPANISH  SOLDIERS. 

appreciated  the  danger  of  their  position,  and  went 
about  much  depressed  ( muy  pensativos),  and 
fully  on  their  guard  against  any  sudden  attack. 
Indeed,  this  little  body  of  men  lived  in  their 
armour,  and  formed  such  habits  of  wariness, 
that  years  of  peace  and  lordship  could  not  efface 
the  watchful  customs  which  they  had  acquired  at 
this  eventful  period  of  their  lives,  so  that  one  of 
them  afterwards  describes  how  he  could  never 
pass  a  night  in  bed,  but  must  get  up,  and  walk 
about  in  the  open  air,  and  gaze  at  the  stars.* 

If  such  were  the  feelings  of  the  common  men,| 
what  must  have  been  those  of  their  commander? 
What  agonies  of  sleepless  indecision  must  have 
beset  his  couch,  unless,  indeed,  he  were  composed 
of  different  material  from  that  of  other  men  ?  A 
slight  disturbance  in  the  street,  a  momentary  out- 

—Cap..  108.  And  Gomara  says  that  Cortes  remarked 
the  change  “  Xo  le  parecid,  que  le  recibia  con  el 
talento  que  otras  veces.”— Gomjlra,  Crdnica  de  la  Nueva - 

Espaha ,  cap.  94.  'fj  I 

*  “  Y  otra  cosa  digo,  que  no  puedo  dormir,  sino  uu 
rato  de  la  noche,  quo  me  tengo  de  levantar  a  ver  el  cielo 
y  estrellas,  y  me  he  de  passear  un  rato  al  sereno,  y  estoj 
sin  poner  en  la  cabe^a  el  bonete,  ni  pano,  ni  cosa  niu-i 
gun  a.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  108. 


DANGER  OF  SUDDEN  OUTBREAK.  195 


break  of  fanaticism,  a  quarrel  in  the  market-place 

between  some  Tlascalan  and  some  Mexican _ 

and  the  fires  of  discord,  once  aroused,  mi^ht 
spread  throughout  the  city,  consume  the  little 
hand  of  Spaniards  and  their  allies,  and  prevent  a 
great  conquest  from  being  fulfilled.  Then  would  Danger  of 
Ihe  name  and  fame  of  Cortes  be  no  more  than 
those  of  some  of  the  early  adventurers  in  dis¬ 
covery  and  conquest  who  fill  up  the  trenches  over 
which  wiser  or  more  fortunate  men  march  to  the 
accomplishment  of  great  designs. 

It  was  not,  however,  by  any  enemies  in  the 
city  of  Mexico  that  the  fortunes  of  Cortes  were 
next  to  be  assailed.  He  had  entered  Mexico  on 
the  8th  of  November,  of  the  year  1519:  it  was 
now  the  beginning  of  May,  1520;  and,  in  these 
few  months,  he  had  accomplished  more  than  any 
conqueror,  before  him  or  after  him,  ever  did  with 
so  small  a  force  at  his  command.  Meanwhile  he 
had  heard  nothing  from  Cuba  or  from  the  mother 
country ;  and  it  was  certain  that  whatever  should’ 
come,  either  in  the  way  of  news  or  of  supplies, 
would  prove  a  considerable  succour  or  a  great 
hindrance.  A  few  days  after  the  unpleasant 
interview  with  Montezuma,  above  recorded,  he 


196 


LANDING  OF  A 


Unwel¬ 
come  news 
for  Cortes. 


Landing  of 
an  arma¬ 
ment  on  the 
coast  of 
New  Spain. 


received  intelligence  of  a  most  important  and  per¬ 
plexing  event ;  namely,  that  eighteen  ships  had 
arrived  in  the  Bay  of  San  Juan,  not  far  from  his 
little  colony  at  Vera  Cruz.  .The  alarming  news 
(alarming  on  account  of  the  number  of  the  vessels) 
was  confirmed  by  a  letter  he  received  from  a 
Spaniard  whom  he  had  appointed  to  watch  that 
coast.*  This  slight  circumstance  affords  a  striking; 

O  O 

instance  of  the  foresight  of  Cortes ;  and  then  the 
thoughtless  exclaim,  such  persons  are  fortunate! 
Cortes  instantly  despatched  messengers  in  different 
directions  to  gain  further  intelligence  about  these 
vessels.  Fifteen  days  passed  without  any  mes¬ 
senger  returning — fifteen  days  of  terrible  anxiety 
for  Cortes.  At  last  Montezuma  communicated 
to  the  Spanish  General,  that  he  was  aware  of  the 

arrival  of  these  new  comers,  and  that  they  had 

* 

disembarked  in  the  port  of  San  Juan.  More¬ 
over,  the  Monarch  was  able  to  show'  Cortes  a 
picture  of  the  forces  that  had  disembarked,  which 

*  “  Me  trajo  una  Carta  de  un  Espanol,  que  yo  tenia 
puesto  en  la  Costa,  para  que  si  Navi'os  veniessen,  les 
diesse  razon  de  mi,  y  de  aquella  Villa,  que  alii  estaba 
cerca  de  aquel  Puerto,  porque  no  se  perdiessen.” — Lo¬ 
renz  ana,  p.  116. 


SPANISH  ARMAMENT. 


197 


consisted  of  eighty  horses,  eight  hundred  men, 
and  ten  or  twelve  cannon.  The  messengers  who 
brought  this  news  to  Mexico  added  a  piece  of  in¬ 
telligence  very  significant  of  evil  for  Cortes; 
namely,  that  the  messengers  whom  he  had  sent 
were  with  the  newly-arrived  strangers,  and  that 
the  General  would  not  let  them  come  away. 

There  was  now  no  excuse  for  Cortes  to  delay 
his  return  on  account  of  the  want  of  vessels,  and 
so,  it  is  said,  Montezuma  intimated ;  but  it  is  pro¬ 
bable  that  if  the  King  felt  any  joy  at  this  oppor¬ 
tunity  of  getting  rid  of  an  enemy,  or  at  least  of 
a  very  importunate  friend,  he  also  had  a  terrible 
apprehension  that  the  arrival  of  this  additional 
force  from  Spain  boded  no  good  to  himself.  On 
the  day  when  this  intelligence  was  communicated, 
Montezuma  and  Cortes  dined  together,  and  were 
particularly  gracious  to  each  other;  but  dismay 
and  apprehension  waited  unbidden  at  the  board, 
and  leavened  alike  the  smiles  of  the  timid  Monarch 
and  of  the  crafty  General.* 


*  I  have  no  doubt,  however,  that,  like  most  wise  men 
Cortes  knew  how  to  postpone  his  anxieties  as  much  as’ 
possible ;  and  that,  whatever  the  delicate  Indian  King 


198 


SPANISH  ABM  AMENT: 


Cortes 
sends 
Father 
Olraedo 
to  the 
General 
of  the 
armament. 


The 

armament 
was  sent  by 
Velazquez. 


Cortes  lost  no  time  in  despatching  Father 
Olmedo  with  a  letter  to  his  newly-arrived  coun¬ 
trymen,  in  which  he  informed  their  General,  who¬ 
ever  he  might  be,  of  what  had  happened  since  his 
own  arrival  in  the  country,  of  the  towns  he  had 
gained  and  pacified,  and  of  the  treasures  which 
he  had  in  charge  for  the  King  of  Spain.  He  then 
demanded  on  what  authority  this  General  came, 

i 

and  whether  he  were  in  need  of  anything  ?  The 
good  Father  departed,  and  it  is  conjectured  that 
he  carried  inducements  of  a  very  solid  kind  to  be 
distributed  amongst  the  subordinates  of  the  Ge¬ 
neral,  in  case  he  should  prove  intractable. 

I  do  not  doubt  that  the  fears  of  Cortes  pre¬ 
dominated  over  his  hopes.  He  had  left  too  much 
hostility  behind  him,  not  to  have  great  occasion 
for  fear  upon  any  arrival  of  his  countrymen.  His 
fears  were  justified.  This  formidable  armament 
was  sent  by  his  former  master,  and  now  bitter 


might  do,  Cortes  was  sure  to  make  a  good  dinner.  His 
appetite,  like  that  of  most  great  men  who  exert  their 
minds,  was  very  vigorous. — “  Fue  mui  gran  comedor,  i 
templado  en  el  beber,  teniendo  abundancia.’  — Gomara, 
Cv&nica  de  la  Nueva-Espana ,  cap.  238.  Barcia,  Historic!- 
doves ,  tom.  2. 


NARVAEZ  ITS  COMMANDER. 


199 


enemy,  the  Governor  of  Cuba.  It  originally  con¬ 
sisted  of  nineteen  ships,  carrying  fourteen  hun¬ 
dred  foot  soldiers,  eighty  horsemen,  twenty  pieces 
of  cannon,  and  a  hundred  and  sixty  muskets  and 
cross-bows ;  but  the  Mexican  painters  were  right 
in  describing  eighteen  vessels  only,  for  one  had 
been  lost  at  sea.  This  considerable  force  had 
been  entrusted  to  a  general  of  some  experience, 

Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  and  his  instructions  were  Pamphiio 
to  seize  Cortes  and  his  companions.  The  danger  t  coT-^ 
to  Cortes  was  imminent.  '  mancier- 

But  Narvaez  was  quite  another  man  from 
Cortes,  and  proceeded  at  once  to  such  extremities, 
as  probably  to  weaken  his  influence  over  his  own 
men,  and  even  to  cause  a  protestation  to  be  made 
from  an  important  personage  in  the  fleet,  the 
Licentiate  Ayllon,  whom,  however,  he  put  into 
confinement  and  sent  away.  Narvaez  sent  a 
flattering  message  to  Montezuma,  tellino*  him 
that  he  would  release  him,  and  that  he  came  to  His  pro- 
seize  upon  Cortes.  He  also  sought  to  gain  the  agltsf 
garrison  at  Vera  Cruz,  but  they  were  true  to 
t,leir  Commander.  Not  so  the  Cempoalans,  in 
whose  town  Narvaez  took  up  hi3  quarters.  They 
v  cr>  naturally  took  part  with  the  larger  force  \ 


200 


ATTACK  OF  CORTES 


Cortesquits 
Mexico  to 
confront 
Narvaez. 


and,  as  Cortes  remarks,  desired  to  be  on  the  con¬ 
quering  side,  being  prepared  to  shout  “  Long  life 
to  whoever  may  be  victorious.” 

It  was  time  for  Cortes  to  appear  upon  the 
scene  of  greatest  danger.  Accordingly,  leaving 
Alvarado  in  command,  and  taking  with  him 
only  seventy  of  his  own  men,  Cortes  com¬ 
mended  those  whom  he  left  and  his  treasures 
to  Montezuma’s  good  offices,  as  to  one  who  was 
a  faithful  vassal  to  the  King  of  Spain.*  This 
parting  speech  seems  most  audacious,  but  a  ple¬ 
nary  audacity  was  part  of  the  wisdom  of  Cortes. 
At  Cholula  he  came  up  with  his  lieutenant,  Juan 
Velazquez  and  his  men ;  joined  company  with 
them ;  and  pushed  on  towards  Cempoala.  When 
he  approached  the  town,  he  prepared  to  make  an 
attack  by  night  on  the  position  which  Narvaez 
occupied,  and  which  was  no  other  than  the  great 
temple  of  Cempoala.  Cortes  and  his  men  knew 
the  position  well.  Narvaez  must,  I  think,  have 

*  “  Que  mirase,  que  el  era  Vasallo  de  Vuestra  Alteza. 
y  que  agora  habia  de  recibir  mercedes  de  A  uestra  Nla- 
gestad  por  los  Servicios,  que  le  habia  hecho.’’ — Loris- 
ZAN’A,  p.  123, 


DEFEAT  OF  NARVAEZ. 


201 


displaced  the  gods,  for  he  occupied  three  or  four 

of  the  towers  of  the  temple.  This  distribution  of 
his  forces  was  fatal  to  him. 


On  the  other  side  the  plan  was,  that  sixty  Nature 
young  men,  chosen  for  their  activity,  should  SSlon 
make  themselves  masters  of  the  cannon ;  and  then 


that  Sandoval,  one  of  the  bravest  lieutenants  of 
Cortes,  should  make  an  attack  upon  the  tower 
vhere  Narvaez  was  to  be  found.  Bound  this 
ower  eighteen  large  cannon  were  placed,  but  so 
»rompt  was  the  attack,  that  though  it  did  not 
ind  the  enemy  unprepared,  there  was  not  time 
o  fire  more  than  four  of  the  guns,  and  for  the 
lost  part  the  shots  went  over  the  heads  of  the 
tracking  party.  The  artillery  being  thus  dis- 
0Sed  of>  Sandoval  succeeded  in  forcing  his  way 
p  the  tower,  and  capturing  Narvaez.  Mean- 
hile  Cortes  held  the  base;  and  the  enemy, 
ho  do  not  seem  to  have  been  very  willing  or 
ert,  and  who  supposed  that  their  Commander 
•d  fallen,  were  mastered  so  speedily  and  so  Narva™ 
ectually,  that  Cortes  had  but  three  men  killed  defeated' 
d  Narvaez  but  fifteen.  During  the  action,  the 
>on,  as  if  she  had  been  a  partizan  of  Cortes  and 
•s  weary  of  looking  down  upon  the  horrid  sacri- 


I 


202  NARVAEZ'S  MEN  JOIN  CORTES. 


Narvaez’s 
men  attach 
themselves 
to  Cortes. 


fices  which  he  was  endeavouring  to  put  an  end  to, 

withdrew  herself  behind  the  clouds,  and  suffered 

the  Narvaez  faction,  new  to  the  land,  to  believe 

that  certain  luminous  creatures  ( cocayos )  were  the 

glittering;  of  numerous  muskets  in  the  hands  of 

the  Cortesians.  No  sooner,  however,  was  the 

0 

action  decided,  than  she  came  forth  in  all  her 
splendour,  to  illustrate  and  honour  the  victory. 

In  the  encounter  Narvaez  lost  an  eye  :  he  was 
afterwards  sent  as  a  prisoner  to  Vera  Cruz.  His 
men,  not  without  resistance  on  the  part  of  some 
of  them,  ultimately  ranged  themselves  under  the 
banner  of  Cortes;  and  thus  was  a  great  danger* 
turned  into  a  welcome  succour.  Cortes  received 
the  conquered  troops  in  the  most  winning  manner, 
and  created  an  enthusiasm  in  his  favour.  One  of 
the  soldiers  of  Narvaez,  a  negro  and  a  comical 
fellow,  danced  and  shouted  for  joy,  crying, 


*  How  great  the  danger  was,  may  be  appreciated  by 
“  the  winning  words  full  of  promise”  which  Cortes  ut¬ 
tered  in  his  speech  to  the  men  previous  to  the  attack. 
For  those  who  have  time  to  study  history  minutely,  the 
speech  is  well  worth  referring  to.  It  was  made  on  horse¬ 
back,  and  therefore  was  not  long. — See  Bernai  Diaz, 
cap.  122.  9 


DISTRIBUTION  OF  FORCES. 


203 


“  ^  l,ere  are  the  Romans  who  with  such  small 

/ 

numbers  have  ever  achieved  so  great  a  victory?” 

The  first  thought  of  Cortes  was  to  divide  his 
troops ;  for,  as  the  vanquished  far  outnumbered 
the  victors,  some  disturbance  might  easily  occur, 
and  the  men  of  Narvaez  could  not  yet  be  relied 
upon  as  firm  adherents.  Cortes  accordingly  em¬ 
ployed  two  hundred  Spaniards  in  founding  a  town 
at  Coatzacualco,  the  same  spot  to  which  he  had 
before  sent  an  expedition.  He  also  despatched 
two  hundred  men  to  Yera  Cruz,  where  he  had 
,nven  orders  that  the  vessels  should  be  trans¬ 
ported  ;  and  two  hundred  he  sent  to  another  place. 
His  next  care  was  to  despatch  a  messenger  to 
Mexico,  to  give  an  account  of  his  victory,  of 
vhich,  at  his  suggestion,  a  painted  representa- 

lon*  was  sent  to  Montezuma  by  the  Indians  of 
Jempoala. 


,  *  “  Aviendo  pintado  en  un  Lienr;o  lo  que  pasaba,  k 
|  arvaez  herido,  y  aprisionado,  la  Gente  rendida;  a 

ortes  Yictorioso,  y  apoderado  de  la  Artilleria.” _ Tok- 

cejtada,  Monarquia  Indiana,  lib.  iv.  cap.  66. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Buying  the  absence  of  Cortes  the  Mexicans  rebel — Siege  on 
the  Spanish  garrison — Cories  returns  to  Mexico. 

N  fourteen  days  after  the  defeat  of  Nar¬ 
vaez  the  messenger  of  Cortes 
to  him,  bringing  from  Alvarado  the  un¬ 
expected  and  unwelcome  intelligence,  that  the 
Spanish  garrison  in  Mexico  were  besieged  by  the 
citizens,  and  were  in  the  utmost  peril;  and  that, 
the  Indians  had  set  fire  to  the  Spanish  quarter? 
in  many  places,  and  undermined  them.  Much  oii 
the  provisions,  he  added,  had  been  taken  by  the 
enemy;  the  four  brigantines  had  been  burnt;  and 
although  the  combat  had  ceased,  the  Spaniard*, 
were  in  a  state  of  siege.  Finally,  Alvarado  iin-J 
plored  Cortes,  for  the  love  of  God,  to  lose  no  time 
in  succouring  them.  The  causes  of  this  outbreal 


Spanish 
garrison 
besieged 
by  the 
Mexicans. 


I 


I  / 

MEXICAN  OUTBREAK.  205 

urnish  a  curious  illustration  of  Mexican  habits 

nd  practices,  and  require  to  be  told  at  some 
mgth. 

It  is  seldom  that  the  religion  of  a  people  is  so 
itimately  connected  with  its  warfare  as  to  form 
art  of  the  same  story,  but  in  the  case  of  the 
[exicans,  transactions  of  the  highest  military 
iportance  grew  out  of  the  proceedings  at  reli- 
ous  festivals.  This  is  a  felicity  for  the  narrative, 
it  takes  these  religious  ceremonies,  which  con¬ 
futed  so  large  a  part  of  the  life  of  the  people, 
it  of  the  list  of  mere  description  of  manners  and 
ditical  customs,  and  brings  them  naturally  into 
e  course  of  events. 

The  month  Toxcatl,  in  which  Cortes  was  ab- 
U  from  Mexico,  was  the  especial  month  devoted 
religious  services.  It  corresponded  nearly  with 
h  Period  of  Easter  :  i(  as  if,”  says  the  pious  monk* 
m  whom  we  learn  these  particulars,  “  the  Devil 
phed  to  imitate  the  Christian  festival  of  Easter 
i  order  to  forget  or  dissemble  the  grief  which  the 
ristian  commemoration  caused  him.” 


\ 


*  Torquemada,  “  Monarquia  Indiana.” 


200 


GREAT  FESTIVAL 


Great 
festival 
to  Tez- 
catlipuk. 


The  Mexican  divinity  who  was  chiefly  ho-j 
noured  in  this  month  was  Tezcatlipuk,  and  the 
mode  of  honouring  him  was  as  follows.  Ten  days; 
before  the  chief  day  of  the  festival,  a  priest  sallied 
forth  from  the  temple,  clad  after  the  fashion  of 
the  idol,  with  flowers  in  his  hand,  and  with  a  little 
flute  made  of  clay,  of  a  very  shrill  pitch.  This 
priest,  having  turned  first  to  the  east,  sounded  his 
flute ;  then  he  turned  to  the  west,  and  did  the 
same  thing ;  then  to  the  north,  and  then  to  the 
south.  Having  thus  signified  that  he  called  upon 
the  attention  of  all  mankind,  and  required  them 
to  celebrate  worthily  this  festival,  he  remained  in 
silence  for  a  time.  Then  he  placed  his  hand  on 
the  ground,  and  taking  some  earth  in  it,  put  it  in 
his  mouth  and  ate  it,  as  a  token  of  humility  and 
adoration.  All  who  heard  him  did  the  same* 
thing ;  and,  with  the  most  energetic  demonstra¬ 
tions  of  grief  and  entreaty,  implored  the  obscurity 
of  night  and  the  wind  not  to  desert  them  nor 
forget  them,  but  to  deliver  them  immediately  from 
the  troubles  of  life,  and  carry  them  to  the  place  oi 
rest,*  “  as  if,*’  adds  the  indignant  monk,  “  the 


*  “  Invocando  a  la  obscuridad  de  la  noclie,  y  al  vientoi 
(cereinonia  propria  do  Gentiles,  como  leeinos  averlo  Lechc, 


TO  TEZGA  TL1T  UK. 


207 


accursed  one  could  give  that  which  in  truth  he 
does  not  possess  for  himself.” 

At  the  sound  of  this  little  flute,  which  seems 
is  if  it  represented  for  them  the  “still  small 
coice”  of  conscience,  all  sinners  became  very 
roriowful  and  much  afraid  ;  and  during  the  ten 
lays  that  this  lasted,  their  constant  prayer  to 
Tezcatlipuk  was,  that  their  faults  should  be 
lidden  from  the  eyes  and  the  knowledge  of  men, 
nd  pardoned  by  his  gracious  clemency.* *  There 
s  a  strange  wisdom  sometimes  in  these  barbarous 
ites;  and  here  we  have  an  instance  of  that  just 
aar  of  the  intolerance  of  his  fellow-man  (who, 
mreover,  is  obliged  to  pretend  to  be  worse  in 
Ins  respect  than  he  is)  which  leads  the  sinner  to, 
infide  in  God,  and  to  fear  his  fellow-creatures. 

Every  day  this  ceremony  of  the  flute  was  con- 


[uella  Eeina  de  Cartago,  en  la  celebracion  de  su  muerte, 
Sacnficio)  y  rogabanles  con  ahinco,  que  no  los  desam- 
irasen,  ni  olvidasen,  d  que  los  librasen  presto  de  los 
abajos  de  la  Vida,  y  los  llevasen  al  lugar  del  descanso  ” 
Torquemada,  Monarqma  Indiana ,  lib.  x.  cap.  14. 

*  “Xo  pedian  otra  cosa  a  este  Dios,  sino  que  fuesen 
8  dcllfcos  ocultos  de  los  ojos,  y  sabiduria  de  los  Hombres, 
lerdonados  de  su  misericordia,  y  clemencia.”— Torque- 
Monarquia  Indiana ,  lib.  x.  cap.  14. 


At  the 
sound  of 
the  fiute 
sinners 
became 
sorrowful. 


208  READINESS  OF  MEXICANS  TO  DIE. 


Readiness 
of  Mexi¬ 
cans  to  die. 


tinued,  and  every  day  there  were  similar  mani¬ 
festations  of  sorrow  and  penitence,  “  although,” 
as  the  monk  remarks,  with  but  a  shallow  reading 
of  the  heart  of  man  (for  there  may  be  all  the 
anguish  of  remorse  for  sin  without  a  thought  of 
the  penalty),  “  this  grief  of  theirs  was  only  for  cor¬ 
poral  punishment  which  their  gods  gave  them,  and 
not  for  eternal  punishment,  for  they  did  not  be¬ 
lieve  that  in  another  life  there  was  a  punishment  so 
strict  as  the  Faith  teaches  us  ;  which,  if  they  had 
believed,  so  many  of  them  would  not  have  offered 
themselves  so  willingly  to  death  as  they  did  offer 
themselves,  but  would  have  been  afraid  of  the 
torments  which  they  have  to  endure  for  ever.”* 
This  remark  (of  the  readiness  of  the  Mexicans  to 
encounter  death)  is  well  worthy  of  notice,  as  it 
tends  a  little  to  exculpate  their  practice  of  human 
sacrifice  ;  and  one  is  glad,  for  the  sake  of  human 


*  “  Aunque  este  dolor  de  ellos,  no  era  sino  por  la  pena 
corporal,  que  les  daban,  y  no  por  la  eterna,  por  no  toner 
crefdo  que  en  la  otra  vida  huviese  pena  tan  estreeba, 
como  nos  la  ensena  la  Fe :  que  a  creerlo,  no  se  ofrecieran 
tantos  de  su  voluntad  a  la  muerte,  como  se  ofrecian,  con 
temor  de  los  tormentos,  que  avian  de  pasar  perdurablc- 
mente.” — Torquemada,  Monarquta  Indiana ,  lib.  x.  cap.  14. 


ADORNMENTS  OF  IDOL. 


209 


lature,  to  find  anything  which  tends  to  explain 
hat  form  of  atrocity. 

The  ten  days  having  thus  passed,  the  eve  be- 
ore  the  festival  arrived,  when  the  Mexican  lords 
rought  new  vestments  for  the  idol,  and  adorned 
mi  with  featheis,  biacelets,  and  other  ornaments, 
le  old  ones  being  put  away  in  a  chest,  and  much 
onoured.  Then  the  priests  drew  aside  the  cur- 
lin  which  was  at  the  entrance  of  the  chapel  where 
le  idol  stood,  and  showed  it  to  the  assembled 
sople.  After  this,  a  priest  of  great  authority 
ime  forth  with  roses  in  his  hand  and  sounded 

ie  little  flute  with  the  same  ceremony  as  on  the 
•eceding  days. 

On  the  ensuing  morning,  the  great  day  of  the 
stival  having  now  come,  the  priests  brought  out 
•iplendid  litter,  put  the  idol  upon  it ;  and,  taking 
e  burden  upon  their  shoulders,  carried  it  down 
‘  tlie  foot  of  the  steps  of  the  great  temple.  Then 
•me  all  the  youths  and  maidens  who  were  de¬ 
nted  to  the  service  of  the  temple,  bearing  a  thick 
•f>e  made  of  strings  of  roasted  maize,  with  which 
t3y  Performed  a  circuit  round  the  litter.  This 


New  vest¬ 
ments  for 
Tezcatli- 
puk. 


210 


GREAT  PROCESSION. 


The  main  rope  was  called  after  the  month  Toxcatl,  and  was:i 

object  of 

the  festival,  symbol  of  sterility  (Toxcatl  meaning  a  “  dr; 

thing”) ;  and  the  whole  drift  of  the  ceremon; 
was  to  implore  Tezcatlipuk,  their  Jupiter,  to  giv 
them  gracious  rain  from  heaven. 

O 


They  placed  a  similar  string  of  maize  upon  th 
neck  of  the  idol,  and  a  garland  of  the  same  materic 
upon  his  head.  All  the  youths  and  maidens  wer 
beautifully  dressed,  and  were  adorned  with  gar 
lands  of  maize.  The  chief  men  of  the  city  wor 
ornaments  of  the  same  kind,  having  these  garland 
on  their  heads  and  necks,  and  in  their  hands  nose? 
gays  of  the  same  material  very  curiously  cod 
structed.* 

Everywhere,  upon  the  ground,  were  scattere 
the  thorns  of  the  aloe,  in  order  that  devout  peopl 
mkdit  shed  their  blood  in  honour  of  the  day. 

Then  commenced  a  grand  procession,  the  idc 
being  carried  in  front,  with  two  priests  con 
tinually  incensing  it;  and,  as  they  threw  th 


incense  on  high,  they  prayed  that  their  petition 


*  “Yen  las  manos  Ramilletes  de  lo  mismo,  que  soi 
de  graii de  ingenio,  y  curiosidad.” — Tohquemada,  Mn 
narquia  Indiana ,  lib.  x.  cap.  14. 


choice  of  victim. 


211 


might  go  up  to  heaven  like  as  the  smoke  as- 
cended. 

So  for  all  was  innocent  enough ;  but  now  came 
the  saddest  and  strangest  part  of  the  ceremony. 

For  a  year  previous  to  the  day  of  festival,  a  youth  Choice  of 

had  been  chosen,  the  most  beautiful  and  graceful  a  vict,m' 

amongst  the  captives,  who  was  called  the  Image 

of  Tezcatlipuk.  The  youth  was  instructed  in 

all  the  arts  of  gracious  courtesy;*  and,  as  he 

passed  along  the  street,  beautifully  adorned,  and 

accompanied  by  the  greatest  personages,  all  who 

met  him  fell  on  their  knees  before  him  and  adored 

him,  while  he  responded  with  graciousness  to 
their  adorations. 


.  Twent^  da>’3  before  this  Festival  they  gave 
nm  four  wives,  and  taking  off  the  robes  which 

16  had  WOrn  in  imitation  of  their  god,  Tezcat- 
>puk,  they  clothed  him  in  the  handsomest  dresses 
hat  a  man  amongst  the  Mexicans  could  wear. 


For  these  twenty  days  he  lived  in  all  joy  and  His 
ihcity  with  his  wives,  and  if  there  were  any  £  “eg?* 


m  "  L,°  e“Sefiaban  todo  Primor,  y  snma  cortesfa  en  el 
(  ar'  t  orqtjemada,  Honor  quia  Indiana,  lib.  x.  cap. 


oir> 


TEE  SACRIFICE . 


The 

sacrifice. 


satirists  in  Mexico,  it  is  probable  that  they  pro¬ 
nounced  these  marriages  to  be  the  happiest  ever 
known  in  that  beautiful  Venice  of  the  western 
world  ;  but  if  happy,  a  dreadful  happiness  it  must 
have  been.  The  five  days  before  the  Festival 
were  spent  in  festivities  in  honour  of  the  victim, 
at  which  all  the  Mexican  court  were  his  com¬ 
panions,  save  the  King  himself,  who  alone  stood 
apart,  and  kept  his  state.* 

But  those  days  of  fierce  and  transient  felicity 
were  now  over ;  the  procession  was  ended  ;  then 
came  a  banquet ;  which  also  being  concluded, 
the  great  event  of  the  day  took  place.  The 
poor  youth  came  forward  on  the  summit  of  the 
temple,  and  made  a  dignified  bow  to  the  as¬ 
sembled  people,  resuming  his  representation  of 
the  majesty  of  Tezcatlipuk.  Behind  him  stalked 
five  murdering  ministers  of  sacrifice,  who  threw 


*  “  Cinco  dias  antes  qne  muriese  liacianle  Fiesta,  y 
Banquetes,  en  lugares  frescos,  y  deleitosos,  en  los  quale* 
Dias  le  acompaiiaban  con  mas  concurso  los  Senores,  y 
Principales,  y  casi  toda  la  Corte,  sino  era  el  Rei,  y  Seiior 
Supremo,  que  este,  guardando  s’u  Autoridad,  no  le  acorn- 
panaba.” — Torquemada,  Monarquia  Indiana ,  lib.  x.  cap 
14. 


CONCLUSION  OF  FESTIVAL. 


21  a 


him  upon  the  fatal  stone,  when  the  chief  priest 

came  forward  with  great  reverence,  opened  the 

breast  of  the  victim,  and  took  out  the  heart.* 

The  priests  were  wont  to  hurl  down  from  the 

temple  the  bodies  of  the  persons  sacrificed,  but  on 

this  occasion  they  carried  the  body  down  with 

much  submission  and  reverence  to  the  last  step  of 

the  temple.  It  was  then  beheaded ;  and,  according 

to  the  narrative,  the  body,  as  some  sacred  thing, 

was  cooked  and  divided  amongst  the  Mexican 
lords.  , 

Lastly,  there  was  a  solemn  dance  in  which  the 
youths  dedicated  to  Tezcatlipuk  took  a  part.  The 

great  lords  joined  in  this  dance, f  and  thus  the 
Festival  was  ended. 

In  ordinary  years  this  poor  devoted  youth  was 
the  only  person  sacrificed ;  but  every  fourth  year, 

*  “Llegaba  el  Summo  Sacerdote  con  grande  reve- 
•encia,  y  abriale  el  pecho,  y  sacaba  el  coraijon,  y  hacia 

:on  el  la  ceremonia  acostumbrada.’’— Torquemada,  Mo- 
larqvia  Indiana ,  lib.  x.  cap.  14. 

f  It  is  to  be  noted  that  this  dance  was  celebrated  in  a 
-lace  set  apart  for  that  purpose,  (“  En  un  lugar  particu. 
ar,  y  cousagrado  para  este  proposito  Torquemada, 
lonarquia  Indiana,  lib.  x.  cap.  14),  and  apparently  not 
a  the  great  court  of  the  temple. 


Conclusion 
of  festival. 


214 


YEAR  OF  JUBILEE . 


which  was  considered  a  year  of  jubilee,  several 
persons  were  added  to  the  sacrifice.* 

Such  were  the  ceremonies,  partly  graceful  but 
mostly  horrible,  which  took  place  every  year  in 
the  month  of  Toxcatl,  and  for  leave  to  celebrate 
which  the  Mexican  lords  asked  permission  from 


*  It  is  not  very  important  to  settle  which  of  two  false 
gods  was  the  one  whose  day  of  festival  was  chosen  by 
Alvarado  for  his  attack  upon  the  Mexican  nobles.  Some 
of  the  best  authorities  represent  this  transaction  to  have 
occurred  on  the  festival  of  Huitzilopochtli,  the  Mexican 
god  of  war.  But  they  may  have  been  deceived  by  follow¬ 
ing  Fr.  Bernardino  de  Sahagun,  whose  accuracy,  as  re¬ 
gards  any  historical  fact  is  not  to  be  relied  upon,  and 
who,  in  the  next  sentence,  makes  a  statement  which  is 
totally  contrary  to  fact.  “  Motezuzoma  mandb  que  se 
hiciese  esta  fiesta  para  dar  contento  a  los  Espartoles.’'— 
Hist.  Universal  de  las  cosas  de  Nueva-Espana.  Kixgs- 
eoeough,  Collection ,  vol.  vii.  cap.  19. 

Nearly  the  whole  of  the  month  of  Toxcatl  was  devoted 
to  religious  festivals.  The  greatest  festival,  however,  in 
the  month,  and  the  one  that  came  first,  was  that  in 
honour  of  Tezcatlipuk ;  and  it  seems  to  me  almost  in¬ 
conceivable  that  Alvarado  should  have  allowed  this  fes¬ 
tival  to  be  celebrated  (in  which  there  were  large  assem¬ 
blages  of  people),  and  then  that  the  Mexicans  should 
have  had  occasion  to  ask  permission  for  the  holding  of 


ALVARADO'S  DIFFICULTIES.  215 

Pedro  de  Alvarado,  who,  in  the  absence  of  Cortes,  The 
was  the  chief  in  command,  and  who  had  been  ask  per"8 
called  by  the  Mexicans  “  Tonatiuh,”  “  the  sun-  Alvarado* 
faced  man,”  as  he  was  of  a  ruddy  complexion.  a  festival?6 

Aow  Alvarado  was  a  determined,  rather  than 
a  vise  man,  and  he  was  at  present  placed  in  very 
difficult  circumstances,  requiring  both  wisdom  and 
forbearance.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 


the  second  festival.  The  Mexican  historian, Txtlilxochitl, 
merely  describes  the  festival  under  the  general  head  of 
Toxcatl,  (£<  Pendant  que  Cortes  etait  a  la  Mera  Cruz,  les 
Mexicains  celebrerent  une  de  leurs  principales  fetes 
uommee  Toxcatl ,  qui  tombait  le  jour  de  Paques.”— Hist 
les  Chichimeques,  cap.  88.  Ternaux-Compans,  Voyages) 
vhich  would  correspond  better  to  the  festival  of  the 
\Iexican  Jupiter  (Tezcatlipuk)  than  to  that  of  the  Mexi¬ 
can  Mars.  See  Torquemada,  lib.  x.  cap.  14. 

In  whatever  way  the  question  may  be  settled,  and  an 
.larming  amount  of  learning  might  be  expended  upon 
t,  I  have  preferred  giving  an  account  of  the  rites  of  the 
lexican  Jupiter  in  preference  to  those  of  the  Mexican 
lars,  as  the  former  are  more  curious  and  more  signifi- 
!  ant. 

In  both  cases  there  was  a  victim,  a  procession,  and  a 
olemn  dance.  The  victim,  however,  in  Jupiter’s  festival, 
'as  adored  as  a  god  during  his  year  of  preparation,  while 
ie  victim  to  the  god  of  war  did  not  meet  with  that  ex- 
'aordinary  honour. 


216 


MEXICAN  ANGER. 


Mexicans  must  have  exhibited  a  changed  bearing 
towards  the  Spaniards  since  the  time  of  their  ar- 
rival,  and  especially  since  the  departure  of  Cortes. 
The  Mexicans  had  found  out  that  the  Spaniards 
were  mortal ;  they  had  discovered  that  horses 
were  but  animals;  they  had  ascertained  by  the 
coming  of  Narvaez  that  the  Spaniards  were  not 
united.  Their  wrongs  were  manifest.  They  saw 
the  Spaniards  grow  richer  day  by  day.  They 
probably  discerned  that  the  offer  of  Cortes  to 
S~s  quit  the  country  was  a  mere  pretence.  But  that 
Mexicans  which  was  the  indignity  of  indignities  in  their 

at  this  ° 

period.  eyes  was  the  deposition  of  their  deities,  and  the 
elevation  of  what  they  would  consider  as  the 
Spanish  gods. 

All  these  feelings  would  be  more  likely  to 
be  manifested,  as  the  numbers  of  the  Spaniards 
were  diminished  by  the  departure  of  the  troop 
which  accompanied  Cortes ;  and  it  was  a 
few  days  after  that  event  that  some  of  the 
Spaniards  began  to  discern  or  to  imagine,  that 
the  Indians  did  not  show  them  that  respect  and 
veneration  which  they  had  been  accustomed  to 
receive.*  In  truth,  no  respect  or  love  can  fulfil 

*  “Tasados  pocos  Dias,  empe(;aron  a  notar  algunos 


FEMALE  TREACHERY. 


217 


the  requirements  of  fear;  but  I  think  that  in  this 
case,  it  was  a  just  fear,  and  that  revolt,  if  not 
already  resolved  upon,  was  imminent.  The  his¬ 
torian  Herrera  says  that  many  Indian  women  de¬ 
clared  to  the  truth  of  this  conspiracy,  and  S€  that 
from  women  the  truth  is  always  learnt.”  #  I  do 
not  know  how  that  may  be,  but  it  is  clear  that 
hroughout  the  conquest  of  America  the  Indian 
vomen  several  times  betrayed  their  country  under 
nrcumstances  which  do  not  seem  to  me  to  indicate 
o  much  a  love  of  truth  as  a  love  of  what  is  per- 
onal  and  near,  and  an  indifference  to  what  is 
bstract  and  remote, — a  disposition  which  has 
een  noted  equally  of  all  women  in  all  countries, 
n  a  word,  they  loved  their  Spanish  lovers,  and 
id  not  care  much  about  their  country ;  and,  ac- 
nrdingly,  on  several  critical  occasions,  betrayed 


spanoles,  que  los  Indios  no  les  tenian  el  respeto,  y 
tneracion,  a  que  estaban  acostumbrados,  antes  de  salir 

|)rte's  de  Mexico.  ”  Torqtjemada,  Moncar  quia  Indiana , 

>.  iv.  cap.  66. 

Pero  la  verdad  fue,  que  pensaron  matar  los  Cas- 
•  lanos,  para  lo  qual  tenian  sus  armas  escondidas  en 
f  casas>  cerca  del  templo ;  y  esto  afirmaron  muchas 

Jigeras,  de  las  quales  se  sabia  siempre  la  verdad.” _ 

I2LRERA,  Hist,  de  las  Indias.  dec.  n.  lib.  x.  cap.  8. 


Indian 
women 
betray  the 
secrets  of 
their  coun 
trymen. 


218 


ALVARADO'S  POLICY. 


Alvarado’s 

policy. 


the  one  to  the  other  with  a  recklessness  which 
would  be  inexcusable  in  the  other  sex,  but  which 
is  to  be  accounted  for,  as  above,  in  them.  If  there 
had  been  Spanish  women  in  the  invading  armies, 
the  Indians  might  have  had  a  chance  of  learning 
something  from  them ;  but,  as  it  was,  the  betrayal 
was  necessarily  all  on  one  side. 

The  hereditary  enemies  of  Mexico,  the  Tlas- 
calans,  no  doubt,  did  what  they  could  to  deepen 
the  impressions  made  on  the  Spaniards  by  the 
changed  demeanour  of  the  Mexicans.  They  were 
at  hand  to  magnify  every  ill  report,  and  to  coun¬ 
sel  any  act  of  violence. 

Alvarado  resolved  to  strike  a  great  blow;  and 
mindful,  perhaps,  of  the  proverb,  “  He  who  at¬ 
tacks  conquers”  (  Quien  acomete  vence)*  resolved 
to  take  advantage  of  the  Tezcatlipuk  Festival,  to 
surprise  and  slay  a  great  number  of  the  Mexican 
nobility.  It  is  quite  probable  that  this  Festival 
was  looked  upon  by  the  Spanish  Commander  with 
great  suspicion,  and  even  that  the  demeanour  of 
the  Indians  during  the  early  days  of  the  Festival 
(which  of  course  was  not  explained  till  long 

See  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  125. 


* 


ALARMING  REFORTS. 


219 


after  by  the  researches  of  learned  men)  served  to 
increase  the  Spanish  suspicions. 

I  have  no  doubt  that  the  horrid  sacrifices  in 
ise  among  the  Mexicans  had  made  a  deep  im¬ 
pression  on  the  Spanish  soldiers  ;  and  that  many 
i  brave  man,  who  would  have  faced  death  with 
mconcerned  gallantry  in  the  battle  field,  had  an 
jxtreme  dread  of  being  offered  up  as  a  sacrifice  to 
he  idols  with  the  unpronounceable  names.  We 
nay  be  sure  that  alarming  rumours,  which  have 
'Ven  found  their  way  into  grave  history,  were 
oudly  current  then  amongst  the  soldiers,— such 
s  that  the  Indian  women  had  their  cooking 
essels  ready  to  boil  the  bodies  of  the  Spaniards 
n.*  In  the  affairs  of  life,  what  is  said  and  what 
5  thought  are  almost  of  more  importance  than 
‘hat  is  done.  Most  histories  are  too  wise,  con- 
erning  themselves  too  much  with  what  really 
appened,  and  not  taking  heed  enough  of  the 
’ild  reports  and  rumours  which  were  nearly  as 
ood  as  facts  for  the  time  they  were  believed  in. 

*  “  Indias  tenian  prevenidas,  que  cuidaban  de  Ollas, 

enas  de  su  Brevage,  para  cocer  a  los  Castellanos,  y 

>merselos.”  Torquehada,  MonarquZa  Indiana ,  lib  iv 
Lp.  66. 


The  cur¬ 
rent  reports 
of  the  day  a 
great  part 
of  history. 


220 


SLAUGHTER  OF  LORDS. 


Alvarado 
attacks  the 
Mexicans 
at  the 
festival. 


The  popu¬ 
lace  rise. 


It  is,  therefore,  no  matter  of  surprise  to  hear 
that  when  the  sacred  dance,*  above  described  as 
the  closing  ceremony  of  the  feast  to  the  Mexican 
Jupiter,  was  being  celebrated,  Alvarado’s  troops 
made  an  onslaught  upon  the  weaponless  Mexican 
lords,  and  slew  no  less  than  six  hundred  of  them. 
This  atrocity,  as  might  have  been  expected,  was 
the  signal  for  an  instant  outbreak  on  the  part  of 
the  populace.  Alvarado  was  not  skilled,  like  his 
master  Cortes,  in  the  art  of  creating  and  main¬ 
taining  terror ;  but,  indeed,  the  slightest  know¬ 
ledge  of  the  world  might  have  told  him,  that 
such  a  wholesale  massacre,  destroying  the  chief 
men,  and,  therefore,  the  restraining  power  over 
the  Mexican  populace,  would,  so  far  from  quell¬ 
ing  revolt,  be  likely  to  give  it  ample  breathing 
room.  The  little  garrison  of  Spaniards,  instead 
of  being  masters  of  the  town,  were  instantly  in 
the  condition  of  a  distressed  and  besieged  party, 
and  it  would  have  gone  very  hard  with  them,  if 

*  Some  authors  have  supposed  that  this  dance  was 
the  one  which  they  called  Macevaliztli,  which  means 
“reward  with  labour”  (merecimiento  con  trabajo).  See 
Gomaea,  Grdnica  de  Nueva-Espciha,  cap.  104.  Barcu,! 
Hiftoriadores ,  tom.  ii. 


PREPARATIONS  OF  CORTES.  221 

✓ 

Montezuma  had  not  endeavoured  to  make  his 
furious  subjects  desist  from  the  attack.* 

Such  was  the  disastrous  state  of  things  com¬ 
municated  to  Cortes  in  return  for  the  tidings 
which  he  had  sent  to  Mexico  of  his  victory.  In- 
deed3  the  life  of  Cortes  was  like  a  buoyant  sub¬ 
stance  borne  on  a  tumultuous  sea :  however,  if  it 
descended  from  the  crest  of  one  wave  to  the 
hollow  of  another,  it  did  not  remain  depressed, 
but  mounted  up  again  ;  and,  when  the  bystander 
turned  to  look,  it  was  perhaps  on  the  summit  of 
1  higher  and  mightier  wave  than  before.  As 
nay  be  imagined,  he  lost  no  time  in  seeking  to 
epair  the  evils  which  had  befallen  the  Spanish 
irms  in  Mexico.  He  recalled  the  expeditions 
vhich  he  had  sent  out;  he  addressed  the  former 
ollowers  of  Narvaez,  showing  them  that  here 
vas  an  opportunity  for  service  both  honourable 
md  lucrative  ;  and,  the  instant  necessity  for  action 


This  is  confirmed  by  three  distinct  authorities,  each 
f  great  weight :  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  125;  Ixtlilxochitl, 
hstoire  de  Chichimeques ,  part  ii.  cap.  88;  Ternaux- 

Wans,  Voyages ,  and  Cortes  himself,  Lorenzana,  p. 

31. 


Monte¬ 
zuma  in¬ 
terferes. 


Cortes 
collects 
his  forces 


222 


RAPID  MARCH. 


Marches 
rapidly  to 
Mexico, 
June,  1520. 


beino;  an  immediate  bond  of  union  amongst  brave 
men/  he  forthwith  commenced  his  march  for 
the  capital.  At  Tlascala,  all  was  friendly  to  him ; 
he  there  reviewed  his  men,  and  found  that  thev 
amounted  to  thirteen  hundred  soldiers,  amongst 
whom  were  ninety-six  horsemen,  eighty  cross¬ 
bowmen,  and  about  eighty  musketeers.!  Cortes 
marched  with  great  strides  to  Mexico,  and  entered 
the  city  at  the  head  of  this  formidable  force  on 
the  24th  of  June,  1520,  the  day  of  John  the 
Baptist. 


*  “En  esta  tan  urgente  necesidad,  Amigos,  y  no 
Amigos,  con  gran  volnntad  se  le  ofrecieron,  y  se  armaron 
los  que  no  lo  estaban.” — Torqtte:mada,  Monarqui a  Indiana , 
lib.  iv.  c.  67.  X 

f  Accounts  vary  very  much  about  the  number  of 
these  forces  ;  the  one  adopted  here  is  from  Bernal  Diaz,  j 


Marches 
rapidly  to 
Mexico, 
June,  1520. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

|  The  Reception  of  Cortes  in  Mexico — General  attach  upon 
the  Spanish  Quarters-Flight  from  Mexico  to  Tlacuba 
|  Rattle  of  Otumba — Cortes  returns  to  Tlascala. 

ERY  different  was  the  reception  of 
Cortes  on  this  occasion  from  that  on  his 
first  entry  into  Mexico,  when  Monte¬ 
zuma  had  gone  forth  with  all  pomp  to  meet  him. 
Now  the  Indians  stood  silently  in  the  doorways 
ff  their  houses,  and  the  bridges  between  the  houses 
*ere  taken  up.*  Even  when  he  arrived  at  his 
)wn  quarters,  he  found  the  gates  barred,  so  strict 
iad  been  the  siege ;  and  he  had  to  demand  an  entry. 
Alvarado  appeared  upon  the  battlements,  and  asked 


*  “  Voiron  las  puentes  do  unas  casas  a  otras,  quitadas, 
’  otras  malas  senales.”— Hekrdka,  Hist,  de  las  Indicts, 
°m.  ii.  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  8. 

i 


Cortes’  re 
ception. 


224 


ARRIVAL  OF  CORTES. 


if  Cortes  came  in  the  same  liberty  with  which  he 
went  out,  and  if  he  was  still  their  General.  Cortes 
replied  “  Yes,”  that  he  came  with  victory,  and 
with  increased  forces.  The  gates  were  then 
opened,  and  Cortes  and  his  companions  enteied. 
He  had  to  hear  the  excuses  of  Alvarado  for  con¬ 
duct  which  a  prudent  man  like  Cortes  must  have 
disapproved,  but  which  he  did  not  dare  to  punish 
then.  His  aspect  was  gloomy,  and  one  who  must 
have  seen  him  that  day,  describes  him  by  an  epithet 
which,  in  the  original  meaning,  was  exceedingly 
applicable.  Bernal  Diaz  says  that  Cortes  was 
mohino ,  an  adjective  which  is  applied  to  one  who 
plays  in  a  game  against  many  others. 

The  alternation  of  success  and  disappointment 
seems  for  once  to  have  tried  the  ecpual  temper 
and  patient  mind  of  the  Spanish  General.  He 
gent  a  cold,  or  an  uncourteous,  message  to  Mon¬ 
tezuma,  the  foolishness  of  which  he  seems  after¬ 
wards  to  have  been  well  aware  of,  and,  with  the 
candour  of  a  great  man  about  his  own  errors,  to 
have  acknowledged.* 


*  “  Muchos  han  dicho,  aver  oydo  dezir  a  Hernando 
Cortes,  que  si  en  llegando  visitara  a  Motezuma,  sus  cosafj 


MESSENGER  SENT  TO  VERA  CRUZ.  225 


At  the  moment,  however,  Cortes  could  give 
but  little  attention  to  anything  save  the  pressing 
wants  of  the  garrison.  He  lodged  his  own  men 
in  their  old  quarters,  and  placed  in  the  great 
temple  the  additional  forces  he  had  brought  with 
him.  The  next  morning  he  sent  out  a  messenger 
to  Vera  Cruz,  probably  with  a  view  to  ascertain 
how  he  would  be  received  in  the  streets  of  Mexico ; 
but  not  more  than  half  an  hour  elapsed  before  the 
messenger  returned,  being  wounded,  and  crying 
out  that  all  the  citizens  were  in  revolt,  and  that 
the  drawbridges  were  raised. 

Before  Cortes  despatched  this  messenger,  he 
had  sent  a  threatening  message  to  Montezuma, 
lesiring  him  to  give  orders  for  the  attendance  of 
:he  people  in  the  market-place,  in  order  that  the 
Spaniards  might  be  able  to  buy  provisions. 
Montezuma’s  reply  was,  that  he  and  the  greater 
>art  of  his  servants  were  prisoners,  and  that 
fortes  should  set  free  and  send  out  whomso- 
ver  he  wished  to  entrust  with  the  execution 


assaran  bien  :  y  que  lo  dexd  estimandole  en  poco,  por 

allarse  tan  poderoso.”— Herrera,  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
ec- XI*  lib.  x.  cap.  8. 


Cortes 
sends  out  a 
messenger 
to  Vera 
Cruz, 


Who  is 

driven 

back. 


226 


MEXICANS  ATTACK 


Monte¬ 
zuma’s 
brother 
chosen  by 
the  citizens 
as  their 
leader. 


The 

Mexicans 
attack  the 
garrison. 


of  the  necessary  orders.  Cortes  chose  for  this 
purpose  Montezuma’s  brother,  the  Lord  of  Izta- 
palapa ;  but  when  that  Prince  came  among  the 
citizens,  his  message  was  not  listened  to,  and 
he  was  not  permitted  by  the  people  to  return, 

but  was  chosen  as  their  leader. 

After  the  return  of  the  messenger  whom  Cortes 
had  sent  out  to  Vera  Cruz,  the  Mexicans  advanced 
in  oreat  numbers  towards  the  Spanish  quarters, 

o 

and  commenced  an  attack  upon  them.  Cortes, 
who  was  not  given  to  exaggeration  of  statement, 
says  that  neither  the  streets  nor  the  terraced  roofs 
(  azoteas')  were  visible,  being  entirely  obscured  by 
the  people  who  were  upon  them ;  that  the  multi¬ 
tude  of  stones  was  so  great,  that  it  seemed  as  if 
it  rained  stones;  and  that  the  arrows  came  so 
thickly,  that  the  walls  and  the  courts  were  full  of 
them,  rendering  it  difficult  to  move  about.  Cortes 
made  two  or  three  desperate  sallies,  and  was 
wounded.  The  Mexicans  succeeded  in  setting  fire 
to  the  fortress,  which  was  with  difficulty  subdued, 
and  they  would  have  scaled  the  walls  at  the  point 
where  the  fire  had  done  most  damage,  but  for  a 
larc;e  force  of  cross-bowmen,  musketeers,  and 
artillery,  which  Cortes  threw  forward  to  meet  the 


TEE  SPANISH  GARRISON. 


227 


danger.  The  Mexicans  at  last  drew  back,  leaving 

no  fewer  than  eighty  Spaniards  wounded  in  this 
first  encounter. 

The  ensuing  morning,  as  soon  as  it  was  day¬ 
light,  the  attack  was  renewed.  There  was  no 
occasion  for  the  artillerymen  to  take  any  par¬ 
ticular  aim,  for  the  Mexicans  advanced  in  such 
dense  masses,  that  they  could  not  be  missed.* 

The  gaps  made  in  these  masses  were  instantly 
filled  up  again;  and  practised  veterans  in  the 
Spanish  army,  who  had  served  in  Italy,  in  France, 
and  against  the  grand  Turk,  declared  that  they  Diftm. 
had  never  seen  men  close  up  their  ranks  as  these  g"  0f 
Mexicans  did  after  the  discharges  of  artillery  upon  can'troo^ 
them.!  Again,  and  with  considerable  success 


“  Los  Artilleros  no  tenian  necesidad  de  punterfa, 

nno  asestar  en  los  Esquadrones  de  los  Indios.”— Loren- 
:ana,  p.  135. 

t  “  Porque  unos  tres  d  quatro  soldados  que  se  avian 
lallado  en  Italia,  que  alii  estavan  con  nosotros,  juraron 
nuchas  vezes  a  Dios,  que  guerras  tan  bravosas  jamas 
-nan  visto  en  algunas  que  se  avian  hallado  entre  Chris- 
ianos,  y  contra  la  aftilleria  del  Rey  de  Francia,  ni  del 
;ran  Turco ;  ni  gente,  como  aquellos  Indios,  con  tanto 

nimo  cerrar  los  esquadrones  vieron.” — Bernal  Diaz 
ap.  126. 


228 


MOVEABLE  FORTRESSES. 


Cortes 

constructs 

moveable 

fortresses. 


Monte- 
zumacomes 
forth  to 
address  the 
people. 


Cortes  made  sallies  from  the  fortress  in  the  course 
of  the  day  ;  but  at  the  end  of  it  there  were  about 
sixty  more  of  his  men  to  be  added  to  the  list  of 
wounded,  already  large,  from  the  injuries  received 
on  the  preceding  day. 

The  third  day  was  devoted  by  the  ingenious 
Cortes  to  constructing  three  moveable  fortresses, 
called  mantas,  which,  he  thought,  would  enable 
his  men,  with  less  danger,  to  contend  against  the 
Mexicans  on  their  terraced  roofs.*  Each  of  these 
little  fortresses  afforded  shelter  for  twenty  per¬ 
sons;  and  was  manned  with  cross- bowmen,  muske¬ 
teers,  pike-men,  and  labourers  who  carried  pick- 
axes  and  bars  of  iron  for  piercing  through  the 
houses,  and  destroying  the  barricades  in  •  the 
streets.  As  may  be  imagined,  the  besiegers  did 
not  look  on  idly,  and  the  combat  did  not  cease 
while  these  machines  were  being  made. 

It  was  on  this  day  that  the  unfortunate  Mon¬ 
tezuma,  either  at  the  request  of  Cortes,  or  of  his 
own  accord,  came  out  upon  a  battlement,  and 
addressed  the  people.  He  was  surrounded  by 


*  A  private  house  in  Mexico  was  often  a  little  fortress 
in  itself,  and  could  not  easily  be  destroyed. 


X 

I 

MONTEZUMA’S  SPEECH  229 

Spanish  soldiers,  and  was  at  first  received  with 
all  respect  and  honour  by  his  people.  When 
silence  ensued,  he  addressed  them  in  very  loving 
words,  bidding  them  discontinue  the  attack,  and 
assuring  them  that  the  Spaniards  would  depart 
from  Mexico.  It  is  not  probable  that  much  of 
his  discourse  could  have  been  heard  by  the  rao-ino* 
multitude.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  he  was  able  Speech  of 
fo  hear  what  their  leaders  had  to  say,  as  four  of  lords?*  h‘? 
the  chiefs  approached  near  to  him,  and  with  tears 
addressed  him,  declaring  their  grief  at  his  impri¬ 
sonment.  They  told  him  that  they  had  chosen 
bis  brother  as  their  leader,  that  they  had  vowed 
io  their  gods  not  to  cease  fighting  until  the 
Spaniards  were  all  destroyed,  and  that  each  day 
i:hey  prayed  to  their  gods  to  keep  him  free  and 

larmless.  They  added,  that  when  their  designs 

© 

vere  accomplished,  he  should  be  much  more  their 
ord  than  heretofore,  and  that  he  should  then 
pardon  them.  Amongst  the  crowd,  however, 
vere,  doubtless,  men  who  viewed  the  conduct  of 
Montezuma  with  intense  disgust,  or  who  thought 
hat  they  had  already  shown  too  much  disrespect 
jowards  him  ever  to  be  pardoned.  A  shower  of 
tones  aud  arrows  interrupted  the  parley;  the 


230 


DEATH  OF  MONTEZTJMA. 


He  is 
wounded. 


He  dies. 


Spanish  soldiers  had  ceased  for  the  moment  to 

4  0 

protect  Montezuma  with  their  shields ;  and  he 
was  severely  wounded  in  the  head  and  in  two 
other  places.  The  miserable  Monarch  was  borne 
away,  having  received  his  death  -  stroke,  but 
whether  it  came  from  the  wounds  themselves,  or 
from  the  indignity  of  being  thus  treated  by  his 
people,  remains  a  doubtful  point.  It  seems,  how¬ 
ever,  that,  to  use  some  emphatic  words  which 
have  been  employed  upon  a  similar  occasion, 
«  He  turned  his  face  to  the  wall  and  would  be 


troubled  no  more.” 

It  is  remarkable  that  he  did  not  die  a  Chris- 
tian,*  and  I  think  this  shows  that  he  had  more 


*  I  am  not  ignorant  that  it  has  been  asserted  that 
Montezuma  received  the  rite  of  baptism  at  the  hands  of 
his  Christian  captors. — See  Bustamante’s  notes  on  Chini- 
alpain’s  Translation  of  Gomara  (Historia  de  las  Conquistas 
de  Hernando  Cortes.  Carlos  Maria  de  Bustamante. 
Mexico,  1826,  p.  287.)  But  the  objections  raised  by 
Torquemada — the  silence  of  some  of  the  best  authorities, 
such  as  Oviedo,  Ixtlilxochitl,  “  Histoire  des  Chichi* 
meques,”  and  of  Cortes  Bimself ;  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  distinctly  opposing  testimony  of  Bernal  Diaz  (sec 
cap.  127),  and  the  statement  of  Herrera,  who  asserts 
that  Montezuma,  at  the  hour  of  his  death,  refused  tc 


HIS  MANNERS . 


231 


force  of  mind  and  purpose  than  the  world  has 
generally  been  inclined  to  give  him  credit  for. 

To  read  Montezuma’s  character  rightly,  at  this 
distance  of  time,  and  amidst  such  a  wild  per¬ 
plexity  of  facts,  would  be  very  difficult,  and  is 
not  very  important.  But  one  thing,  I  think,  is 
discernible,  and  that  is,  that  his  manners  were  His  grand 
very  gracious  and  graceful.  I  dwell  upon  this,  polltenesSi 
because,  I  conceive,  it  was  a  characteristic  of  the 
race ;  and  no  one  will  estimate  this  characteristic 
lightly,  who  has  observed  how  very  rare,  even  in 
the  centres  of  civilized  life,  it  is  to  find  people  of 
fine  manners,  so  that  in  great  capitals  but  very 
few  persons  can  be  pointed  out,  who  are  at  all 
transcendent  in  this  respect.  The  gracious  de¬ 
light  which  Montezuma  had  in  giving  was  par¬ 
ticularly  noticeable;* *  and  the  impression  which 


quit  the  religion  of  his  fathers  (“  No  se  queria  apartar  de 
la  Eeligion  de  sus  Padres.” — Hist,  de  las  Indias,  dec.  n. 
lib.  x.  cap.  10),  convince  me  that  no  such  baptism  took 
place. 

*  “  Fue  dadivoso,  i  mui  franco  con  Espanoles,  f  creo 
que  tambien  con  los  suios,  ca  si  fuera  Arte,  y  no  por 
-Natura,  facilmente  se  le  conocieraal  dar  en  el  semblante, 
que  los  que  dan  de  mala  gana,  mucho  descubren  el  cara- 


232 


MOURNED  BY  SPANIARDS. 


he  made  upon  Bernal  Diaz  may  be  seen  in  the 
narrative  of  this  simple  soldier,  who  never  speaks 
of  him  otherwise  than  as  “  the  great  Monte¬ 
zuma,”  and,  upon  the  occasion  of  his  death, 
remarks  that  some  of  the  Spanish  soldiers  who 
had  known  him  mourned  for  him,  as  if  he  had 
been  a  father,  “  and  no  wonder,”  he  adds,  “  seeing 
that  he  was  so  good.”*  Cortes  sent  out  the  body 
to  the  new  King,  and  Montezuma  was  mourned 
over  by  the  Spaniards,  to  whom  he  had  always 
been  gracious,  and  probably  by  his  own  people ; 
but  little  could  be  learnt  ot  what  the  Mexicans 
thought,  or  did,  upon  the  occasion,  by  the  Span¬ 
iards,  who  only  saw  that  Montezuma’s  death  made 
no  difference  in  the  fierceness  of  the  enemy’s  attack. 

On  the  day  when  Montezuma  addressed  the 
people,  Cortes  held  a  conference  with  some  of 
the  opposing  chiefs,  who  declared  that  the  only 
basis  on  which  they  would  treat,  was  that  the 

^•on.” — Goaiaea,  Cronica  de  la  Nueva-Espana,  cap.  107. 
Barcia,  Uistoriadores ,  tom.  ii. 

*  “  E  kombres  huvo  entre  nosotros  de  los  que  le  cono-  j 
ciamos  y  tratavamos,  que  tan  llorado  fue,  como  si  fuera  I 
nuestro  padre :  y  no  nos  hemos  de  maravillar  dello,  j 
viendo  que  tan  bueno  era.1’ — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  126. 


RESOLVE  OF  THE  MEXICANS. 


233 


Spaniards  should  quit  the  city ;  otherwise,  they 
said,  they  themselves  would  all  have  to  die,  or 
to  put  an  end  to  the  Spaniards.  Such  a  basis  of 
peace  not  being  at  all  acceptable  to  Cortes,  he 
next  tried  the  effect  of  the  mantas .  These  were 
advanced  against  the  walls  of  some  of  the  azoteas , 
being  well  supported  from  behind  by  four  cannon, 
by  a  party  of  Spanish  cross-bowmen  and  common 
soldiers,  and  by  three  thousand  of  the  Tlascalan 
lilies.  But  all  their  efforts  were  without  avail. 
4s  for  the  cavalry,  it  could  do  nothing,  as  the 
lorses  could  not  keep  their  footing  for  a  moment 
>n  the  polished  tesselated  pavement.  Indeed,  the 
lumbers  and  the  vigour  of  the  enemy  were  so 
jreat,  that  the  Spaniards  could  not  gain  a  single 
tep ;  finally,  they  were  obliged  to  give  way. 
nd  the  Indians  occupied  the  square  of  the 
emple.  There,  five  hundred  of  the  principal 
■  ersons,  as  they  appeared  to  Cortes,  posted  them- 
elves  on  the  summit  of  the  great  temple:  they 
rere  well-provisioned ;  and,  being  close  to  the 
prtress,  could  do  it  much  harm.  The  Spaniards 
lade  two  or  three  attempts  to  take  this  position, 
ut  were  driven  back  each  time,  and  some  were 
ounded.  Cortes  saw  that  it  would  be  necessary 


Desperate 
resolve 
of  the 
Mexicans. 


A  body  of 
Mexicans 
occupy  the 
summit  of 
the  great 
temple. 


234  CORTES  DISLODGES  TEE  ENEMY 


Cortes 
dislodges 
the  enemy 
from  the 
temple. 


for  him  to  make  the  attempt  in  person ;  and,  ac¬ 
cordingly,  though  wounded,  he  resolved  to  do  so. 
He  had  his  shield  bound  on  to  his  arm  (the  wound 
being  in  the  left  hand),  and  having  placed  some 
of  his  troops  at  the  base  of  the  temple,  he  com¬ 
menced  the  difficult  ascent.  The  Spaniards  suc¬ 
ceeded  in  gaining  the  summit,  and,  after  a  terrible 
combat,  in  dislodging  the  Mexicans  from  that 
height,  and  driving  them  down  upon  the  lower 
terraces.  Then  might  be  seen,  flitting  about  the 
contest,  like  some  obscene  and  hideous  birds  of 
prey,  the  priests  of  the  temple,  with  their  long 
black  veils  streaming  in  the  wind, — the  blood 
flowing  from  their  clotted  hair  and  lacerated  ears, 
as  on  a  day  of  sacrifice, — now  transported  by 
wrath  at  the  desecration  of  their  shrines,  now 
animated  by  the  expectation  of  fresh  victims,  and 
throughout  supported  in  their  ecstasy  by  the  hope 
of  some  great  manifestation  on  the  part  of  their 
false  deities.  But  the  Mexican  god  of  war  could 
not,  even  at  this  critical  period  of  his  and  their 
existence,  instruct  his  worshippers  how  to  hurl 
down,  at  the  right  inclination,  the  large  beams 
which  they  had  carried  up  to  the  temple,  and 
which,  if  justly  aimed,  would  have  fatally  discon- 


/  FROM  TEE  TEMPLE .  235 

certed  the  Spanish  attack.  The  fight,  which 
must  have  been  one  of  the  most  picturesque  on 
record,  lasted  three  hours ;  and,  to  use  the  words 
of  Bernal  Diaz,  “  Cortes  there  showed  himself  to 
be  a  very  valiant  man,  as  he  always  was.”*  The 
Spaniards  lost  forty  men ;  but  they  succeeded  in 


Aqui  se  mostro  Cortes  xnui  varon,  como  siempre 
o  fue.  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  126.  De  Solis  says  that  two 
latriotic  Mexicans  approached  Cortes  in  an  attitude  of 
supplication,  and  then  sprang  upon  him,  and  endea¬ 
voured  to  throw  themselves  downwards  from  the  temple 
vith  him ;  but  that  Cortes  burst  from  them  and  saved 
limself,  while  they  were  dashed  to  pieces  on  the  pave- 
nent  of  the  court-yard  below.  Upon  this  story  Clavi¬ 
er0  remarks,  “The  very  humane  gentlemen  Baynal 
,nd  Bobertson,  moved  to  pity,  as  it  appears,  by  the 
)enl  of  Cortes  (Gli  umanissimi  Signori  Baynal,  e  Bo- 
•ertson  mossi  a  piet&,  per  quanto  appare,  pel  pericolo  de 
fortes),  have  provided  some  kind  of  unknown  battle- 
aents  and  iron  rails,  by  which  he  saved  himself  until  he 
>ot  clear  of  the  Mexicans;  but  neither  did  the  Mexicans 
ver  make  iron  rails,  nor  had  that  temple  any  battle- 
aents.  It  is  wonderful  that  these  authors,  so  incredu- 
aus  concerning  what  is  attested  by  the  Spanish  and 
ndian  writers,  should  yet  believe  what  is  neither  to  be 
ound  among  the  ancient  authors,  nor  probable  in  itself.” 
-See  Clavigero,  Storia  Antica  del  Messico ,  tom.  iii. 

ib.  ix.  p.  128 ;  see  also  the  English  Translation,  vol.  ii 
•.  108. 


236 


FORM  OF  TEMPLE. 


Form  of 
the  temple. 


Cortes  sets 
tire  to  the 
idols. 


putting  every  one  of  the  Mexicans  to  the  sword. 
We  learn  from  the  account  of  this  battle  some¬ 
thing  of  the  form  of  the  temple.  It  appears  that 
there  were  three  or  four  terraces  of  some  width, 
besides  the  main  platform  at  the  top.#  Some  ot 
the  Mexicans  were  hurled  from  the  top  of  the 
temple  to  the  bottom  ;  others,  again,  as  above 
described,  were  dislodged,  and  made  a  second 
stand  upon  one  of  these  terraces.  The  difficulty 
of  training  the  little  tower,  where  the  idols  stood, 
was  so  great,  that  Cortes  looks  upon  his  success 
as  owing  to  a  special  interposition  of  Providence.! 
The  idols,  it  appears,  had  been  reinstated  ;  but  the 
triumph  of  Huitzilopochtli  and  Tezcatlipuk  was 
but  of  short  duration ;  for  Cortes  set  fire  to  these 
hideous  images,  and  to  the  tower  in  which  they 


*  “  Arriba  peleamos  con  ellos  tan  to,  que  les  fue  for- 
zado  saltar  de  ella  abajo  a  unas  azoteas,  que  tenia  al 
derredor,  tan  anclias  como  un  paso.  E  de  estas  tenia  la 
dicha  Torre,  tres,  d  quatro,  tan  altas  la  una  de  la  otra 
como  tres  estados.” — Loeexzana,  p.  138. 

t  “  Y  crea  Vuestra  Sacra  Magestad,  que  fue  tanto 
ganalles  esta  Torre,  que  si  Dios  no  les  quebrara  las  alas, 
bastaban  veinte  de  ellos  para  resistir  la  subida  a  mil 
Hombres,  como  quiera  que  pelearon  muy  valientemente,  | 
hasta  que  muricron." — Lorenzana,  p.  139. 


IDOLS  BURNT. 


237 


had  their  abode.  Certainly,  the  great  temple 
was  a  place  of  ill- omen  for  the  Mexicans  to  fiodit 
upon;  and  the  blood  of  slaughtered  thousands 
might  well  rise  up  to  testify  against  them  on  that 
day. 

This  fight  in  the  temple  gave  a  momentary 

gleam  of  success  to  the  arms  of  the  Spaniards, 

and  afforded  Cortes  an  opportunity  to  resume 

negotiations.  But  the  determination  of  the 

Mexicans  was  fixed  and  complete.  It  was  in 

vain  that  the  Spanish  General  pressed  them 

o  consider  the  havoc  which  he  daily  made 

imongst  their  citizens,  and  the  injury  he  was 

loing  to  their  beautiful  city.  They  replied, 

bat  they  were  well  aware  of  the  mischief 

vhich  the  Spaniards  were  doing,  and  of  the 

laughter  they  were  causing  amongst  the  Mexi- 

an  people ;  but,  nevertheless,  they  were  de-  Determi- 

ermined  that  they  would  all  perish,  if  that  theMexi- 

Cang 

t'ere  needful,  to  gain  their  point  of  destroying 
he  Spaniards.  They  bade  Cortes  look  at  the 
treets,  the  squares,  and  the  terraces,  covered  with 
’eople;  and  then,  in  a  business-like  and  calcu- 
iting  manner,  they  told  him  that  if  twenty-five 
aousand  of  them  were  to  die  for  each  Spaniard, 


238 


VALUE  OF  LIFE. 


They  cal¬ 
culate  the 
relative 
value  of  a 
Spaniard’s 
life. 


I 


still  the  Spaniards  would  perish  first.*  They 
urged  triumphantly  that  all  the  causeways  were 
destroyed,  and  that  the  Spaniards  had  few  pro¬ 
visions  left,  and  very  little  water,  so  that  they 
would  die  of  hunger  and  thirst,  if  from  no¬ 
thing  else.  “  In  truth,”  says  Cortes,  “  they 
had  much  reason  in  what  they  said,  for  if  we 
had  no  other  enemy  to  fight  against  but  hunger, 
it  was  sufficient  to  destroy  us  all  in  a  short 
time.” 

The  conference  ended  in  a  discouraging  manner 
for  the  Spaniards  ;  but  Cortes  revived  the  spirits 
of  himself  and  his  men  by  a  sally  which  he  made 
at  nightfall,  and  in  which  the  Spaniards  succeeded 
in  burning  more  than  three  hundred  houses.  This, 
however,  did  bat  little  good,  as  it  only  rendered 
three  hundred  families  desperate. 

The  Mexicans  had  exaggerated  the  damage, 
when  they  spoke  of  all  the  causeways  being  de¬ 
stroyed.  The  one  to  Tlacuba,  though  much  in¬ 
jured,  still  remained.  Indeed,  in  the  course  of 


*  “  Que  a  morir  veinte  y  cinco  mil  de  ellos,  y  uno  de 
los  nuestros,  nos  acabariamos  nosotros  primero." — Lo- 
RENZANA,  p.  139. 


THE  CAUSEWAYS. 


239 


the  next  day,  when  Cortes  turned  his  whole 
attention  in  that  direction,  securing  the  bridges. 


and  filling  up  the  gaps  that  had  been  made, 
destroying  the  barricades,  and  burning  the  houses 
and  towers  which  commanded  this  causeway,  he 


240 


CORTES  RETREATS . 


succeeded  in  making  it  passable  for  that  day ; 
and  with  some  of  his  men,  absolutely  did  reach 
the  terra  firma,  in  a  charge  that  they  made 
upon  the  enemy.  But  the  Mexicans  redoubling 
their  efforts,  Cortes  with  difficulty  regained  the 
fortress;  and,  at  the  end  of  a  day  of  continued 
fighting,  the  Mexicans  claimed  the  victory,  and 
had  made  themselves  masters  of  several  of  the 
bridges. 


Cortes 
resolves 
to  quit 
Mexico. 


It  generally  requires  at  least  as  much  courage 
to  retreat  as  to  advance.  Indeed,  few  men  have 
the  courage  and  the  ready  wisdom  to  retreat  in 
time.  But  Cortes,  once  convinced  that  his  posi¬ 
tion  in  Mexico  was  no  longer  tenable,  wasted  no 
time  or  energy  in  parleying  with  danger.  Terror 
had  lost  its  influence  with  the  Mexicans,  and 
superior  strategy  was  of  little  avail  against  such 
overpowering  numbers.  Moreover,  strategy,  when 
there  is  hunger  in  the  camp,  is  no  longer  un¬ 
controlled  in  its  movements,  and  is  subject  to  other 
laws  than  those  of  the  science  which  ought  to 
s;uide  it. 

Cortes  resolved  to  quit  the  city  that  night. 
His  men  had  lon£  wished  for  him  to  come  to  this 


TEE  ORDER  OF  DEPARTURE.  241 

conclusion;  and  an  astrologer  of  the  name  of 
Botello,  of  whom  it  was  said  that  he  had  a  familiar 
spirit,  had  discovered  by  his  divinations,  and  de¬ 
clared  four  nights  before,  that  if  they  did  not  de¬ 
part  on  that  very  night,  no  one  of  them  would 
escape  alive. 

Preparations  for  departure  were  instantly  com-  Prepara- 
menced.  A  pontoon  was  constructed  of  wood,  departure, 
md  intrusted  to  fifty  Spanish  soldiers  and  four 
hundred  Tlascalans,  the  Spanish  soldiers  being  all 
ihosen  men,  bound  by  an  oath  to  die  rather  than 
lesert  their  pontoon.  To  convey  the  artillery, 
lfty  Spanish  soldiers  and  two  hundred  and  fifty 
Tlascalans  were  appointed,  while  the  prisoners, 
ogether  with  that  important  person,  Donna 
Carina,  were  intrusted  to  an  escort  of  three 
mndred  Tlascalans  and  thirty  Spanish  soldiers. 

The  main  divisions  of  the  army  were  arranged  The 
s  follows.  The  brave  Sandoval  was  intrusted  denture, 
ith  the  vanguard.  The  baggage,  the  prisoners, 
nd  the  artillery  were  to  come  next.  Pedro  de 
ilvarado  was  to  bring  up  the  rear-guard,  con- 
sting  in  great  part  of  the  troops  of  Narvaez, 
brtes,  with  a  few  horsemen  and  one  hundred 
-ot  soldiers,  was  to  assist  in  the  passage  of  the 


The  re¬ 
treat  com¬ 
menced  : 
the  first 
bridge. 


242  TEE  FIRST  BRIDGE. 

centre  of  the  army  (of  the  weaker  part,  in  fact), 
and  was  to  be  at  hand  wherever  the  pressure  of 
the  battle  might  be  greatest.  The  sick  and  the 
wounded  were  not  forgotten:  they  were  to  be 
taken  upon  the  cruppers  of  the  horse-soldiers. 
Having  made  these  dispositions,  Cortes  then 
brought  out  the  gold.  Seven  wounded  horses, 
one  mare  belonging  to  Cortes,  and  eighty  Tlas- 
calans,  were  laden  with  the  King’s  fifths,  or  with 
what  could  be  carried  of  them.  After  this  had 
been  done,  Cortes  bade  the  soldiers  take  what 
they  liked  of  the  rest  of  the  gold  ;  and  woe  to  him 
who  encumbered  himself  with  any  !  for,  we  are. 
told,  it  was  their  destruction  ( literally ,  their 
“  knife”),*  and  that  he  who  took  least  gold,  came 
best  out  of  danger  on  this  disastrous  night.  | 
A  little  before  midnight  the  stealthy  march 
began.  The  Spaniards  succeeded  in  laying  down 
the  pontoon  over  the  first  bridge-way,  and  the 
vanguard  with  Sandoval  passed  over  ;  Cortes  and 

o 


*  “  Que  los  que  quisiesen,  tomasen  del  Tesoro  que 
havia,  a  su  voluntad,  que  fue  su  cuchillo,  porque  el  que 
menos  tomo,  salid  mejor  del  caso.”  Hebreba.  Hist,  de 
las  Indian,  dec.  II.  lib.  x.  cap.  11. 


TEE  PONTOON  LOST. 


243 


lis  men  also  passed  over;  but,  while  the  rest 
vere  passing,  the  Mexicans  gave  the  alarm  with 
oud  shouts  and  blowing  of  horns.  “  Tlalte- 
ulco,*  Tlaltelulco !”  they  exclaimed,  “  come  out 
[uickly  with  your  canoes :  the  teules  are  going ; 
ut  them  off  at  the  bridges.”  Almost  imme- 
iately  after  this  alarm,  the  lake  was  covered 
dth  canoes.  It  rained,  and  the  misfortunes  of 
ae  night  commenced  by  two  horses  slipping  from 
ie  pontoon  into  the  water.  Then,  the  Mexicans 
ttacked  the  pontoon-bearers  so  furiously,  that  it 
as  impossible  for  them  to  raise  it  up  again.  In 
very  short  time  the  water  at  that  part  was  full 
dead  horses,  Tlascalan  men,  Indian  women, 
iggage,  artillery,  prisoners,  and  boxes  ( petacas ) 
hich,  I  suppose,  supported  the  pontoon.  On 
rery  side  the  most  piteous  cries  were  heard. 
Help  me !  I  drown  !  ”  «  Rescue  me !  they  are 
■Hing  me!”  Such  vain  demands  were  mingled 
ith  prayers  to  the  Virgin  Mary  and  to  Saint 
•unes.  Those  that  did  get  upon  the  bridge 
id  on  the  causeway,  found  bands  of  Mexican 


*  Tlaltelulco  was  the  quarter  of  the  town  where  the 
c  rket  was  situated. 


The 

pontoon 

lost. 


244 


TEE  SECOND  BRIDGE. 

S 

warriors  ready  to  push  them  down  again  into  the 
water. 

The  second  At  the  second  bridge- way  a  single  beam  was 

bridge.  found,  which  doubtless  had  been  left  for  the  con¬ 
venience  of  the  Mexicans  themselves.  This  was 
useless  for  the  horses;  but  Cortes  diverging, 
found  a  shallow  place  where  the  water  did  not 
reach  further  than  up  to  the  saddle,  and  by  that 
he  and  his  horsemen  passed  (as  Sandoval  must 
have  done  before).  He  contrived,  also,  to  get 
his  foot-soldiers  safely  to  the  main-land,  though 
whether  they  swam  or  waded,  whether  they  kept 
the  line  of  the  causeway,  or  diverged  into  the 
shallows,  it  is  difficult  to  determine.  Leaving 
the  vanguard  and  his  own  division  safe  on  shore, 
Cortes  with  a  small  body  of  horse  and  foot,  re¬ 
turned  to  give  what  assistance  he  could  to  those 
who  were  behind  him.  All  order  was  now  lost, 
and  the  retreat  was  little  else  than  a  confused 
slaughter,  although  small  bodies  of  the  Spaniard: 
still  retained  sufficient  presence  of  mind  to  ac' 
together,  rushing  forward,  clearing  the  space  abou 
them,  making  their  way  at  each  moment  with  los 
of  life,  but  still  some  few  survivors  getting  on 
wards.  Few,  indeed,  of  the  rear-guard  couh 


THE  TRIED  BRIDGE. 


245 


iave  escaped.  It  is  told  as  a  wonder  of  Alvarado* 
ihat,  coming  to  the  last  bridge*  he  made  a  leap* 

I  ^ 

which  has  by  many  been  deemed  impossible*  and 
ileared  the  vast  aperture.  When  Cortes  came  up 
;o  him*  he  was  found  accompanied  only  by  seven 
soldiers*  and  eight  Tlascalans*  all  covered  with 
fiood  from  their  many  wounds.  They  told  Cortes 
hat  there  was  no  use  in  going  further  back*  that 
ill  who  remained  alive  were  there  with  them. 
Upon  this  the  General  turned  ;  and  the  small 
ind  melancholy  band  of  Spaniards  pushed  on  to 
Ilacuba*  Cortes  protecting  the  rear.  It  is  said 
hat  he  sat  down  on  a  stone  in  a  village  called 
Popotla  near  Tlacuba*  and  wept;  a  rare  occur¬ 
ence*  for  he  was  not  a  man  to  waste  any  energy 
n  weeping  while  aught  remained  to  be  done. 
The  country  was  aroused  against  them*  and  they 
lid  not  rest  for  the  night  till  they  had  fortified 
hemselves  in  a  temple  on  a  hill  near  Tlacuba* 
vhere  afterwards  was  built  a  church  dedicated* 
7ery  appropriately*  to  Our  Lady  of  Refuge  (a 

I  * 

Vuestra  Se^ora  de  los  Hemedios ). 

This  memorable  night  has  ever  been  celebrated 
n  American  history  as  La  noche  triste.  In  this 
light  from  Mexico  all  the  artillery  was  lost*  and 


The  third 
bridge. 


The 

remains  of 
the  army 
arrive  at 
Tlacuba. 


246 


.  • 


LOSS  OF  MEN. 


Loss  of 
men  in  the 
retreat  of 
the  noche 
triste. 


there  perished  four  hundred  and  fifty*  Spaniards, 
amongst  whom  was  Velazquez  de  Leon,  one  of 
the  principal  men  in  the  expedition  and  a  relation 
of  the  Governor  of  Cuba,  four  thousand  of  the 
Indian  allies,  forty-six  horses,  and  most  of  the 
Mexican  prisoners,  including  one  son  and  two 
daughters  of  Montezuma,  and  his  nephew  the 
King  of  Tezcuco.  A  loss  which  posterity  will 
ever  regret  was  that  of  the  books  and  accounts, 
memorials  and  writings,  of  which  there  were  some, 
it  is  said,  that  contained  a  narrative  of  all  that 
had  happened  since  Cortes  left  Cuba.f  The  wis¬ 
dom  of  the  astrologer  Botello  did  not  save  him 
(but  what  wise  man  is  ever  wise  for  himself!); 
and  that  any  Spaniard  remained  alive  seems  to 
infer  some  negligence  on  the  part  of  the  Mexican 
conquerors. 


*  Bernal  Diaz  estimates  the  number  of  Spaniards  lost 
at  eight  hundred  and  seventy  ;  Oviedo  at  eleven  hun¬ 
dred  and  seventy.  I  have  adopted  in  the  text  the 
numbers  given  by  Gomara,  but  should  not  be  surprised 
if  they  were  proved  to  be  understated. 

f  “  Los  Libros  de  la  Cuenta,  y  Ra$on  de  la  Real 
Hacienda,  y  los  Memoriales,  y  Escrituras  pertenecientes 
a  todo  lo  sucedido.  desde  que  Cortes  salio  de  Cuba.” — 
Torquemada,  Monarquta  Indiana ,  lib.  iv.  cap.  71. 


s 


SUMMARY  OF  RETREAT. 


247 


The  error  of  the  Spaniards,  if  error  there  were, 
was  in  taking  only  one  pontoon.*  The  main 
error  of  the  Mexicans  was  in  not  occupying  the 
ground  where  the  Spaniards  would  have  to  land, 
and  in  concentrating  their  forces  at  the  bridges 
where  there  was  not  room  for  more  than  a  certain 
number  of  them  to  act,  and  where  they  incom¬ 
moded  each  other.  The  summary  of  the  retreat 
I  believe  to  be  this:  that  the  passage  of  the  first 
bridge  was  successfully  made,  through  means  of 
the  pontoon,  by  a  large  portion  of  the  most  ser¬ 
viceable  persons  in  the  little  army,  but  that,  even 
it  that  first  point,  there  was  great  loss  of  life 

I 

imongst  the  weaker  portion,  and  of  baggage,  and 
irtillery :  that  between  the  first  bridge  and  the 
second  there  was  almost  a  total  destruction  of  the 
veaker,  less  mobile,  and  more  laden  part  of  the 
Spanish  force :  that,  at  the  second  bridge,  by 
neans  of  that  beam  which  was  fortunately  there, 
i  good  number  of  those  who  would  be  called 
vueltos ,  active  and  skilful  persons,  and  who  were 


*  “  Y  si  como  llevaron  una  puente,  fueran  tres,  pocos 
;e  perdieran.” — Herrera,  Hist,  de  las  Indias ,  dec.  n. 
om.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  11. 


Error 
of  the 
Spaniards. 

Of  the 
Mexicans. 


A  summary 
of  the 
retreat. 


248 


DATE  OF  HE  TEE  AT. 


It  took 
place, 

July* 1520. 


Cortes 

proceeds 

toTlascala. 


favoured  by  being  in  a  forward  position,  contrived 
to  pass  ;  but  that  neither  baggage,  artillery,  pri¬ 
soners,  nor  men  laden  with  bars  of  gold,  ever 
passed  that  second  fatal  aperture:  and,  for  the 
third,  it  seems  to  me  that  it  could  have  been 
passed  by  those  only  who  were  able  to  swim,  or 
who,  having  by  chance  diverged  into  a  shallower 
part,  waded  through  the  water,  and  rejoined  the 
causeway  near  the  main-land.  In  the  annals  of 
retreats  there  has  seldom  been  one  recorded  which 
proved  more  entirely  disastrous.  It  occurred  on 
the  1st  of  July,  1520.* 

From  Tlacuba  Cortes  moved  on  towards  the 
province  of  Tlascala,  always  fighting  his  way,  and 
always  encumbered  with  enemies.  The  night  be¬ 
fore  he  reached  a  certain  valley,  soon  to  be  made 
celebrated  by  him,  called  the  valley  of  Otumba, 
considering  that  every  day  the  Spaniards  were 
growing  weaker  and  the  enemy  becoming  bolder 

*  Bernal  Diaz  says  that  it  occurred  on  the  10th  of 
July :  but  this  is  contradicted  by  a  date  which  Cortes 
gives  in  his  letter,  when,  speaking  of  the  day  after  the 
battle  of  Otumba,  he  says  that  it  was  a  Sunday,  the  8th 
of  July.  “  Que  fue  Domingo  a  oclio  de  Julio.” — Lores - 
zana,  p.  149. 


I  ,  % 

VALLEY  OF  OTUMBA.  249 

and  more  numerous,  he  bethought  him  of  a  device, 
or,  as  he  expresses  it,  the  Holy  Spirit  enlightened 


him  with  advice,*  in  reference  to  the  manner  of 


*  “  El  Espiritu  Santo  me  alumbro  con  este  aviso.” _ 

UORENZANA,  p.  148. 


250 


BATTLE  OF  OTUMBA. 


Battle  of 
Otumba. 


carrying  the  sick  and  wounded.  They  had  hither- 
to  been  carried  od  horseback  behind  the  fighting 
men,  but  he  now  caused  litters  to  be  constructed 
for  them.  This,  at  any  moment  of  danger  or 
difficulty,  would  give  much  more  freedom  of 
action  to  his  cavalry.  The  next  morning,  the 
Spaniards  had  not  proceeded  two  leagues  before 
they  found  themselves  surrounded  by  such  a 
number  of  Indians  that,  as  Cortes  says,  neither 
in  front,  nor  in  the  rear,  nor  on  the  flanks,  could 
any  part  of  the  plain  be  seen  which  was  not 
covered  by  these  Indians.  Cortes  and  his  men 
thought  that  this  would  be  the  last  day  of  their 
lives.  The  battle  raged  for  a  long  time,  and  was 
of  that  confused  character,  that  fighting,  or  fleeing, 
or  discerning  whether  they  were  victorious  or  de¬ 
feated,  was  almost  equally  difficult  for  either  party. 
It  was  one  of  those  battles  not  admitting  of  large 
manoeuvres,  and  of  which  each  soldier  engaged 
has  afterwards  a  different  story  to  tell.  Con¬ 
spicuous  in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy  was  their 
General,  with  his  outspread  flag,  his  rich  armour 
of  gold,  and  his  plumes  of  silver  feathers.  Towards 
this  glittering  centre  Cortes  and  his  best  captains, 
after  the  fight  had  lasted  some  time,  directed  their 


THE  SPANIARDS  VICTORIOUS.  251 

attack ;  and  Cortes  himself  bore  down  the  Mexi¬ 
can  General  to  the  ground.  The  Mexicans,  see-  Death  of 
ing  their  General  slain,  fled ;  and  in  this  manner 
the  celebrated  battle  of  Otumba  was  gained  by 
the  Spaniards.  The  description  which  Cortes 
gives  of  the  main  incident  in  it  is  very  charac¬ 
teristic  of  him,  from  the  modesty  and  simplicity 
with  which  it  is  given.  His  own  words  are  The 
these :  “  And  we  went  fighting  in  that  toilsome  “fCortes. 
manner  a  great  part  of  the  day,  until  it  pleased 
God  that  there  was  slain  a  person  amongst  the 
enemy  who  must  have  been  the  General;  for 
with  his  death  the  battle  altogether  ceased.” 

After  the  victory  the  Spaniards  proceeded  with 
much  less  fear  and  less  harassment,  although,  to 
use  the  graphic  expression  of  Cortes,  the  enemy 
still  continued  biting  them  ( mordiendonos ),  until 
they  reached  a  small  country  house  where  they 
encamped  for  the  night.  From  that  spot  they 
:ould  perceive  certain  sierras  in  the  territory  of 
Tlascala,  a  most  welcome  sight  to  their  eyes, 
dthough  Cortes,  who  knew  mankind  well,  was 
horoughly  aware  of  the  difference  of  reception 
hat  they  might  meet  with  now  that  they  came, 

>ot  as  prosperous  men  and  conquerors,  but  as 


252 


RECEPTION'  BY  TLA8CALAN8. 


Speech 

of  the 

Tlascalan 

Lords  to 

Cortes, 

consoling 

him. 


The 

Spaniards 
kindly 
received  at 
Tlascala. 


poor  men  and  fugitives.  The  next  day  they  en¬ 
tered  the  province  of  Tlascala,  and  rested  in  a 
Tlascalan  town  three  days.  There,  the  principal 
Tlascalan  Lords  came  to  see  them,  and,  instead 
of  showing  any  coldness  or  unkindness,  they 
laboured  to  console  Cortes  in  his  misfortune. 
“  Oh !  Malinche,  Malinche,”  they  said,  “  how  it 
grieves  us  to  hear  of  your  misfortunes,  and  of 
those  of  all  your  brothers,  and  of  the  multitude 
of  our  own  men  who  have  perished  with  yours. 
Have  we  not  told  you  many  times,  that  you  should 
not  trust  in  those  Mexican  people,  for  there  was 
no  security  from  one  day  to  another  that  then 
would  not  make  war  upon  you,  and  you  would 
not  believe  us  ?  But  now  the  thing  is  done,  and 
nothing  more  remains  at  present  but  to  refresh 
you  and  to  cure  you.  Wherefore,  we  will  go 
immediately  to  our  city,  where  you  shall  be  lodged 
as  it  may  please  you.”  With  these  words,  and 
words  like  these,  of  noble  kindness,  their  good 
allies  brought  the  Spaniards  to  the  chief  city  of 
Tlascala,  which  they  reached  about  the  middle  of 
July,  1520. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Resolution  of  the  Tlascalan  Senate — Cortes  in  Tepeaca — 
Fot  ms  a  Great  Alliance  against  the  JSlexicans — Prepares 
to  march  against  Mexico — Reviews  his  Troops  at  Tlas - 
cctlct. 

ETREATINGr,  wounded,  despoiled, 
having  lost  numbers  of  his  own  men, 
and  the  greater  part  of  his  allied  troops, 
almost  any  other  commander  but  Cortes  would 
have  been  thoroughly  cast  down.  Not  so,  this 
modern  Ctesar,  who  only  meditated  to  refresh 
himself  by  new  combats.  That  section,  however, 
of  his  men  who  had  been  the  followers  of  Narvaez, 
and  probably  some  of  the  others,  did  not  share  in 
the  ardour  of  their  chief.  On  the  contrary,  they 
counselled  an  instant  march  to  Vera  Cruz,  fearing 
lest  their  present  allies,  uniting  with  their  enemies, 
should  occupy  the  passes  between  the  town  of 


\ 

254  CORTES  REQUIRED  TO 


Cortes  is 
required 
to  retreat 
to  Vera 
Cruz. 


Tlascala  and  the  sea.  If  Cortes  had  an  intention 
of  resuming  the  war  with  Mexico*  their  present 
repose*  they  thought*  would  but  fatten  them  for 
sacrifice.  Such  was  the  common  discourse*  and 
such*  indeed*  were  the  representations  which  they 
made  to  Cortes  himself.  Moreover*  when  he  did 
not  give  way  to  their  suggestions*  they  drew  up 
a  formal  requisition*  in  which  they  stated  their 
loss  of  men*  their  want  of  horses*  weapons*  and 
ammunition*  and  upon  these  statements  required 
him  to  march  to  Vera  Cruz.  The  reply  of  Cortes 
to  this  requisition  has  been  made  for  him  by  two 
considerable  historians  ;*  but  as  they  did  not  write 
in  concert*  the  speeches  have  not  the  slightest  re¬ 
semblance. f  In  one  speech*  he  is  made  to  allude 
to  Xenophon*  and  to  quote  “Vegetius  De  Re 
Militari ;  ”  in  the  other  (the  chaplain’s  account), 
the  deeds  of  Jonathan  and  David  are  brought  in 


*  Oviedo  and  Gomara. 

f  May  that  man  who  invented  fictitious  speech-mak¬ 
ing  in  history  yet  have  to  listen  to  innumerable  speeches 
from  dull  men  accustomed  to  address  courts  of  law,  or 
legislative  assemblies  !  I  wish  him  no  further  punish¬ 
ment,  though  he  has  been  a  most  mischievous  person  to 
the  human  race. 


BE  TREAT  TO  VERA  CRUZ. 


255 


by  way  of  illustration.  Cortes  himself,  who 
always  speaks  simply,  tells  the  Emperor,  that, 
recollecting  how  fortune  favours  the  daring  (que 
siempre  a  los  osados  ayuda  la  fortuna), — a  proverb 
which  he  acted  out  so  nobly,  that  of  all  men  of 
his  time  he  had  most  right  to  quote  it ;  and  also 
reflecting  that  any  symptom  of  pusillanimity  would 
bring  down  the  Indians  upon  them,  both  friends 
and  enemies,  more  quickly  than  anything  else; 
and  also  considering,  that  he  and  his  men  were 
Christians,  and  that  God  “  would  not  permit  ” 
that  they  should  altogether  perish,  and  that  such 
a  great  country  should  be  lost, — he  determined 
on  no  account  to  descend  towards  the  sea.  Ac¬ 
cordingly,  he  told  his  men  that  to  quit  the  coun¬ 
try  would  not  only  be  shameful  to  him,  and  dan¬ 
gerous  to  all  of  them,  but  also  treasonable  to  the 
King’s  service. 

It  is  clear  that  Cortes  was  supported  by  a  con¬ 
siderable  section  of  his  own  men.  Such  is  the 
statement  of  Bernal  Diaz;  and  it  is  evident  to 
me  that  this  soldier-historian,  for  one,  did  not 
join  with  those  who  presented  the  aforesaid  requi¬ 
sition,  as,  if  he  had  accompanied  the  malcontents, 
instead  of  proving  that  there  were  certain  gross 


I 


The  view 
which 
Cortes 
took  of  his 
situation. 


256 


MEXICAN  AMBASSADORS 


Mt  xico 
solids  am¬ 
bassadors 
to  1  lascala. 


errors  in  the  statements  which  Gomara  puts  into 
the  mouth  of  Cortes,  he  would,  I  think,  have 
asserted  that  the  speech  was  altogether  a  fabrica¬ 
tion.  The  truth  is,  that  the  men  of  Narvaez  were 
of  a  richer  class  than  the  men  of  Cortes,  and  were 
much  less  compromised  in  his  doings.  Indeed, 
they  taunted  the  others  by  saying  that  these  had 
nothing  but  their  persons  to  lose ;  while  they 
maintained  that  the  desire  to  command  was  that 
which  induced  Cortes  himself  to  persevere.* 
Meanwhile,  as  great,  if  not  a  greater,  danger 
threatened  Cortes  from  another  quarter.  The 
Mexicans  sent  ambassadors  to  the  government  of 
Tlascala  with  a  present  of  garments,  feathers,  and 
salt.  These  ambassadors,  being  admitted  into  the 
Tlascalan  senate,  referred  to  the  identity  of  lineage, 
laws,  and  language  between  the  Mexicans  and  the 
Tlascalans ;  spoke  of  their  ancient  enterprises  in 
arms  together,  and  of  a  friendship  between  the 
two  nations  which  had  been  broken  by  a  question 


*  “  Y  mas  dezian,  que  nuestro  Cortes,  por  mandar,  y 
siempre  scr  senor,  y  nosotros  los  que  con  el  passa"^  amos, 
no  tener  cjue  perder,  sino  nuestras  personas,  assistiamos 
con  el.” — Bern  ax  Diaz,  cap.  129. 


SENT  TO  TLASCALA. 


257 


of  religion  and  then  said,  that  it  would  be  well 
that  the  present  state  of  hostility  should  be  put 
an  end  to,  and  that  the  Tlascalans  should  not  be 
deprived  of  those  productions  which  abounded  in 
the  Mexican  Empire.  This  last  argument  was  an 
allusion  to  the  commerce  in  salt,  of  which  the 
patriotic  Tlascalans  had  long  deprived  themselves. 
The  Mexican  ambassadors  added,  that,  in  order 
that  the  two  nations  might  come  to  terms,  it  would 
be  necessary  that  these  few  Christians  should  be 
sacrificed,  with  whom  their  gods  were  very  angry. 
Finally,  the  Mexicans  concluded  by  saying  (which 
was  the  most  effective  appeal  they  could  make), 
that  the  Spaniards  would  insult  the  Tlascalans  as 
they  had  insulted  them. 

The  senate  received  the  presents,  and  said  that 
they  would  consider  the  matter.  The  ambassadors 


*  “  Qu’ensuite  une  question  de  religion  avait  altere 
eur  amitie,  et  qu’il  en  etait  resulte  les  discordes  qui 
itaient  nees  par  la  suite.”— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist,  des  Chi - 
himeques,  cap.  90. 

This  record  of  a  religious  difference  between  the  two 
lations  deserves  attention  from  the  student  of  pre- 
Spanish  American  history,  and  might  lead  to  some 
urious  and  important  discovery. 

I.  S 


Speech 
of  the 
Mexican 
ambassa¬ 
dors. 


258 


DEBATE  IN  TEE 


bavin0,  left  the  Audience  Chamber,  the  debate 
began.  The  chief  speakers  were  Maxitcatzin* 
and  Xicotencatl  the  younger  (el  mozo ) ;  the  former 
always  friendly  to  the  Spaniards,  the  latter  their 
determined  enemy.  It  was  a  great  debate,  in  which 
much  was  to  be  said  on  both  sides.  Honour  and 
faith  were  with  Maxitcatzin,  and  perhaps  even  the 
balance  of  policy  was  in  his  favour ;  but  much  was 
to  be  said  upon  the  other  side and,  with  all  their 
courteous  reticence,  it  must  not  be  supposed  that 
the  Tlascalans  had  not  felt  very  deeply  the  total  loss 
of  that  part  of  their  army  which  had  accompanied 
the  Spaniards  to  Mexico,  and  the  disgrace  of  the 
flight.  Some  reproaches,  even,  had  been  ad* 
dressed  to  the  Spaniards  upon  this  point ;  though, 
no  doubt,  these  had  been  uttered  only,  or  chiefly, 
by  people  of  the  lower  classes.  Xicotencatl  main- 


*  These  uncouth  Mexican  names  were,  I  have  no 
doubt,  much  softer  and  more  tolerable  than  they  appear. 
In  this  name,  the  last  syllable  “tzin,”  is  a  title  of 
honour ;  and  that  the  name  was  pronounced  much  more 
softly  than  the  appearance  of  it  in  writing  might  lead 
us  to  suppose,  may  be  inferred  from  the  corruption  of 
the  name  which  appears  in  Bernal  Diaz,  namely,  “Masse 
Escaci.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  129. 


TLASCALAN  SENATE. 


259 


tained  that  it  would  be  better  to  enter  into  the 

I  Mexican  confederacy,  and  to  uphold  their  ancient 

customs,  than  to  learn  the  new  ones  of  this  foreign 

|  ^ 
people,  an  irrepressible  race,  who  wished  to  have 

the  command  in  everything.  “  Now  was  the 

time,”  he  said,  “  to  adopt  this  counsel,  when  the 

Spaniards  were  routed  and  dispirited.” 


It  is  probable,  as  often  happens  in  difficult 

• 

dilemmas,  that  neither  of  the  two  opposite  courses 
suggested  would  have  sufficed  to  save  the  Tlas- 
calans,  for  even  if  they  had  deserted  Cortes  now, 
the  Mexicans  would  never  have  forgiven  them  for 
having  in  the  first  instance  received  and  favoured 
the  Spaniards.  Still,  however  little  chance  of 

escape  by  wisdom  there  was  for  the  Tlascalans,  it 

\ 

is  seldom  that  a  more  important  council  has  been 
held;  for  certainly  if  the  Tlascalan  senate  had 
gone  with  Xicotencatl  the  younger,  the  Spanish 
conquest  must  have  been  deferred,  and  might 
have  taken  place  under  very  different  auspices. 
The  debatq  waxed  warm ;  so  warm,  indeed,  that 
Maxitcatzin  struck  his  opponent,  who  was  pre¬ 
cipitated  down  a  flight  of  stairs,  the  debate  hav¬ 
ing  been  held  in  an  oratory.  A  miraculous 


Debate 
in  the 
Tlascalan 
senate. 


260 


TEE  TLASC ALANS  ABIDE 


The 

Tlascalans 
resolve 
to  abide 
by  their 
alliance 
with  the 
Spaniards. 


turn  has  been  given  to  the  story,  such  as  that 
a  cloud  was  seen  to  e.nter  the  room  and  rest 
upon  a  cross  which  was  there,  and  that  the 
members  of  the  council  were  influenced  by  this 
miraculous  interposition.*  We  need  not,  how¬ 
ever,  depreciate  the  generous  disposition  of  the 
Tlascalans  by  imagining  any  miraculous  inter¬ 
ference  as  needful  to  confirm  it.  They  admired 
their  allies,  the  Spaniards;  they  had  fought  side  by 
side  with  them ;  they  were  willing  to  share  their 
reverses,  and  to  throw  in  their  lot  with  that  of 
these  skilful  and  enduring  strangers.  In  a  word, 
the  counsel  of  Maxitcatzin  prevailed,  and,  though 
they  knewT  it  not,  the  fate  of  the  Tlascalans  was 
therein  decided  also.  Henceforth  their  great  city, 
with  its  numerous  population,  wTas  to  dwindle 


*  “  Tous  ceux  qui  etaient  presents  viren t  entrer  une 
nuee  qui  couvrit  la  croix,  et  toute  la  salle  resta  dans 
l’obscurite.  Ils  (Maxizcatzin  et  Xicotencatl)  en  vinrent  - 
aux  mains  ;  Maxizcatzin  lui  donna  un  coup  de  poing 
si  violent  qu’il  le  renversa  en  bas  de  l'escalier  qui  est 
a  l’entree  de  la  salle.  Tous  les  membres  de  l’assem- 
blee,  temoins  d’un  si  grand  miracle,  furent  ebranles  et 
adopterent  l  opinion  de  Maxizcatzin.’’  —  Ixtlilxociiiil, 
Ilistoirc  dcs  Chichimeques ,  cap.  90. 


BY  THEIR  ALLIANCE. 


261 


away  under  the  shade  of  their  engrossing  allies, 
until  it  should  become,  as  it  is  to  be  seen  in  our 
time,  a  petty  country  town.* 

It  was,  perhaps,  from  policy,  perhaps  from  a 
grand  politeness,  which  is  to  be  noticed  amongst 
these  Indians,  that  Maxitcatzin  did  not  mention 
to  Cortes  anything  about  this  Mexican  embassy. 
The  intelligence,  however,  reached  his  ear,  it  is 
said,  from  other  quarters;  and,  curiously  enough, 
the  rival  chieftain  Xicotencatl,  seeing  that  it  was 
useless  to  oppose  Cortes,  came  and  offered  his 

*  “  The  ancient  numerous  population  of  Tlascala  is  no 
longer  found  within  its  limits,  and  perhaps  not  more 
than  four  or  five  thousand  individuals  now  inhabit  it. 
But  the  town  is,  nevertheless,  handsome ; — its  streets 
are  regular;  its  private  houses,  town  hall,  bishop’s 
palace,  and  principal  church,  are  built  in  a  style  of  taste¬ 
ful  architecture,  while  on  the  remains  of  the  chief  Teo- 
calli  (temple)  of  the  ancient  Tlascalans,  a  Franciscan 
convent  has  been  built,  which  is  perhaps  one  of  the 
earliest  ecclesiastical  edifices  in  the  Eepublic.  In  the 
town  itself  and  in  its  vicinity  many  relics  and  ruins  of 
the  past  glory  of  Tlascala  are  still  found  by  antiquarians, 
but  they  have  hitherto  been  undisturbed  by  foreign  visi¬ 
tors,  and  remain  unnoticed  by  the  natives.” — Brantz 
Maker’s  Mexico ,  Aztec ,  Spanish  and  Republican ,  vol.  ii. 
lib.  v.  cap.  4.  Hartford,  U.S.  1852. 


262  RESOLVE  TO  INVADE  TEPEACA. 


Cortes 
resolves 
to  invade 
Tepeaca. 


services  to  him  in  an  expedition  which  Cortes 
now  proposed  to  make  against  Tepeaca,  a  country 
lying  southward,  the  inhabitants  of  which  were 
inimical  to  the  Tlascalans,  and  also  to  Cortes, 
having  intercepted  and  slain  ten  or  twelve  Spa¬ 
niards  who  were  coming  from  Vera  Cruz  to 
Mexico.  These  Tepeacans,  moreover,  were  allies 
of  the  Mexicans. 

The  persuasive  Cortes  proved  equally  successful 
with  his  own  men  as  with  the  Tlascalans.  The 
men  of  Narvaez  murmured,  but  they  went;  and 
Cortes,  on  quitting  Tlascala,  which  he  did  at  the 
end  of  twenty-two  days  after  his  return  to  that 
city,  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  large  army, 
amounting  to  no  less  than  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  men.  Among  these  the  Cholulans  were 
to  be  found  as  allies. 

The  world  is  too  old,  and  there  is  too  little 
time  now,  for  listening  to  a  minute  account  of 
the  fate  of  any  province  or  nation  which  has  not 
contrived  to  make  itself  known  for  anything  but 
its  disasters.  We  cannot,  therefore,  do  more  than 
say  that  Tepeaca  was  swiftly  subdued,  and  that 
the  people  in  that  part  of  the  country  where  the 
Spaniards  had  been  intercepted,  were  made  slaves, 


CRUEL  POLICY.  263 

Cortes  alleging  that  they  were  cannibals* *  and 
also  that  he  wished  to  terrify  the  Mexicans* — 
declaring  at  the  same  time  a  favourite  doctrine 
of  his*  namely*  that  the  people  were  so  nume¬ 
rous*  that  unless  a  “  great  and  cruel  chastise¬ 
ment”  were  made  amongst  them*  they  would  never 
be  amended.*  Cortes  then  founded  a  town  in 
that  district*  which  he  called  La  Segura  de  la 
Frontera. 

For  the  reason  above  given*  it  will  be  needless 
to  enter  into  all  the  wars  and  forays  that  Cortes 
undertook  at  this  period.  Suffice  it  to  say*  that 
wherever  he  met  the  Mexican  troops*  he  routed 
them*  conquering  also  their  allies*  and  receiving 
the  conquered  provinces  into  the  friendship  and 
under  the  vassalage  of  the  King  of  Spain.  It  is 
observable  that  the  towns  and  fortresses  were  well 

built.  Of  a  town*  for  instance,  called  Yzzucan, 

_ _ _ _ 

— —  ■  ■■  ■  ■■  '  — 

*  “Porque  demas  de  liabermucrto  a  los  diclios  Espa- 
noles,  y  rebeladose  contra  el  Servicio  de  Vuestra  Alteza, 
comen  todos  carne  humana,  por  cuya  notoriedad  no 
embio  a  Vuestra  Magestad  probanza  de  ello.  Y  tambien 
me  movib  a  facer  los  dichos  Esclavos,  por  poner  algun 
espanto  a  los  de  Culiia :  y  porque  tambien  hay  tanta 
Gente,  que  si  no  ficiesse  grande,  y  cruel  castigo  en  cllos, 
nunca  se  emendarfan  jamas.” — Lorenzana,  p.  154. 


Cruel 
policy  of 
Cortes. 


La  Segura 
de  la 
Frontera 
founded. 


Successes 
of  Cortes 
in  the 
provinces 
of  New 
Spain. 


264 


FINE  TOWNS  IN  NEW  SPAIN. 


Other  fine 
towns  in 
New  Spain 
besides 
Mexico. 


Cortes  says,  “  It  is  very  well  arranged  as  regards 
its  streets,  and  has  a  hundred  temples.”*  Of  Gua- 
cachula  he  says,  u  It  is  surrounded  by  a  strong 
wall  twenty  feet  high,  with  a  battlement  two  feet 
and  a  half  high.”  It  had  four  entrances,  so  con- 
structed,  that  the  walls  overlapped  one  another. 
Again,  of  the  provinces  of  Zuzula  and  Tamazula, 
Cortes  mentions,  that  they  were  thickly  popu¬ 
lated,  and  the  houses  better  built  than  any  that 
the  Spaniards  had  seen  elsewhere  in  the  New 
World,  f  It  is  necessary  to  remark  these  things, 
as  otherwise  it  might  be  supposed  that  Mexico, 
as  it  was  the  central  point  of  the  Conquest,  was 
the  only  centre  of  civilization ;  whereas,  a  certain 
kind  of  well-being,  and  some  knowledge  of  the 
arts  of  life,  were  spread  over  a  considerable  por¬ 
tion  of  America,  and  might  be  traced,  indeed,  from 


*  “  Esta  Ciudad  de  Yzzucan  sera  de  hasta  tres,  6 
quatro  mil  Yecinos,  es  muy  concertada  en  sus  Calles,  y 
Tratos,  tenia  cien  Casas.de  Mezquitas,  y  Oratorios  muy 
fuertes  con  sus  Torres  :  las  quales  todas  se  quemaron.” 
— Lorenzana,  p.  164. 

f  “  Habia  muy  grandes  Poblaciones,  y  Casas  muy 
bien  obradas,  de  mejor  Canteria,  queen  ningunade estas 
Partes  se  habia  visto.” — Lorenzana,  p.  162. 


GREAT  ALLIANCE  AGAINST  MEXICO.  265 


| 

a  point  further  south  than  Cusco*  in  Peru  (fol¬ 
lowing  the  Andes*  the  spinal  column  of  that  great 
continent)*  to  California. 

The  result  of  the  exertions  of  Cortes  at  this 
period*  namely*  from  July  to  December  in  the 
year  1520*  was  to  form  a  great  defensive  and 
offensive  alliance  against  the  Mexicans*  and  to 
render  an  attack  upon  that  country,  not  merely  a 
splendid  and  chivalrous  attempt*  but  an  enter¬ 
prise  entirely  consistent  with  the  rules  of  that 

prudence,  into  which  the  valour  of  Cortes  was 

/ 

welded  as  the  blade  of  the  sword  is  to  its  handle. 

This  enterprise  Cortes  had*  probably*  never 
abandoned  for  one  single  moment.  To  the  Em¬ 
peror  he  emphatically  says,  “  My  determined  re¬ 
solution  was  to  return  upon  the  men  of  that  great 
city.”*  Accordingly*  he  had  not  devoted  all  his 
energies  to  gaining  or  subduing  provinces  more 
or  less  obscure*  but  had  bethought  him  of  wThat 
would  certainly  be  requisite  in  any  attack  to  be 
made  upon  Mexico.  He  had  despatched*  for 


*  “Mi  determinada  voluntad  era,  rebolver  sobre  los 
de  aquella  gran  Ciudad.” — Lokenzana,  p.  178. 


Great 
alliance 
against  the 
Mexicans. 


266 


ACTIVITY  OF  BELLIGERENTS. 


Cortes 
orders 
brigantines 
to  be  con¬ 
structed  at 
Tlascala. 


The  Mexi¬ 
cans  not 
inactive. 


instance,  four  ships  (the  same  that  had  been  sent 
out  under  the  command  of  Narvaez  to  subdue 
him)  to  Hispaniola  for  horses — he  justly  puts 
those  animals  first — men,  arms,  and  ammunition. 
Then,  with  still  more  forethought,  he  had  given 
orders  for  brigantines  to  be  constructed  in  separate 
pieces  at  Tlascala,  and  over  this  work  he  had 
placed  a  skilful  artificer,  named  Martin  Lopez.  He 
had  written  to  the  Emperor,  detailing  the  events 
which  had  befallen  him,  and  the  plans  which  he 
cherished ;  and,  in  a  word,  he  had  neglected 
nothin^  which  would  conduce  to  the  success  of 

D 

% 

his  great  undertaking. 

It  remains  to  be  seen,  what,  in  the  meanwhile, 
the  Mexicans,  who  also  were  not  the  men  to  fold 
their  arms  while  they  were  on  the  eve  of  battle, 
had  done  on  their  side  to  meet  their  vigorous  and 
determined  enemy.  They,  too,  had  sought  to 
make  new  alliances  and  to  strengthen  old  ones ; 
and  their  diplomatic  efforts  had  not  been  so  un¬ 
successful  in  other  places  as  they  had  proved  in 
Tlascala.  They  had  sought  to  secure  their  tribu¬ 
taries,  not  by  harshness,  but  by  the  remission  of  one 
year’s  tribute,  on  condition  that  they  should  wage 


DISCORD  AND -PESTILENCE. 


267 


unceasing  war  against  the  Spaniards.  In  their 
own  vicinity,  the  Mexicans  built  walls,  formed  en¬ 
trenchments,  and  dug  fosses ;  and  they  fabricated 
a  new  kind  of  arms, — long  lances,  especially  des¬ 
tined  to  repel  the  cavalry  of  their  opponents. 

It  had  not  been  permitted  to  the  Mexicans  to 
devote  their  time  and  energies  to  the  future  alone. 
Already,  they  had  found  much  to  contend  against, 
for  even  when  they  had  got  rid  of  Cortes  and  his 
men,  they  had  still  two  terrible  enemies  within 
their  city,  civil  discord  and  contagious  disease. 
We  learn  from  Indian  authorities,*  that  imme¬ 
diately  after  the  Spaniards  had  fled  from  Mexico, 
a  great  contention  arose  between  those  Mexicans 
who  had  at  all  befriended  the  Spaniards,  and  the 
rest  of  the  townsmen.  In  the  combats  which 
then  took  place,  two  of  Montezuma’s  sons 
perished,  f 


Discord 
and  pesti¬ 
lence  in 
Mexico. 


*  “  Dicese  en  un  Memorial,  que  dexo  escrito  el  Indio, 
:pie  se  hallo  en  la  Conquista,  (que  despues  de  Christiano 
iprendio  a  Leer  y  Escrivir,  el  qual  tengo  en  mi  poder) 
due  luego  que  los  Espaholes  salieron  de  la  Ciudad,  huvo 
'liferencias  grandes  entrelos  Mexicanos.” — Tokquemada, 
\Monarquia  Indiana ,  lib.  iv.  cap.  73. 

f  This  is  confirmed,  incidentally,  to  a  certain  extent, 


268 


DIVISION  OF  SLAVES 


A  division 
of  slaves 
amongst 
the  Span¬ 
iards, 


In  the  meanwhile,  Cortes,  having  subdued  the 
provinces  adjacent  to  La  Segura,  was  willing  to 
allow  some  of  the  men  of  Narvaez  to  return  to 
Cuba,  on  the  ground,  as  he  informed  his  own 
partisans,  “  that  it  was  better  to  be  alone  than 
ill-accompanied.”* *  Previously,  however,  to  their 
departure,  a  division  was  made  of  that  part  of 
the  spoil  which  consisted  of  slaves ;  and  the  pro- 
ceedings  in  this  matter  deserve  special  attention. 
These  slaves  were  first  collected  together,  and 
then  branded  with  the  letter  “  G,”  which  signified 
guerra  (war).  A  fifth  was  taken  for  the  King ; 
then,  another  fifth  for  Cortes ;  and  the  rest  were 
divided  amongst  the  men.  We  naturally  picture 
to  our  minds,  when  reading  of  slaves  of  war,  that 
they  were  strong  men,  who  having  come  out  to 
fight,  had  been  conquered  by  stronger  or  more 
valiant  men,  and  that  the  penalty  of  defeat  was' 


in  the  conversation  which  Montezuma  s  son-in-law, 
Johan  Cano,  had  with  Oviedo  (see  “  Hist,  de  las  Indias,” 
lib.  xxxiii.  cap.  liv.  p.  549),  though  Cano  throws  thd 
blame  upon  the  new  Monarch  of  having  ordered  thd 
death  of  one  of  Montezuma's  sons. 

*  “  Que  valia  mas  estar  solos,  que  mal  acompanados.i 
— Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  136. 


AMONGST  THE  SPANIARDS. 


269 


servitude, — a  transaction  which  does  not  shock 
us  much,  especially  in  an  age,  comparatively 
speaking,  barbarous.  But,  in  this  case,  and, 
doubtless,  in  many  others,  we  should  have  been 
much  astonished  if  the  slaves  had  been  paraded 
before  us,  seeing  that  they  consisted  of  boys.  The  age 

1  and  sex  of 

girls,  and  young  women,  for  the  Spanish  soldiers  the  slaves, 
would  not  make  slaves  of  the  men,  because  they 
were  so  troublesome  to  guard ;  and,  besides,  the 
Spaniards  had  already,  in  their  Tlascalan  friends, 
men  who  were  ready  to  do  any  hard  work  for 
them.* 

The  Spanish  soldiers  were  very  much  dissatis¬ 
fied  with  the  mode  of  division  adopted  by  Cortes. 

They  had  brought  together  to  the  marking-house 
their  private  spoil  of  human  beings ;  they  had 
even  begun  to  civilize  their  female  captives  by 
clothing  them  ;  f  and  now,  after  the  King  and 


*  “  Todos  ocurrimos  con  todas  las  Indias  muchachas,  y 
muchachos  que  aviamos  avido,  que  de  hombre  de  edad 
jno  nos  curavamos  dellos,  qne  cran  malos  do  guardar,  y 
no  aviamos  menester,  su  servicio,  tcniendo  a  nuestros 
amigos  los  Tlascaltecas. — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  135.” 

t  “  Les  avian  dado  enaguas,  y  camisas.” — Bernal 
Diaz,  cap.  135. 


270 


THE  SPANIARDS  MURMUR. 


Cortes,  and,  probably,  the  other  great  officers, . 
had  taken  their  share  of  the  spoil,  there  were  no 
women  left  but  those  who  were  feeble  and  aged 


The 

Spanish 

soldiers 

murmur. 


Cortes 
quits  La 
Segura, 
Dec.  1520. 


The  small 
pox  in  New 
Spain :  its 
ravages. 


(davan  nos  las  viejas  y  ruinas ).  The  soldiers 
were  very  angry.  “Were  there  two  kings  in 
the  land?*’  they  exclaimed.  When  these  mur- 
murings  reached  Cortes,  he  endeavoured  to  ap¬ 
pease  the  men,  addressing  them  mildly,  and  swear¬ 
ing  by  his  conscience  (a  favourite  oath  of  his), 
that,  henceforth,  the  slaves  should  be  sold  by 
auction. 

These  important  affairs  having  been  settled, 
Cortes  quitted  La  Segura  in  the  middle  of  De¬ 
cember,  1520,'  to  return  to  Tlascala.  On  his 
road,  he  stopped  at  Cholula,  where  the  people 
much  desired  his  arrival,  as  many  of  their  chiefs 
were  dead,  and  they  wished  him  to  nominate 
others  in  their  place,  which  he  consented  to  do. 

This  transaction  is  notable,  as  it  shows  in  what 
high  esteem  Cortes  was  held  by  the  natives ;  but 
it  is  also  far  more  notable,  on  account  of  the  dis¬ 
ease  of  which  these  chiefs  had  perished.  A  black 
man  in  the  troop  of  Narvaez  had  fallen  ill  of  the 
small-pox,  and  from  him  the  infection  rapidly 
spread  throughout  New  Spain,  and  became  an 


SMALL  POX  IN  NEW  SPAIN. 


271 


important  element  in  the  subjugation  of  the  coun¬ 
try.  It  has  been  maintained,  and  with  some 
likelihood,  that  this  was  the  first  introduction  of 
that  terrible  disease  into  the  Continent  of  America, 
and  that  the  natives,  being  unaccustomed  to  deal 
with  it,  and  resorting  to  bathing  as  a  means  of 
cure,  perished  in  great  numbers.  There  is  also 
another  theory  which  has  been  maintained  in 
modern  times,  and  which  would  account  for  the 
fatality  of  this  disease  amongst  the  Indians, 
whether  it  were  newly  introduced  or  not.  This 
theory  is,  that  the  diseases  of  a  strong  people 
have  a  strength  which  cannot  be  fought  against 
by  a  weaker  people.  Had  the  small-pox  been 
bred  amongst  the  Indians  themselves,  they  would,  A  questio 
it  is  contended,  have  been  able  to  make  a  better 
resistance  to  it ;  but  coming  from  the  Spaniards 
through  this  negro  (also  of  a  stronger  race  than 
the  Indians),  the  new  recipients  were  not  able  to 
make  head  against  it.  However  this  may  be  (and 
such  questions  are  very  interesting  for  the  physi¬ 
ologist),  it  is  certain  that  the  arrival  of  Narvaez  The  arrival 
and  his  men,  affording  at  first  a  bright  gleam  of  howYt™" 
hope  to  the  Mexicans,  was  deeply  injurious  to  FuTnous 
them  in  three  ways :  in  the  generation  of  this  Megans. 


272  CORTES  RETURNS  TO  TEAS  CAL  A. 

fatal  disease  ;  in  the  addition  made  to  the  forces 
of  Cortes  ;  and  in  his  compelled  absence  from 
Mexico,  at  a  most  critical  period,  when  the  hopes 
of  the  Mexicans  and  the  cruel  folly  of  Alvarado 
led  to  that  outbreak  which  was  the  distinct 
and  direct  cause  of  the  future  disasters  of  that 


Cortes  at 

Tlascala 

again. 


C  ortes 
appoints  a 
successor 
to  Maxit- 
catzin. 


kingdom. 

From  Cholula  Cortes  moved  on  to  his  friendly 
Tlascalans,  amongst  whom  he  was  received  with 
every  demonstration  of  joy,  —  with  triumphal 
arches,  dances,  songs,  and  waving  of  banners. 
But  there  was  sad  news  for  him  in  the  death,  by 
the  prevalent  disease,  of  his  faithful  friend  andj 
adherent,  Maxitcatzin.  Cortes  put  on  mourning 
for  this  Chief ;  and,  at  the  request  of  the  State, 
appointed  his  son,  a  youth  of  twelve  or  thirteen | 
years  of  age,  to  succeed  him.  He  also  made  the | 
boy  a  knight,  and  had  him  baptized,  naming  him 
“Don  Juan  Maxitcatzin.” 

The  day  after  Christmas  Day  (the  26th  of  De¬ 
cember,  1520),  Cortes  reviewed  his  troops,  andj 
found  that  they  consisted  of  forty  horsemen  and 
five  hundred  and  fifty  foot  soldiers,  eighty  of  whom 
were  either  cross-bowmen  or  musketeers.  He 
had  also  eight  or  nine  cannon,  but  very  little  gto* 


REVIEW  OF  SPANISH  TROOPS.  273 

powder.  He  formed  his  horsemen  into  four  divi¬ 
sions*  and  his  foot-soldiers  into  nine.  He  then 
addressed  them  saying*  that  they  knew  how  they 
and  he*  to  serve  His  Sacred  Majesty*  the  Emperor* 
had  made  a  settlement  in  that  country*  and  how 
the  inhabitants  of  it  had  acknowledged  their  vas¬ 
salage  to  His  Majesty*  continuing  to  act  for  some 
time  as  such  vassals*  receiving  good  offices  from 
the  Spaniards*  and  returning  such  offices  to  them. 
How,  without  any  cause  (such  are  his  words,  and 
we  may  well  wonder  what  had  become  of  that 
conscience  which  he  was  wont  to  swear  by*  when 
he  uttered  them),  the  inhabitants  of  Mexico  and 
of  all  the  provinces  subject  to  them*  had  not  only 
rebelled  against  His  Majesty*  but  had  killed  many 
friends  and  relations  of  the  Spaniards  there  pre¬ 
sent,  and  had  driven  them  out  of  the  land.  He 
then  passed  to  the  main  point  of  his  discourse* — 
namely*  that  the  Spaniards  should  return  upon 
their  former  steps  and  regain  that  which  they 
had  lost.  He  advanced  the  following  reasons  for 
the  prosecution  of  the  war  with  Mexico ;  first* 
that  it  was  a  war  for  the  furtherance  of  the  Faith* 
and  against  a  barbarous  nation  ;  secondly*  that  it 
was  for  the  service  of  His  Majesty  ;  thirdly*  for 

I.  T 


Speech  of 
Cortes  to 
his  troops. 


That  they 
should 
reconquer 
Mexico. 


274 


ADDRESS  OF  CORTES . 


His  men 
assent. 


the  security  of  their  own  lives :  and  then  he 
brought  forward  as  a  topic,  not  so  much  in  the 
way  of  reason  as  of  encouragement,  the  alliances 
which  the  Spaniards  had  secured  in  aid  of  this 
their  great  enterprise.  He  afterwards  told  them 
that  he  had  made  certain  ordinances  for  the 
government  of  the  army,  which  he  begged  them 
carefully  to  observe.* 

He  received  a  suitable  reply  from  his  men, 
who  declared  that  they  were  ready  to  die  for  the 
Faith,  and  for  the  service  of  His  Majesty ;  that 
they  would  recover  what  was  lost,  and  take  ven¬ 
geance  for  the  “  treason  ”  which  the  Mexicans 
and  their  allies  had  committed  against  them. 

The  ordinances  were  proclaimed  by  sound  of 
trumpet,  and  the  Spaniards  returned  to  their 
quarters. 


*  “  Que  ninguno  blasfemase  el  Santo  Nombre  de  Dios. 

“  Que  no  rinese  un  Espanol  con  otro. 

“  Que  no  jugase  Armas,  ni  Caballo. 

“  Que  no  formas en  Mugeres. 

“  Que  nadie  tomase  Ropa,  ni  captivase  Indios,  ni  lii- 
ciese  correrias,  ni  saquease  sin  licencia  suia,  i  acuerdo 
del  Cabildo. 

“  Que  no  injuriasen  &  los  Indios  de  Guerra  Amigos, 
ni  diesen  a  los  de  carga.” — Gomara,  Cronica  de  la  Nueva • 
Espaha,  cap.  119.  Barcia,  Historiculores ,  tom.  2. 


REVIEW  OF  TEAS  G ALANS. 


275 


The  next  day  the  Tlascalans  held  their  review* 
and*  as  these  were  the  allies  whom  Cortes  greatly 
relied  upon*  it  will  be  well  to  give  an  account  of 
the  review*  especially  as  it  comes  to  us  on  the 
authority  of  an  historian  who  had  access  to  the 
papers  of  the  Spanish  officer  intrusted  with  all 
the  arrangements  connected  with  these  allies. 

First  of  all  came  the  military  musicians :  then 
the  four  Lords  of  the  four  quarters  of  the  city* 
magnificently  arrayed  after  their  fashion.  They 
were  adorned  with  a  rich  mass  of  plumage*  which 
rose  from  their  shoulders  a  yard  in  height*  and 
tovered  above  their  heads;  precious  stones  hung 
from  their  ears  and  from  their  thick  lips ;  their 
hair  was  bound  by  a  band  of  gold  or  silver ;  on 
their  feet  there  were  splendid  sandals. 

Behind  these  chiefs  came  four  pages  bearing 
their  bows  and  arrows. f  They  themselves  carried 

*  Those  who  are  familiar  with  engravings  represent¬ 
ing  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  American  temples  will  have 
no  difficulty  in  recognizing  this  head-dress.  It  furnishes 
another  proof  that  these  temples  were  built  by  men  of 
this  race. 

t  “  Saliendoles  de  las  Espaldas,  una  Yara  en  alto, 
=?obre  la  Cabega,  mui  ricos  Plumages,  encaxadas  Piedras 
picas,  en  los  Agujeros  de  las  Orojas,  y  begos,  y  el  Cabel- 


Review 
of  the 
Tlascalan 
troops. 


276  EQUIPMENT  OF  T LAS  CAL  AN  CHIEFS. 


swords  ( macanas)* *  and  shields.  Then  came  four 
standard-bearers,  carrying  the  standards  of  each 
seignory,  which  had  their  arms  depicted  upon 
them.  Then  came  sixty  thousand  bowmen,  pass¬ 
ing  in  files  of  twenty,  the  standards  emblazoned 
with  the  arms  of  the  captain  of  each  company  ap¬ 
pearing  at  intervals.  As  the  standard-bearers 
approached  the  Spanish  General,  they  lowered 
their  standards ;  whereupon  he  rose  and  took  off 
his  fur  cap.  The  whole  company,  then,  in  a 
graceful  manner,  bowed,  and  shot  their  arrows 
into  the  air.  Then  came  forty  thousand  shield- 
bearers,  but  it  is  not  mentioned  what  arms  for 
offence  they  carried  ;  and,  lastly,  ten  thousand 
pikemen. 

Cortes  addressed  the  Tlascalan  Chiefs  in  a  very 
skilful  speech,  in  the  course  of  which  he  told 
them  that  he  was  going  to  take  his  departure 


lo  tornado  con  nna  Vanda  de  Oro,  d  Plata,  en  los  Pies, 
ricas  Cotaras,  tras  ellos  quatro  Pages,  con  sus  Arcos, 
y  Flechas.” — Torque^iada,  JMonarquia  Indiana ,  lib.  iv. 

cap.  81. 

*  These  swords  were  made  of  wood,  but  probably  had 
sharp  facets  made  of  •flint  or  of  obsidian,  and  might  be 
made  to  inflict  a  very  ugly  wound. 


ADDRESS  OF  CORTES. 


277 


the  next  clay,  to  enter  into  the  territory  of  their 
common  enemy,  the  Mexicans;  but  that  the  city 
of  Mexico  could  not  be  captured  without  the  aid 
of  those  brigantines  which  were  being  built  at 
Tlascala.  He,  therefore,  begged  his  allies  to  furnish 
the  Spaniards  who  were  left  to  build  these  vessels 
with  all  the  means  of  doing  so,  and  to  treat  them 
well,  as  they  always  had  done,  in  order  that  the 
vessels  might  be  ready,  when,  if  God  should  give 
him  the  victory,  he  should  send  from  the  city  of 
Tezcuco  for  them.  The  Tlascalans  replied  with 
enthusiasm  that  they  would  die  where  he  died,  so 
that  they  might  revenge  themselves  upon  the  men 
of  Mexico,  their  principal  enemies ;  that,  with  re¬ 
gard  to  the  brigantines,  they  would  not  only  do 
what  he  told  them,  but  when  the  vessels  were 
finished,  they  would  convey  them  to  Mexico;  and 
that  then  the  whole  Tlascalan  force  would  accom¬ 
pany  him  to  the  war. 


Cortes 
confides 
his  ship¬ 
wrights  to 

o 

the  good 
offices 
of  the 
Tlascalans. 


END  OF  VOL.  I. 


PRINTED  BY  WHITTINGHAM  AND  WILKINS, 
100KS  COURT,  CHANCERY  LANE. 


% 


LIFE  OF  HERNANDO  CORTES. 


f 


CONTENTS. 


S3. 


Chapter  X. 

HE  march  to  Tezcuco  —  Cortes  sur- 
prizes  Iztapalapa — Expedition  round 
wm  the  Great  Lake — Final  preparations 
for  the  Siege  of  Mexico  ..... 


Page 


Chapter  XI. 

'ie  Spaniards  and  their  allies  commence  the  siege 
— Defeat  of  the  Mexicans  on  the  Lake — Mexico 
entirely  invested — Council  summoned  by  the 
Mexican  king — Result  of  the  first  general  attack 
— The  various  successes  of  Alvarado’s  division 
— Impatience  of  the  soldiers — The  second  gene¬ 
ral  attack — The  Spaniards  defeated  .  .  (30 


Chapter  XII. 

^  nsequences  of  the  Defeat — The  Siege  languishes 
—Cortes  sends  aid  to  his  Indian  Allies — The 
Allies  return  to  the  Camp  of  Cortes — The  Siege 
is  pressed — The  Mexicans  will  not  treat  with 
Cortes — Mexico  is  taken  ....  96 


VI 


CONTENTS . 


Chapter  XIII. 

State  of  Mexico  after  the  Conquest — Thanksgiving 
for  the  Victory — Mexico  rebuilt  and  repeopled 
— Christoval  de  Tapia  sent  to  supersede  Cortes 
— Revolt  of  Panuco — Cortes  inhabits  Mexico — 
Memorial  of  Conquistadores  to  the  Emperor — 
Arrival  of  Franciscans  . 


Chapter  XIV. 

The  Expeditions  sent  out  by  Cortes  to  conquer 
and  to  colonize — The  Expedition  of  Alvarado  .  15 

Chapter  XV. 

Other  expeditions  sent  out  by  Cortes  to  conquer 
and  to  colonize — Expedition  under  Sandoval  .  16 


Chapter  XVI. 

The  Dealings  of  Cortes  with  the  Natives,  as  regards 
apportioning  them  to  his  Spaniards  .  .  17 

Chapter  XVII. 

Christoval  De  Olid  sent  by  Cortes  to  Honduras — 
his  rebellion — Cortes  goes  to  Honduras  to  chas¬ 
tise  Christoval  de  Olid — Dissensions  in  Mexico 
during  his  Absence — Execution  of  the  Kings  of 
Mexico  and  Tlacuba — Return  of  Cortes  to  Mex¬ 
ico — Ponce  de  Leon  comes  to  take  a  Residencia 
of  Cortes  .  .  .  .  .  . 


CONTENTS. 


vu 


Chapter  XVIII. 

Page 

'he  Residencia  of  Cortes — Death  of  Ponce  de  Leon 
— Confused  state  of  the  Government  of  Mexico — 
Ponce  de  Leon’s  instructions  about  encomiendas 
come  to  naught — Encomiendas  allowed  by  the 
Spanish  Court  —  An  Audiencia  created  for 
Mexico — Instructions  to  this  Audiencia  do  not 
vary  the  nature  of  encomiendas  in  New  Soain  234 

Chapter  XIX. 

rrival  of  the  Audiencia — Great  Disputes  between 
the  Protectors  of  the  Indians  and  the  Audiencia 
— the  Auditors  prosecute  the  Bishop  of  Mexico 
— The  Bishop  excommunicates  the  Auditors — 

A  great  Junta  in  Spain  on  the  subject  of  the 
Indies . 251 

Chapter  XX. 

he  second  Audiencia  arrives  in  Mexico _ Pro¬ 

ceedings  of  the  Auditors — The  poverty  of 
Cortes . 266 

I  9 


Chapter  XXI. 

le  Expeditions  sent  out  by  Cortes  to  the  North  of 
Mexico — Cortes  returns  to  Spain — His  grie¬ 
vances  and  troubles  .  .  .  #  278 


HERNANDO  CORTES. 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  march  to  Tescuco— Surprizes  Iztapalapa — Expedition 

round  the  Great  Lake — Final  preparations  for  the  siege 
of  Mexico. 


AYING  so  far  prospered  in  all  that  he 
had  planned  against  the  devoted  city  of 
Mexico,  Cortes  started  from  Tlascala 
ton  the  28th  of  December,  the  Feast  of  the  Inno¬ 
cents.  There  were  three  ways  leading  to  Tez- 
cuco ;  Cortes  chose  the  most  difficult  one,  thinking 
wisely  that  it  would  be  the  least  protected.  Ten 
thousand  Tlascalans  accompanied  him.  He  met 
with  very  little  opposition,  and  with  none  that 
needs  recounting,  on  the  way.  When  he  ap¬ 
proached  the  spot  from  which  the  whole  province 
^  Mexico  could  be  seen,  Cortes  bade  his  men 


Cortes 
starts  from 
Tlascala 
for  the 
siege  of 
Mexico. 


II. 


B 


2 


TEZCTJCO  APPROACHED. 


give  thanks  to  God  for  having  brought  them  so 
far  in  safety.  The  army  regarded  the  scene  with 

#  -VJ 

a  mixture  of  pleasure  and  sorrow :  pleasure,  from 
the  hope  they  had  of  future  conquest;  sorrow, 
from  the  losses  which  that  view  brought  back  to 
their  minds ;  and  they  all  promised  one  another 
not  to  quit  the  country,  but  to  conquer  or  die. 
After  they  had  expressed  that  determination,  they 
went  on  as  gaily  as  if  they  were  going  to  a  festi¬ 
val.*  That  night  the  Spaniards  halted  at  Coate- 
peque,  a  city  subject  to  Tezcuco,  and  three  leagues 
distant  from  it.  The  Spaniards  found  the  place 
deserted;  and  as  Cortes  knew  that  the  province 
belonging  to  Tezcuco  was  very  populous,  so  that, 
as  he  remarks,  it  could  furnish  more  than  one 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  warriors,  he  was  very 
watchful  that  night.  Nothing,  however,  hap¬ 
pened  ;  and,  the  next  day,  being  the  last  of  De- 


*  “  Y  aunque  obimos  mucho  placer  en  las  ver,  consi- 
derando  el  dano  pasado,  que  en  ellas  habiamos  recibido, 
representbsenos  alguna  tristeza  por  ello,  y  prometimos, 
todos  de  nunca  de  ella  salir,  sin  \  ictoria,  o  dejar  alii  las 
vidas.  Y  con  esta  determinacion  ibamos  todos  tan 
alegres,  como  si  fueramos  a  cosa  de  mucho  placer.  ’ — Lo¬ 
renz  ax  a,  p.  188. 


EMBASSAGE  TO  CORTES.  3 

cember,  they  resumed  their  march  in  considerable 
perplexity  as  to  what  were  the  intentions  of  the 
Tezcucans.  They  had  hardly  left  their  quarters 
before  they  met  four  Indian  Chiefs,  one  of  whom 
Cortes  recognised  as  an  acquaintance,  bearing  a 
rod  with  'a  small  flag  of  gold  on  it,  a  signal  of 
peace,  “  which  God  knows,”  he  adds,  “  how  much 
we  desired.”  The  Chiefs,  who  came  on  the  part 

;°f the  King  of  Tezcuco,  made  excuses  for  the  in¬ 
juries  which  Cortes  had  received  on  a  former 
occasion,  and  said  that  their  King  begged  that 
Cortes  would  do  no  damage  to  their  country, 
issuring  him  that  they  wished  to  be  vassals  to 
be  King  of  Spain.  After  some  further  con- 
erence,  they  asked  him  whether  he  was  going  to 
he  city  that  day,  or  whether  he  would  take  up 
tis  quarters  in  one  or  other  of  those  towns  which 
?ere  suburbs*  to  Tezcuco.  These  suburbs  ex¬ 
panded  for  a  league  and  a  half,  with  houses  all 
ie  way  along,  f  Cortes  replied  that  he  meant  to 


*  This  shows  the  prosperity  of  the  district,  and  is  an 

aportant  indication  of  the  peace  which  it  must  have 

ijoyed. 

|  +  “  Que  son  como  Arrabales  do  la  dicha  Ciudad,  las 
liales  se  dicen  Coatinchan,  y  Guaxuta,  que  estan  a  una 


Embassage 
to  Cortes 
from  the 
King  of 
Tezcuco. 


4 


TEZGUCANS  DESERT  TEE  IE  CITY. 


reach  Tezcuco  that  day,  whereupon  the  Chiefs 
said  that  they  would  go  forward  and  prepare  the 
Cortes  lodgings  of  the  Spaniards.  That  evening,  New 

Tezcuco.  Year’s  Eve,  Cortes  entered  Tezcuco,  and  took  up 

his  quarters  in  the  Palace  of  the  King’s  late 
father,  giving  notice  immediately,  by  a  herald, 
that  no  Spaniard  should  quit  the  building  without 
his  leave.  This  he  did  to  reassure  the  people,  for 
he  had  noticed  that  not  a  tenth  part  of  the  usual 
population  was  visible,  and  that  he  could  see  no 
women  or  children,  which  was  a  bad  sign.  Some 
Spaniards  having  ascended  the  terraced  tops  of 
the  building,  which  commanded  the  adjacent 
The  Tezcu-  country,  perceived  that  the  inhabitants  were  fly- 
their  city,  ing  from  it,  some  betaking  themsel\es  with  their 
goods  to  canoes  upon  the  lake,  and  others  hurrying 
off  to  the  neighbouring  sierras.  Cortes  imme¬ 
diately  gave  orders  to  stop  their  flight ;  but,  as 
night  now  came  quickly  on,  the  pursuit  was  of | 
no  use.  The  King,  whom  Cortes  says  that  he i 
desired  to  have  in  his  hands,  “as  he  desired  salva¬ 
tion,”  accompanied  by  many  of  the  principal  men. 

_ 

legua  y  media  de  ella,  y  siempre  va  todo  poblado.  — 

Lorenz  an  a,  p.  190. 


NEIGHBOURING  CHIEFS. 


5 


was  among  the  fugitives  who  had  gone  to  the 
city  of  Mexico.  It  was  in  the  hope  of  detaining 
Cortes  and  preventing  his  entering  the  city  as  an 
enemy,  that  the  messengers  from  Tezcuco  had 
gone  to  meet  him  and  parley  with  him  in  the 
morning.  The  chiefs  of  the  neighbouring  suburbs.  The  neigh- 
or  towns  as  they  may  more  properly  be  called,  chSake 
did  not  follow  the  example  of  the  King  of  the  Cones''' th 
Tezcucans  in  his  flight  to  Mexico,  but  after  a  few 
days  returned  and  made  peace  with  Cortes.  The 
Mexicans,  hearing  this,  sent  an  angry  message 
to  them,  assuring  them  at  the  same  time  that,  if 
they  had  made  peace  with  Cortes  in  order  to  save 
;heir  lands,  they  might  enjoy  other  and  better 
ands  if  they  would  come  to  Mexico.  This  mes¬ 
sage  had  no  effect,  and  the  chiefs  delivered  the 
nessengers  into  the  hands  of  Cortes,  who  availed 
limself  of  the  opportunity  to  send  an  offer  of  He  sends 
>eace  by  them  to  the  authorities  at  Mexico.  He  of'peace"L 
assured  them  that  he  did  not  desire  war,  although  Mex‘c°' 
ie  had  much  cause  for  offence ;  but  that  he  wished 
o  be  their  friend,  as  he  had  been  of  yore.  He 
dded,  they  well  knew  that  those  who  had  been 
hiefly  concerned  in  the  former  war  with  him 
mre  dead  (the  small-pox  had  been  busy  at  Mexico, 


6 


ATTACK  UPON 


Prepares  to 
make  an 
attack  upon 
Iztapalapa. 


and  had  carried  off  the  King) ;  “  wherefore/’  he 
said,  “  let  the  past  be  past,  and  do  not  give  me 
occasion  to  destroy  your  lands  and  cities,  which  I 
should  much  regret.”  This  peaceful  message  led  to 
no  result,  but  the  alliance  with  the  neighbouring 
chiefs  was  cemented ;  and,  when  narrating  the 
matter  to  the  Emperor,  Cortes  adds,  as  if  he 
were  already  a  vice-roy,  u  in  the  name  of  Y  our 
Majesty,  I  pardoned  them  their  past  errors,  and 
so  they  remained  content.” 

The  Spanish  General  stayed  for  seven  or  eight 
days  at  Tezcuco,  being  occupied  in  fortifying  his 
quarters ;  and  when  he  had  done  that,  he  sallied 
forth  with  a  portion  of  his  forces  to  make  an 
attack  upon  the  beautiful  town  of  Iztapalapa. 
Iztapalapa  was,  comparatively  speaking,  a  small 
place,  of  which  about  two  thirds  wfere  situated 
in  the  water.  Cortes  had  an  especial  grudge 
against  this  town,  because  it  had  belonged 
to  the  late  King,  that  brother  of  Monte* 
zuma,  who  had  been  a  principal  agent  in  the 
events  which  led  to  the  Spaniards  being  driven 
out  of  the  city.  He  was  the  person  who  was 
sent  out  by  Cortes  to  order  the  market  to  be 


7 


IZTAPALAPA. 

resumed,  and  who  had  thereupon  been  adopted 
as  the  leader  of  the  insurgents. 

Cortes  did  not  enter  the  town  without  a  vicror- 

& 

dus  resistance  on  the  part  of  some  troops  who 
were  posted  at  two  leagues  distance  from  it,  but 
;hey  were  not  able  to  withstand  him.  About 
;wo  thirds  of  a  league  before  entering  the  town, 
m  found  that  a  large  sluice-gate  had  been  broken 
ip,  the  position  of  which  was  between  the  Salt 
^ake  and  the  Fresh-water  Lake.  The  Spaniards 
hought  little  of  this  circumstance,  but  pushed  on 
vrith  all  the  “  covetousness  of  victory,”  routed  the 
nhabitants  who  made  a  stand  in  their  town,  and 
billed  more  than  six  thousand  of  them,  men, 
iromcn,  and  children,  in  which  sad  slaughter  the 
ndian  allies  took  a  prominent  part.  When 
ight  came  on,  Cortes  recalled  his  men  from  their 
fork  of  plunder  and  destruction,  and  then  finished 
y  setting  fire  to  some  houses.  "While  these  were 
urning,  it  appears,  says  Cortes,  that  66  Our  Lord 
ispired  me  with  the  thought,  and  brought  to  my 
lemory  this  sluice-gate  which  I  had  seen  broken 
i  the  morning.  *  The  great  danger  he  was  in 

This  narrative  only  becomes  intelligible  on  the  sup- 


8 


GREAT  INUNDATION. 


His  great 
danger  at 
that  town. 


struck  him  in  a  moment.  He  instantly  gave  orders 
for  retreat.  It  was  nine  o’clock  before  he  reached 
the  spot  of  greatest  inundation,  which  I  think 
must  have  been  between  that  hill  which  stood 
over  the  town  and  the  short  causeway  connecting 
Iztapalapa  with  the  main-land.  Here  Cortes 
found  the  water  rushing  in  with  great  force. 
The  Spaniards  bounded  across  the  dangerous 
pass  ( pasamos  d  volapie ) ;  but  some  of  the  Indian 
allies,  not  so  agile  or  more  encumbered,  were 
drowned ;  and  all  the  spoil  was  lost.  If  they 
had  stopped  for  three  hours  more,  or  if  the 
moon,  always  a  favourer  of  the  romantic  Cortes, 
had  not  shone  forth  most  opportunely  on  that 
night,*  none  of  them  would  have  escaped  alive. 
When  day  dawned,  the  height  of  one  lake  was 
the  same  as  the  height  of  the  other;  and  the 
Salt  Lake  was  covered  with  canoes,  containing 
Mexican  soldiers,  who  had  hoped  to  find  the 
Spaniards  cut  off  in  their  retreat,  and  surrounded 

position  that  Cortes  entered  Iztapalapa  on  tho  south  side 
(as  he  had  done  before  on  his  first  entry  into  Mexico), 
and  not  on  the  Tezcucan  side. 

*  See  Veytia,  “  Hist.  Antigua  de  Mejico”  tom.  iii. 
Apendice,  cap.  16.  Mejico,  1836. 


BATTLE  AT  C HAL  CO. 


9 


by  water.  Cortes  withdrew  his  men  in  safety 
to  Tezcuco,  having  escaped  one  of  the  many 
great  dangers  of  his  life.  Had  any  other  of  the 
Spanish  commanders  been  the  leader  of  that  ex¬ 
pedition,  it  would  probably  have  perished.  If 
valour  be  the  sword,  a  keen  appreciation  of  danger 
(often  possessed  in  the  highest  degree  by  those 
who  bear  themselves  best  when  in  danger)  is  the 
shield  of  a  great  general,  or,  indeed,  of  any  one 
who  has  to  guide  and  to  command. 

After  the  return  of  Cortes  to  Tezcuco,  the 
people  of  Otumba,  who  had  already  felt  the 
weight  of  the  Spanish  General’s  hand,  sent  to 
seek  his  alliance,  and  were  received  as  faithful 
vassals  of  the  King  of  Spain. 

The  next  enterprise  which  Cortes  undertook* 
was  one  of  great  importance,  for  its  object  was  to 
secure  a  free  communication  between  his  present 
position  at  Tezcuco  and  his  friendly  town  of 
Tlascala,  and  also  his  own  colony  at  Vera  Cruz. 

For  this  purpose  he  sent  the  Alguazil  Mayor, 
Gonzalo  de  Sandoval,  to  the  town  and  province  of  Battle 
Chaleo.  A  battle  took  place  ;  Sandoval  was  vie-  province 

torious;  and  two  sons  of  the  Lord  of  Chaleo  came  ofChalc< 


10 


KING  OF  TEZCUCO  APPOINTED. 


Ccrtes 
appoints 
a  king  of 
Tezcuco. 


to  Tezcuco  to  make  friends  with  Cortes.  These 
Princes  had  always  been  friendly  to  him,  but  had 
hitherto  been  under  the  control  of  the  Mexicans. 
They  required  a  safe-guard  for  returning,  and 
were  accordingly  placed  under  the  escort  of  San¬ 
doval,  who  was  ordered,  after  seeing  them  in 
safety,  to  go  on  to  Tlascala,  and  to  bring  back 
with  him  some  Spaniards  who  had  been  left 
there,  and  a  certain  younger  brother  of  the  King 
of  Tezcuco.  This  Prince  had  been  one  of  the 
prisoners  of  Cortes  before  the  retreat  from  Mexico, 
and  being  young,  was  easily  indoctrinated  with 
the  Spanish  modes  of  thought,  and  had  received 
in  baptism  the  name  of  Fernando.  When  this 
youth  was  brought  to  Tezcuco  by  Sandoval, 
Cortes  gave  him  the  kingdom  of  his  forefathers. 
This,  as  we  shall  hereafter  6ee,  was  a  most  politic 
stroke,  and  it  was  of  immediate  service  to  the 
Spanish  cause.  The  Tezcucans,  finding  a  mem¬ 
ber  of  their  own  royal  family  placed  upon  the 
vacant  throne,  began  to  bethink  themselves  of 
returning  to  their  homes.  Political  refugees 
seldom  meet  with  the  good  reception  they  expect, 
and  to  which  they  think  their  sufferings  and  their 
sacrifices  entitle  them.  However  that  may  be, 


SPANISH  REINFORCEMENTS. 


11 


from  the  time  of  Don  Fernando’s  accession,  the 
town  began  to  be  repeopled  by  its  former  inhabi¬ 
tants,  and  to  look  like  itself  again. 

Since  his  arrival  at  Tezeuco,  Cortes  had  been 
continuously  successful  in  attracting  to  his  banner 
new  allies  amongst  the  Indians.  He  was  now  to 
hear  of  good  news  from  Spain.  A  youth  of  his 
household  made  his  way  across  the  country,  know¬ 
ing  the  delight  his  master  would  receive  from  the 
intelligence  (in  the  words  of  Cortes,  “  that  nothing 
in  the  world  would  give  him  greater  pleasure  ”), 
to  inform  him  that  a  ship  had  arrived  at  Vera 
Cruz,  bringing,  besides  the  mariners,  thirty  or 
forty  Spaniards,  eight  horses,  with  some  cross¬ 
bows,  muskets,  and  gunpowder.  These  seem  but 
small  reinforcements  to  make  glad  the  heart  of  a 
man  about  to  attempt,  the  conquest  of  a  great 
and  populous  country.  Cortes,  however,  had 
men  enough  in  his  Indian  allies  to  form  the  gross 
material  of  an  army.  But  each  Spaniard  was  as 
good  as  an  officer ;  and  the  value  of  horses,  guns, 
and  powder,  against  an  enemy  who  possessed 
none  of  these  things,  was  incalculable. 

The  demands  made  upon  Cortes  in  conse¬ 
quence  of  his  Indian  alliances  were  very  great, 


12 


CHALCANS  ASK  ASSISTANCE. 


The  Chal- 
cans  ask  for 
assistance 
from 
Cortes. 


and  at  times  very  embarrassing.  It  was  not  to 
be  expected  that  the  advantage  of  such  alliances 
could  be  all  on  one  side ;  and  on  the  very  day 
that  Cortes  heard  the  news  of  the  arrival  of  rein¬ 
forcements  from  Spain,  he  received  an  embassage 
from  the  Chalcans,  beseeching  assistance  against 
the  Mexicans,  who  were  coming  upon  them, 
they  said,  with  great  power.  The  remarks  of 
Cortes  upon  this  occasion  are  very  notable,  and 
furnish  an  explanation  of  much  of  his  future  con¬ 
duct.  In  a  letter  to  the  King,  he  says,  “  I  cer¬ 
tify  to  Your  Majesty,  as  I  have  done  before,  that, 
beyond  our  own  labours  and  necessities,  the 
greatest  distress  which  I  suffered,  was  in  not  being 
able  to  aid  and  succour  our  Indian  allies,  who, 
for  being  vassals  of  Your  Majesty,  were  harassed 
and  molested  by  the  Mexicans.”  *  The  difficulty 
of  difficulties  in  writing  history,  or  reading  it,  is 
to  appreciate  the  habitual  current  of  ideas,  the 


*  “  Y  certifico  a  Vuestra  Majestad,  que  como  en  la 
otra  Relacian  escribi,  allende  de  nuestro  trabajo,  y  ne- 
cesidad,  la  mayor  fatiga,  que  tenia  era,  no  poder  ayudar, 
y  socorrer  a  los  Indios  nuestros  Amigos,  que  por  ser  A  a- 
b  all  os  de  Vuestra  Majestad,  eran  molestados,  y  trabaja- 
dos  de  los  de  Culua.”— Lobenzaxa,  p.  204. 


CORTES  PERPLEXED. 


VS 


basis  of  thought,  often  so  strangely  opposed  to 
our  own,  which  belonged  to  the  generation  of 
which  we  read  or  write.  It  seems  a  mockery  to 
us  in  the  present  age  to  talk  of  these  Indian  pro¬ 
vinces  as  in  a  state  of  vassalage  to  the  King  of 
Spain ;  but  evidently  Cortes  and  the  Spaniards  of 
his  time  held  very  different  notions  on  this  sub¬ 
ject.  Cortes  thought  that  the  men  who  had  once 
become  vassals  of  the  King  of  Spain,  had  not 
only  duties  to  perform,  which  he  was  very  rigor¬ 
ous  in  exacting,  but  also  that  they  had  distinct 
claims  upon  him,  as  the  King’s  Lieutenant  in 
those  parts,  an  office  into  which  he  had  inducted 
himself.  On  the  present  occasion,  therefore,  he 
was  greatly  perplexed  by  the  demand  of  the 
Chalcans,  for  he  could  not  spare  his  own  men, 
being  about  to  send  a  detachment  of  them  under 
Sandoval  to  escort  the  Tlascalans  who  were  to 
bring  him  the  wrought  materials  of  the  brigan¬ 
tines. 

He  resolved,  however,  to  aid  the  Chalcans  by 
claiming  assistance  for  them  from  the  neighbour¬ 
ing  provinces,  which  were  in  his  alliance.  Ac¬ 
cordingly,  he  was  about  to  furnish  them  with  a 
letter  which,  though  they  could  not  read  nor 


14 


SANDOVAL  DESPATCHED  FOR 


comprehend  it,  was  always  taken  as  a  sort  of 
voucher,  when  it  fortunately  happened  that  before 
the  Chalcan  embassage  departed,  there  arrived, 
from  the  provinces  friendly  to  Cortes,  messengers, 
who  had  been  sent  to  see  whether  he  required 
any  aid,  for  his  allies  had  observed  many  smokes, 
and  were  afraid  that  Cortes  was  in  need  of 
their  assistance.  Cortes  thanked  the  messen¬ 
gers  warmly,  told  them  that,  thanks  be  to  God, 
the  Spaniards  had  always  had  the  victory,  and 
that  glad  as  he  was  at  the  good  will  their  province 
had  shown,  he  was  still  more  glad  at  having  an 
opportunity  of  making  them  confederates  with  the 
Chalcans,  which  he  succeeded  in  doing ;  and  after¬ 
wards  they  assisted  one  another. 

In  three  days  after  this  business  was  settled, 
Cortes  despatched  Sandoval  for  the  materials  of 
the  brigantines.  When  the  Alguazil  Mayor  ap¬ 
proached  the  territory  of  Tlascala,  he  found  that 
the  expedition  had  already  set  out.  The  men 
appointed  to  carry  the  materials  were  eight  thou¬ 
sand.  There  was  another  body  of  two  thousand, 
to  furnish  a  relief  for  the  bearers,  and  to  carry 
provisions ;  and  the  escort  consisted  of  a  body  of 
twenty  thousand  armed  men.  A  noted  warrior 


MATERIAL  OF  BRIGANTINES. 


15 


of  Tlascala,  called  Chichimecatl,  led  the  van  with 

ten  thousand,  and  the  other  ten  thousand  brought 

© 

up  the  rear  under  the  command  of  two  other 
Tlascalan  Chiefs.  On  entering  an  enemy’s  country 
different  arrangements  had  to  be  made.  Chichi¬ 
mecatl  had  had  the  wood- work  (la  tablazon )  of 
the  brigantines  under  his  charge,  and  the  other 
captains  the  rigging  and  cordage  (la  ligazon).  It 
was  now  thought  advisable  to  throw  the  heavier 
part  of  the  burden  in  the  rear ;  but  it  was  with 
the  greatest  difficulty  that  they  could  persuade 
the  brave  Chieftain  to  accept  that  position.  At  The  order 
last,  however,  the  march  was  thus  arranged.  In  march  for 
front  came  eight  horsemen  and  a  hundred  Spanish  themat!- 
foot;  then  ten  thousand  Tlascalans,  formino-  an  brigan-' 
advance-guard,  and  also  with  wings  thrown  out  to  ^ 
the  right  and  the  left;  then  came  the  bearers  of  the 
rigging  and  cordage ;  after  them  the  bearers  of 
the  heavier  burdens  ;  and  the  whole  line  of  march 
was  closed  by  eight  more  Spanish  horsemen,  a 
hundred  Spanish  foot,  and  Chichimecatl  with  his 
force  of  ten  thousand  men.  It  would  have  been 
worth  while  for  the  Mexicans  to  have  made  almost 
any  efforts  and  any  sacrifice  to  have  cut  off  or 
embarrassed  this  formidable  reinforcement ;  but 


16 


CORTES  RECONNOITRES . 


The  escort 

enters 

Tezcuco. 


Cortes  goes 
out  to  re¬ 
connoitre. 


they  did  not  do  so,  and  in  three  days’  time  it  ap¬ 
proached  Tezcuco.  Cortes  went  out  to  meet  it : 
the  Indians  put  on  their  plumes  of  feathers  and 
their  handsome  dresses ;  and  the  procession  joy¬ 
fully  entered  Tezcuco  to  the  sound  of  musical  in¬ 
struments.  From  the  van-guard  to  the  rear¬ 
guard  it  occupied  two  leagues  in  length,  and  was 
six  hours  in  entering  the  town,  without  the  ranks 
being  broken. 

The  Tlascalans  expressed  their  longing  to  be 
led  against  the  Mexicans,  and  their  readiness  to 
die  in  company  with  the  Spaniards.  Cortes 
thanked  them,  and  told  them  that  for  the  present 
they  must  rest  themselves,  but  that  very  soon  he 
would  give  them  an  abundance  of  work  to  do. 

While  his  ships  were  being  put  together, 
Cortes  went  out  to  reconnoitre,  taking  with  him 
a  considerable  force  of  his  own  men  and  thirty 
thousand  of  his  allies.  As  he  did  not  yet  quite 
trust  the  Tezcucans,  he  did  not  let  them  know  of 
his  purpose  or  even  of  the  direction  of  his  march. 
His  object,  however,  was  to  have  some  personal 
communication  with  the  Mexicans.  He,  there¬ 
fore,  went  round  the  north  part  of  the  Salt  Lake, 


SINGULAR  INTERVIEW. 


17 


and  after  the  usual  encounters,  succeeded  in  oc¬ 
cupying  Tlacuba,  a  town  which  was  in  close 
proximity  to  Mexico.  Very  “  pretty  ”  com¬ 
bats  took  place  every  day  between  the  Tlas- 
calans  and  the  Mexicans,  and  much  vituperation 
was  interchanged.  Frequently  the  Spaniards 
and  their  allies  made  an  entrance  along  the  cause- 
way  into  the  suburbs  of  Mexico.  Then,  discourses 
such  as  Homer  in  more  dignified  language  would 
have  commemorated,  passed  between  the  com¬ 
batants.  66 Come  in,  come  in,  and  rest  your¬ 
selves,”  exclaimed  the  indignant  Mexicans;  or 
they  would  say,  “  Perhaps  you  think  there  is  now 
another  Montezuma,  so  that  you  may  do  just 
what  pleases  you  ?  9  Cut  one  memorable  conver¬ 
sation  they  held  with  Cortes  himself,  he  being  on 
one  side  of  an  aperture  in  the  causeway  where 
the  bridge  had  been  taken  up,  and  they  being  on 
the  other.  The  Spanish  General  made  a  sign  to 
his  men  that  they  should  be  quiet,  and  the  Mexi¬ 
can  Chiefs  on  their  side  caused  silence  to  be 
maintained  amongst  their  people.  Cortes  began 
by  asking  whether  they  were  madmen,  and  if  it 
was  their  wish  to  be  destroyed.  He  then  de¬ 
manded  to  know  if  any  principal  Lord  was  pre- 
II.  c 


Singular 

interview 

between 

Cortes 

and  the 

Mexicans. 


18 


RETURN  TO  TEZOUGO. 


Cortes 
returns  to 
Tezxuco. 


sent  amongst  them,  and,  if  so,  requested  lie  would 
approach,  that  they  might  have  a  conference. 
The  [Mexicans  replied,  that  all  that  multitude  of 
warriors  whom  he  saw  there  were  Lords ;  where¬ 
fore  that  he  should  say  whatever  he  wanted  to 
say.  But  Cortes,  probably  seeing  from  the 
temper  and  bearing  of  the  [Mexicans  that  nothing 
was  to  be  done  in  this  conference,  remained  silent, 
upon  which  they  began  to  mock  him,  when  some 
one  on  the  Spanish  side  shouted  out  “  that  the 
Mexicans  were  dying  of  hunger,  and  that  we 
should  not  permit  them  to  go  out  and  seek  food.” 
They  replied,  that  they  were  in  no  want  of  it,  and 
that  if  they  should  be,  they  would  eat  the  Spaniards 
and  the  Tlascalans.  Then  one  of  them  took  some 
maize  cakes,  and  threw  them  at  the  Spaniards, 
savin",  “  Take  and  eat,  if  you  are  hungry,  for  we 
are  not  so  in  the  least ;  ”  and  then  they  began 
immediately  to  shout  and  to  fight.  Coites,  seeing  j 
that  there  was  no  likelihood  of  obtaining  a  fa- 1 
vourable  reply  to  his  overtures,  and  wishing  to  j 
hasten  the  completion  of  the  brigantines,  re¬ 
turned  to  Tezcuco,  after  remaining  six  days  in 
Tlacuba. 

After  his  return  to  Tezcuco,  Cortes  received 


AH  RIVAL  OF  REINFORCEMENTS. 


19 


another  message  from  the  Chalcans,  imploring  as¬ 
sistance,  and  he  again  sent  Sandoval  to  them,  who 

was  completely  victorious  over  the  Mexicans  in 
the  open  field. 

The  heart  of  Cortes  was  now  gladdened  by  the  Arrival  of 
news  of  fresh  reinforcements  from  Spain,  which  mema'and 
came  in  three  vessels.  It  was,  probably,  in  one  lielZf. 
of  these  vessels  that  the  King’s  Treasurer,  Juan 
de  Alderete,  arrived.  There  came  also  at  this 
time  a  certain  friar,  named  Pedro  de  Aria,  who 
brought  indulgences  from  the  Pope,  so  that  if  the 
soldiers  were  “  somewhat  indebted  ”  (and  the  ways 
of  war  are  not  particularly  sinless)  they  might 
compound  for  their  transgressions;  and  we  shall 

not  be  astonished  to  hear  that  the  friar  soon  be- 
came  rich.* 

Sandoval  having  returned  with  many  slaves,  Another 
there  was  again  a  day  of  branding ;  but  the  same  0“f. 
kind  of  injustice  that  the  common  soldiers  had 
complained  of  was  repeated,  so  that  in  future 
they  did  not  bring  their  Indian  female  slaves 

*  “  Traxo  unas  Bulas  de  senor  S.  Pedro,  y  con  ellas  nos 
componian,  si  algo  eramos  en  cargo  eu  las  guerras  eu 
que  andavamos  :  por  manera  que  en  pocos  meses  el  fraile 
fue  rico  y  compuesto  a  Castilla.” — Berxai,  Diaz,  cap.  143. 


20 


C HAL  CANS  ASK  ASSISTANCE. 


to  be  branded,  but  pretended  that  they  were 
naborias  (that  is,  domestic  servants),  and  that 
they  had  come  peaceably  from  the  neighbouring 
townships.* 

The  Chalcans  were  again  harassed  by  their 

enemies,  and  again  they  summoned  Cortes  to 

their  aid,  sending  him  a  large  picture,  on  a 

white  cloth,  of  the  armies  that  were  coming 

against  them,  and  of  the  roads  that  they  w  ere 
© 

takino*.  How  it  is  to  be  wished  that  the  Spa- 
© 

niards  had  adopted  the  same  mode  of  description, 
and  that  we  possessed  now  any  single  drawing  of 
a  Mexican  building  that  we  could  thoroughly  rely 

upon ! 

Cortes,  partly  with  a  view  to  succour  these 
Chalcans,  who  were  a  continual  care  to  him,  and 
partly  to  make  a  thorough  survey  of  the  borders 
of  the  Lake,  now  undertook  an  expedition  south¬ 
wards.  It  was  full  of  adventure  and  of  risk  for 
him  ;  but,  as  it  had  no  bearing  on  the  main  events 
of  the  war,  I  shall  not  give  it  ip  detail.  It  was 

*  “  Deziamos  que  eran  Naborias,  que  aviau  veuido  de 
paz  de  los  pueblos  comarcanos,  y  de  Ilascala,  Bern  ax 
Diaz,  cap.  143. 


SADNESS  OF  CORTES. 


21 


in  the  course  of  this  expedition,  after  he  had  been 
in  great  peril  of  his  life,  and  had  lost  two  of  his 
grooms,  who  were  carried  off  to  be  sacrificed,  that 
he  was  standing  at  Tlacuba,  looking  at  the  great 
temple  in  Mexico  (which  was  clearly  visible  from 
there),  and  thinking,  it  is  supposed,  of  all  that  he 
had  suffered  in  the  noche  triste ,  when  he  was 
heard  to  sigh  deeply.  It  was  this  expression  of 
sorrow  which  gave  rise  to  a  romance,  well  known 
at  the  time,  beginning  with  the  following  words : 

“  En  Tlacuba  esta  Cortes, 

Con  su  esquadron  esforgado, 

Triste  estava  y  mui  penoso, 

Triste  y  con  gran  cuidado  ; 

La  una  mano  en  la  mexilla, 

Y  la  otra  en  el  costado,”  &c* 

"V 

Bernal  Diaz,  who  must  have  been  present,  re¬ 
members  that  the  Bachiller,  .Alonso  Berez,  en* 
deavoured  to  comfort  Cortes.  “  Senor  Captain,” 
he  said,  let  not  your  Honour  be  so  sad,  for  in 


In  Tlacuba  stands  Cortes,  with  his  valiant  troops 
around  him :  sad  he  stood  and  full  of  pain  ;  sad  and 

oppressed  with  care;  one  hand  to  his  cheek,  and  the 
other  at  his  side. 


The  sad¬ 
ness  of 
Cortes. 


00 

tmt  mm 


PEREZ  COMFORTS  HIM . 


war  these  things  are  wont  to  occur,  and,  at  least, 
it  will  not  be  said  of  you, 

“Mira  Nero  de  Tarpeya 
A  Eoma  como  se  ardia 

and  Cortes  answered  that  Alonso  Perez  knew 
how  often  he  had  sent  to  Mexico,  in  order  to 
persuade  its  citizens  to  make  peace ;  and  that  the 
sadness  which  he  felt  was  not  for  one  thing  alone, 
but  in  thinking  of  all  that  would  have  to  be  en¬ 
countered  before  the  Spaniards  should  obtain  the 
mastery.  It  will  astonish  those  who  have  been 

*  “  Mira  Nero  de  Tarpeya 
A  Eoma  como  se  ardia ; 

Gritos  dan  ninos  y  viejos, 

Y  el  de  nada  se  dolia. 

Que  alegre  vista !  ” 

“  Nero,  from  the  Tarpeian  rock,  beholds 
Eome,  how  it  was  burning : 

Young  men  and  old  men  are  shrieking, 

And  he  grieves  for  nothing. 

What  a  cheerful  sight !  ” 

“  Parece  que  este  romance  sobre  el  incendio  de  Eoma 
gozo  de  gran  valimiento  entre  el  publico,  pues  esta  con- 
tenido  en  muchas  colecciones,  si  bien  muy  diferente  en 
unas  de  como  va  en  otras.” — Depping,  Romancer o  Casteb 
ano ,  Num.  46. 


PROPOSALS  FOR  PEACE. 


23 


accustomed  to  consider  Cortes  as  little  else  than 
a  compound  of  craft  and  cruelty,  to  see  him 
display  such  tenderness  on  this  occasion.  They 
will  recall  the  massacre  at  Cholula,  and  the 
ferocious  condemnation  of  Qualpopoca  and  of 
those  other  Mexican  officers  who  had  merely 
executed  the  commands  of  their  sovereign. 
But  it  is  highly  probable  that  this  tenderness 
of  Cortes  was  an  essential  part  of  his  character ; 
and,  in  truth,  it  does  not  need  much  knowledge 

■v  v  -  „  O 

of  mankind  to  discern  how  little  a  man’s 
actions  may  tell  of  himself,  and  how  the  most 
striking  deeds  of  his  life  may  but  conceal  the 
deepest  parts  of  his  character. 

Cortes  was  quite  justified  in  making  the  state¬ 
ment,  that  he  had  sought  to  persuade  the 
Mexicans  to  make  peace ;  for,  previously  to 
this  expedition,  he  had  sent  three  Mexican 
chiefs,  who  had  been  captured  in  the  war  against 
the  Chalcans,  with  a  letter  containing  proposals 
for  peace,  the  tenour  of  which  he  had  carefully 
explained  to  them  by  interpreters.  Nor  was  this 
the  only  occasion,  for  he  had  lost  no  opportunity 
of  sending  back  any  Mexican  who  fell  into  his 
hands,  instructing  him  to  admonish  his  fellow- 


24 


VILLAFANAS  CONSPIRACY. 


Villafana’s 

conspiracy. 


citizens,  and  urge  them  to  submit  themselves  to 
the  Spaniards.* 

Cortes  having  concluded  this  expedition  round 
the  Lake,  during  which  he  underwent  great  peril, 
returned  to  a  still  greater  peril  of  a  domestic  na¬ 
ture.  A  man  of  the  name  of  Villafana,  a  great 
friend  of  the  Governor  of  Cuba,  acting  in  concert 
with  some  other  soldiers  of  the  party  of  Narvaez, 
formed  a  conspiracy  to  murder  Cortes.  The  plan 
was  as  follows.  They  had  heard  that  a  vessel  had 
just  come  from  Spain,  so  that  letters  and  de¬ 
spatches  might  be  immediately  expected.  They 
intended,  therefore,  to  enter  the  apartment  of 
Cortes  when  he  was  seated  at  table,  eating  in 
company  with  his  captains  and  soldiers  ;f  they 
would  then  offer  him  a  letter,  saying  that  it  came 
from  his  father,  Martin  Cortes,  and  while  he  was 
reading  it,  they  would  stab  him  and  the  rest  of  the 
company.  They  had  arranged  who  was  to  suc- 


*  “Donde  quiera  que  podia  haber  alguno  de  la  Ciu¬ 
dad,  gelo  tornaba  a  embiar  para  les  amonestar,  y  requerir, 
que  se  diessen  de  Paz.” — Lorenzana,  p.  216. 

f  “  Quando  Cortes  estuviesse  sentado  a  la  mesa  co- 
miendo  con  sus  Capitanes  e  soldados.” — Bernal  Diaz, 
cap.  146. 


ITS  DEFEAT.  25 

ceed  him  in  the  command,  and  many  persons  were 
implicated  m  the  conspiracy.  But  all  conspiracies 
are  subject  to  this  dilemma; — either  the  secret  is 
entrusted  to  very  few,  in  which  case  the  conspira¬ 
tors  are  weak  and  unprepared  for  the  emergency 
when  it  comes — or  rather  for  the  transactions 
after  the  emergency— or  it  is  entrusted  to  many, 
and  unless  acted  upon  instantly,  can  hardly  be 
kept  a  secret.  In  this  case  too  many  had  been  The  con- 
consulted,  and  a  common  soldier  betrayed  the  defeated.5 
secret.  Cortes  summoned  his  own  adherents, 
with  the  alcaldes  and  alguazils,  entered  Villa- 
fana’s  apartments,  and  made  him  prisoner.  Cortes 
then  took  from  him  a  memorial  which  contained 
the  signatures  of  the  conspirators,  but  afterwards 
?ave  out  that  Villafaiia  had  eaten  this  paper,  and 
that  he,  Cortes,  had  never  seen  it.  Villafaiia  was 
executed,  and  several  other  persons  were  impri¬ 
soned,  but  no  one  besides  Villafaiia  suffered  capi¬ 
tally.  This  plot  gave  an  opportunity  to  Cortes  Cortes 
to  institute  without  offence  a  guard  for  his  own 
lerson,  which  was  afterwards  of  signal  service  to  gUard‘ 

•im  during  the  siege  of  Mexico.  Thus  this  ' 
langer  turned  out,  as  many  had  done  before,  a 
ource  of  safety  to  Cortes :  indeed,  so  a  wise  man 


26 


INDIAN  ALLIES  SUMMONED. 


Cortes 
summons 
his  Indian 
allies. 


as  he  was  can  generally  make  considerable  profit 
out  of  his  past  dangers  and  sufferings. 

Everything  was  now  ready  for  the  great  enter¬ 
prise  of  the  siege  of  Mexico — the  turning  point 
of  the  fortunes  of  Cortes.  His  brigantines  had 
been  put  together.  The  canal  was  finished,  along 
which  they  were  to  be  launched  from  Tezcuco 
into  the  Lake.  He  had  exhausted  his  efforts  tc 
bring  the  Mexicans  to  terms.  He  had  made,  in 
person,  a  thorough  survey  of  the  adjacent  country ; 
and  he  was  rich  in  alliances  with  many  of  the 
neighbouring  states.  He  now  summoned  his  In- 

o  o 

dian  allies  to  his  aid.  They  were  desired  to  come 
from  Cholula,  Tlascala,  Chaleo,  Huaxocingo,  and 
other  towns,  and  to  join  his  forces  at  Tezcuco 
within  ten  days.  Though  Tezcuco  was  a  large 
town  it  could  not  contain  the  Indian  allies.  The 
Tlascalans  came  in  good  equipment  and  with  ad¬ 
mirable  spirit,  eager  for  the  fray.*  Bernal  Diaz 

*  “  Entraron  en  Tetzcuco  dos  Dias  antes  de  la  Fiesta 
de  Espiritu  Santo,  y  toda  la  Gente  tardd  tres  Dias  eu 
entrar,  segun  en  sus  Memoriales  dice  Alonso  de  Ojeda, 
ni  con  ser  Tetzcuco  tan  gran  Ciudad,  cabian  en  ella  ;  ve- 
nian  galanes,  bien  armados,  deseosos  de  pelear,  como  lc 


THE  IB  AID  INDISPENSABLE. 


27 


well  compares  the  clouds  of  Indians  who  followed 
in  their  march  to  the  birds  of  rapine  which  were 
wont  to  follow  an  army  in  Italy ;  and  the  com¬ 
parison  was  not  merely  a  poetical  or  fanciful  one, 
as  the  food  both  of  the  foul  birds  and  of  the 
Indians  was  occasionally  human  flesh.*  His  In¬ 
dian  allies,  however,  were  not  merely  useful  to 
Cortes,  but  absolutely  requisite ;  and  it  would 
have  been  ludicrous  to  have  attempted  the  siege 
of  Mexico  without  them.  Cortes  went  out  to 
meet  his  especial  friends,  the  Tlascalans,  and  ad- 
Iressed  the  Spaniards  in  their  presence  somewhat 
n  the  following  manner: — 


Enlarging  upon  the  quality  of  the  enterprise,  Speech  of 
ind  the  honour  which  would  be  gained  in  sub-  hitmen0 

_  in  the 

presence 

nostraron  bien.” — Torque^iaea,  Monarquta  Indiana ,  lib.  of  the 

„  _  on  Tlascalans. 

v.  cap.  89. 


*  “  Iba  tanta  multitud  de  ellos  a  causa  de  los  despojos 
;ue  avian  de  aver  :  y  lo  mas  cierto,  por  hartarse  de  carne 
umana,  si  huviesse  batallas,  porque  bien  sabian,  que 
is  avia  de  ver,  y  son  a  manera  de  dezir,  como  quando 
n  Italia  salia  un  exercito  de  una  parte  a  otra,  y  les  se- 
uian  cuervos,  y  milanos,  y  otras  aves  de  rapina,  que  se 
lantenian  de  los  cuerpos  muertos  que  quedavan  en  el 
ampo  quando  se  'dava  alguna  mui  sangrienta  batalla : 
asf  he  juzgado,  que  nos  seguian  tantos  millares  de  In- 
ios.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  144. 


28 


SPEECH  OF  CORTES. 


duing  the  finest  and  largest  city  in  the  world  (la 

mejor  y  mayor  ciudad  del  mundo ),  he  said,  that, 

putting  aside  the  service  of  God,  which  was  the 

most  important  thing,  great  glory  was  to  be 

gained ;  and  also  vengeance  for  the  affront  they 

had  received ;  moreover  such  a  conquest  for  their 

Kins  as  mortal  men  had  never  before  accom- 
© 

plished  on  behalf  of  any  monarch.  He  reminded 
them  that  they  were  Castillians,  a  warlike  and 
most  brave  nation  ;  that,  including  their  allies, 
they  had  an  army  such  as  the  Romans  had  never 
collected  together ;  that  they  had  vessels  to  de¬ 
stroy  their  enemies’  canoes,  and  to  enter  into  the 
streets  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  also  that  they 
were  well  provided  with  supplies.  He  said  that 
with  their  brigantines  they  were  masters  upon  the 
water;  with  their  horses,  upon  the  open  plain: 
while  their  position  upon  the  terra-firma  enabled 
them  to  retire,  if  it  should  be  necessary.  He 
concluded  by  telling  them  that  no  great  thing 
was  ever  done  but  at  great  sacrifice  ( que  nunca 
mucho  costo  poco^’,  and  then  he  spoke  to  them  of 
all  the  rewards  of  victory,  not,  as  he  said,  to  give 
them  courage,  for  he  well  knew  that  they  had  no 
need  of  that,  but  only  to  remind  them  who  they 


RESPONSE  OF  SOLDIERS. 


29 


were,  and  what  was  their  enterprise,  that  they 
might  enter  upon  it  with  joy  and  contentment, 
since,  as  honourable  men,  this  war  had  been  un¬ 
dertaken  by  them  for  the  sake  of  God  and  of 
themselves. 

The  principal  captains  replied  that  the  whole 
arm j  understood  that  it  was  an  agreement  amongst 
them  not  to  abandon  the  siege  until  they  conquered 
ar  died,  and  that  they  came  to  this  resolve  with 
greater  willingness,  having  him  for  their  General 
vith  whom  they  were  well  contented,  as  they 
vere  ready  to  prove  by  their  deeds. 


The 
soldiers 
respond 
to  the  ex¬ 
hortation 
of  Cortes. 


Alvarado’s 

division. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

The  Spaniards  and  their  allies  commence  the  siege — De 
feat  of  the  Mexicans  on  the  Lahe — Mexico  entirely  m 
vested — Council  summoned  by  the  Mexican  king — Be 
suit  of  the  first  general  attach — The  various  successes  ot 
Alvarado's  division — Impatience  of  the  soldiers — Th 
second  general  attach — The  Spaniards  defeated. 

ORTES  formed  his  troops  into  thre< 
divisions,  placing  one  under  the  com 
mand  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  anothe 
under  Cristoval  de  Olid,  and  the  third  unde 
Gonzalo  de  Sandoval,  the  Alguazil  Mayor. 

Pedro  de  Alvarado  had  thirty  horsemen 
eighteen  cross  -  bowmen  or  musketeers,  and 
hundred  and  fifty  men  with  sword  and  bucklei 
Twenty  thousand  Tlascalan  warriors  accompanies 
this  division,  under  the  command  of  Xicotencat 


DIVISION  OF  FORGES. 


31 


el  mozo.  Alvarado’s  division*  was  to  take  up  its 
quarters  at  Tlacuba. 


The  second  division,  commanded  by  Cristoval 


*  Bernal  Diaz,  the  historian,  was  in  this  division. 


32 


DIVISION  OF  FORCES. 


Olid's 

division. 


Sandoval’s 

division. 


de  Olid,  the  Maestre  de  Campo,  consisted  of  thirty- 
three  horsemen,  eighteen  cross-bowmen  or  mus¬ 
keteers,  and  a  hundred  and  sixty  swordsmen.  A 
body  of  more  than  twenty  thousand  Indian  allies 
accompanied  this  force,  which  was  to  take. up  its 
position  in  Cuyoacan. 

Sandoval,  the  Alguazil  Mayor,  had  under  his 
command  twenty -four  horsemen,  four  musketeers, 
thirteen  cross-bowmen,  and  a  hundred  and  fifty 
swordsmen,  fifty  of  them  being  picked  young 
men ;  a  sort  of  body-guard,  as  I  conceive,  to 
Cortes.*  The  Indian  allies  who  accompanied  this 
division,  amounted  to  more  than  thirty  thou¬ 
sand,  being  all  those  who  came  from  Huaxocingo, 
Cholula,  and  Chaleo.  This  division  was  to  march 
to  Iztapalapa,  destroy  it,  pass  on  by  a  causeway 
under  cover  of  the  brigantines,  and  unite  with 
Olid's  division  at  Cuyoacan,  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  which  the  Alguazil  Mayor  was  to  choose  a  spot 
for  his  camp. 

There  were  left,  to  man  the  brigantines,  more 
than  three  hundred  men,  most  of  them  good  sea- 


*  “Mancebos  escogidos,  que  yo  traln'a  eii  mi  Com- 
pama.” — Lorenz ana,  p.  236. 


CORTES  COMMANDS  THE  BRIGANTINES.  33 

men  each  brigantine  having  twenty-five  men, 

with  six  cross-bowmen  or  musketeers.  Contrary 

to  the  advice  of  the  principal  personages  *  in  his 

army,  but  very  wisely,  Cortes  had  determined  to 

lead  this  division  himself,  for,  as  he  afterwards 

remarked,  the  key  f  of  the  whole  war  was  in  the 
ships. 

Previously,  however,  to  the  first  division  of 
the  army  leaving  for  Tezcuco,  an  incident  oc¬ 
curred  which  might  have  been  fraught  with  the 
nost  serious  consequences.  To  regulate  the  be- 
laviour  of  his  men  towards  each  other  is  always 
me  of  the  greatest  difficulties  for  the  general  of 
n  allied  army,  and  one  that  requires  the  nicest 


i  *  “  Aunque  yo  deseaba  mucho  irme  por  la  Tierra,  por 
ar  drden  en  los  Reales,  como  los  Capitanes  eran  Per- 

3naS  de  (luien  se  P°dia  muy  bien  fiar  lo  que  tenian  ontre 
jianos,  y  lo  de  los  Bergantines  importaba  mucha  impor- 

imcia,  y  se  requeria  gran  concierto,  y  cuidado,  deter- 

me  de  me  meter  en  ellos,  porque  la  mas  aventura,  y 

jesgo  era  el  que  se  esperaba  por  el  Agua,  aunque  por  las 

orsonas  Principals  de  mi  Compaiiia  me  fue  requerido 

ormar,  quo  me  fuesse  con  las  Guarniciones,  porque 

.  os  pensaban,  que  ellas  llevaban  lo  mas  pelmroso  ” _ 

/Renzana,  p.  240. 

t  La  Have  de  toda  la  Guerra  estaba  en  ellos 
henzana,  p.  242. 


The  bri¬ 
gantines 
com¬ 
manded 
by  Cortes 
in  person. 


34 


THE  TLASCALAN  GENERAL 


management.  Cortes  did  all  that  he  could,  by 

O 

good  rules,  stringently  maintained,  to  make  his 
Spaniards  behave  well  to  his  Indians.  It  hap¬ 
pened,  however,  that  a  Spaniard  inflicted  some 
personal  injury  upon  a  cousin  of  ^Xdcotencatl,  the 
younger,  the  Tlascalan  Prince  who  had  formerly 
commanded  the  armies  of  that  republic  against 
Cortes.  Whether  in  consequence  of  this  new 
disgust,  or  from  his  old  grudge,  or,  as  some  say, 
from  the  wish  to  see  a  Tlascalan  laciy,*  Xico- 
tencatl  resolved  to  throw  up  his  command,  and  to 
quit  the  camp.  It  is  not  improbable  that  his 
conduct  was  influenced  by  motives  which  mighl 
be  termed  treasonable,  or  patriotic,  according  tc 
the  point  of  view  from  which  they  are  regarded  ; 
and  he  may  have  thought  it  a  good  opportunity 
for  raising  the  standard  of  revolt  against  the 
Spaniards. 

It  was  arranged  that  the  Tlascalans  attache* 
to  Alvarado's  division  should  set  off  a  day  befor 
the  Spaniards,  in  order  not  to  embarrass  them  ii 
the  march.  As  the  Tlascalans  were  proceedin' 
carelessly  along,  Chichimecatl,  the  brave  warrio 


*  See  Torquemada,  lib.  iv.  cap.  90. 


DESERTS  HIS  ARMY. 


35 


who  had  brought  the  brigantines  from  Tlascala, 
and  had  been  so  displeased  at  not  being  allowed 
to  lead  the  van-guard,  observed  that  their  General, 
Xicotencatl,  was  not  with  them.  He  returned  The 
immediately,  and  informed  Cortes.  The  Spanish  Tlascalan 
General  lost  no  time  in  despatching  messengers  uHEy. 
who  were  to  adjure  the  fugitive  Tlascalan  Chief 
to  resume  his  command,  begging  him  to  con¬ 
sider  that  his  father,  Don  Lorenzo  (the  old 
Tlascalan  Chief  had  been  baptized),  if  he  had  not 
been  old  and  blind,  would  himself  have  led  his 
countrymen  against  Mexico.  To  this  Xicotencatl 
replied,  that,  if  his  father  and  Magisca  had  lis¬ 
tened  to  him,  they  would  not  have  been  so  much 
lorded  over  by  the  Spaniards,  who  made  them  do 
whatever  they  wished  ;  and  he  gave  for  his  final 
mswer,  that  he  would  not  return.  Cortes,  beino- 
nformed  of  this  reply,  immediately  ordered  an 
dguazil,  with  four  horsemen  and  five  Indian 
•hiefs,  to  go  in  pursuit  of  Xicotencatl,  and, 
wherever  they  should  come  up  with  him,  to  hang 
im.  This  sentence  was  carried  into  effect,  not-  Y * 
withstanding  that  Pedro  de  Alvarado  interceded  death° 
'armly  in  behalf  of  the  Tlascalan  Prince.  It 
ill  show  the  reverence  which  the  Indians  enter- 


36 


TIE  IS  PUT  TO  DEATH. 


Alvarado 
and  Olid 
quit  Tez- 
cuco, 

May,  1521. 


tained  for  their  princes,  that  many  of  them  came 
to  seek  a  scrap  of  his  clothes ;  *  and  it  is  another 
instance  of  the  stern  audacity  of  Cortes,  that  he 
should  have  ventured  to  put  such  a  potent  chief 
to  death  at  so  critical  a  period.  But,  as  will 
hereafter  be  seen,  it  was  very  fortunate  that  he 
did  so.  The  three  things  in  a  man’s  character 
which  are  best  rewarded  in  this  world  are  bold¬ 
ness,  hardness,  and  circumspection. ,  Cortes  pos¬ 
sessed  the  first  and  last  qualifications  in  the 
highest  degree ;  and,  if  he  were  not  by  nature  a 
hard  man,  had  the  power  of  summoning  up  hard¬ 
ness  whenever  it  was  requisite  to  do  so. 

On  the  10th  of  May,|  1521,  Alvarado  and 
Olid  quitted  Tezcuco  in  company,  and  proceeded 
to  occupy  the  positions  assigned  to  them.  The 
very  first  night  after  their  departure  these  Com- 


*  “  Ell  muriendo,  llegaron  muchos  Indios  a  tomar  la 
Manta,  y  el  Mastil,  qne  es  nna  Faxa  ancha,  que  servia  de 
Bragas,  como  Almaiqal;  y  el  qne  llevaba  un  pedaqo, 
creia,  que  llevaba  una  gran  Reliquia.  Atemoriqd  mucho 
esta  muerte  a  todos,  por  ser  este  Indio  Persona  mui  Prin¬ 
cipal,  y  senalada.” — Torquemada,  Monarquia  Indiana, 
lib.  iv.  cap.  90. 

■f  Bernal  Diaz  says  it  was  on  the  13th  of  May. 


GREAT  AQUEDUCT  DESTROYED. 


37 


manders  had  a  quarrel  about  the  encampment  of 
their  men,  which  Cortes  learned  directly,  and 
interposing  with  all  speed,  sent  an  officer  that 
night  with  instructions  to  reprimand  these  Gene¬ 
rals,  and  afterwards  to  make  them  friends  again. 

I  On  their  way  to  Tlacuba  they  found  the  inter- 
'  vening  towns  deserted,  and,  when  they  came  to 
Tlacuba  itself,  that  city  also  was  without  inha¬ 
bitants.  The  army  occupied  the  palace  of  the 
King,  and,  though  it  was  the  hour  of  Vespers 
when  they  entered,  the  Tlascalans,  with  the 

[ 

hatred  of  neighbours,  made  a  reconnaissance  along 
two  of  the  causeways  which  led  to  Mexico,  and 
fought  for  two  or  three  hours  with  the  Mexicans. 

The  ensuing  morning  Alvarado  and  Olid  com-  The  great 
menced  the  work  of  destruction  by  cutting  off,  Keyed, 
according  to  the  commands  of  Cortes,  the  great 
aqueduct  which  supplied  the  city.  It  is  melan¬ 
choly  to  observe  that  such  works  as  these,  which 
ire  among  the  greatest  triumphs  of  civilization, 
should  be  the  first  objects  of  attack  in  war,  but  it 
>vas  good  service,  and  thoroughly  executed,  al¬ 
though  not  without  considerable  opposition  from 
he  Mexicans,  both  by  land  and  water. 

On  the  succeeding  day,  Olid,  with  the  whole  of 


38 


SANDOVAL  AT  IZTAPALAPA . 


Olid 

moves  to 
Cuyoacan. 


Cortes 

sends 

Sandoval  to 
Iztapalapa. 


his  division,  moved  on  to  Cuyoacan,  described  as 
being  two  leagues  from  Tlacuba.*  They  found 
this  city  also  deserted, f  and  they  occupied  the 
regal  palace  there. 

It  was  now  time  for  Cortes  himself  to  quit 
Tezcuco,  and  commence  operations  in  concert 
with  the  Alguazil  iNIayor.  At  four  in  the  morn¬ 
ing,  on  the  day  after  the  Festival  of  Corpus 
Christi,  Cortes  despatched  Sandoval  with  the 
whole  of  his  division,  to  Iztapalapa.  That  city 
was  about  seven  short  leagues  distant.  They 

*  I  give  the  distances  generally  from  the  words  of  the 
first  conquerors.  These  distances,  however,  will  not 
alwavs  correspond  with  the  actual  distances  as  ascer¬ 
tained  hy  modern  investigation,  and  sometimes,  indeed, 
differ  from  them  widely,  as  in  the  above  instance.  I 
conjecture  that  the  word  league,  as  used  by  Cortes  or 
Bernal  Diaz,  represented  a  very  variable  quantity,  and 
depended  much  upon  the  nature  of  the  ground  traversed, 
namely,  whether  it  were  champaign,  hilly,  or  wooded.  ! 

y  In  the  estimate  which  we  shall  afterwards  have  to 
make  of  the  numbers  which  perished  in  the  siege  of 
Mexico,  it  must  be  recollected  that  immense  additions 
to  the  population  of  the  place  were  made  by  the  aban¬ 
donment  of  these  flourishing  towns  on  the  borders  of  the 

lake. 


. 

CORTES  QUITS  TEZCUCO.  39 

arrived  there  a  little  after  mid-day,  and  began  to 
set  lire  to  the  houses,  and  to  attack  the  inhabi¬ 
tants.  These  were  a  maritime  race  (the  town  was 
half  built  upon  the  lake),  and,  not  being  able  to 
withstand  the  immense  *  force  which  Sandoval 

brought  against  them,  took  to  the  water  in  their 

% 

canoes,  whereupon  the  Alguazil  Mayor  occupied 
the  town  without  further  molestation. 

|  Cortes,  who  was  the  last  of  the  generals  to 
quit  Tezcuco,  set  sail  with  the  brigantines  imme¬ 
diately  after  he  had  despatched  Sandoval  to 
I  Iztapalapa,  and  using  both  oars  and  sails,  came 
j  within  sight  of  the  town  at  the  time  that  Sandoval 
was  entering  it.  Cortes  had  intended  to  have 
attacked  that  part  of  the  town  which  lay  in  the 
water,  but  seeing  probably  that  Sandoval  would 
<  be  able  to  accomplish  the  work  without  him,  and 
observing  that  a  large  hill  which  rose  out  of  the 
water  (now  called  the  Cerro  de  Marques )  was 
covered  with  the  enemy,  he  commenced  his  attack 
upon  their  position  on  that  eminence.  It  was 


*  It  appears  to  have  been  increased  since  the  original 
division  of  the  forces,  for  it  is  now  spoken  of  as  thirty- 
five  thousand  or  forty  thousand  men. 


Cortes  sets 
sail  from 
Tezcuco. 


40 


ATTACK  OF  MEXICAN  CANOES. 


Tbe  first 
success  of 
Cortes. 


500  Mexi¬ 
can  canoes 
come  out  to 
attack  the 
Spaniards. 


very  lofty  and  very  abrupt,  and  the  heights  were 
fortified  by  walls  of  dry  stone;  but  the  Spaniards 
succeeded  in  forcing  the  entrenchments,  and  put 
all  the  defenders  to  the  sword,  except  the  women 
and  children.  Five-and-twenty  Spaniards  were 
wounded,  but,  as  Cortes  says,  “  it  was  a  very 
pretty  victory.”  * 

The  citizens  of  Iztapalapa  had  made  smoke- 
signals  ( ahumadas )  from  the  tops  of  some  temples 
which  were  situated  upon  a  very  lofty  hill,  close 
to  the  town.  From  these  signals,  the  Mexicans 
and  the  inhabitants  of  the  other  towns  upon  the 
borders  of  the  lake,  learnt  the  position  of  the 
Spanish  vessels,  and  forthwith  sent  out  a  great 
flotilla  of  five  hundred  canoes,  which  bore  down 
straight  upon  the  brigantines.  Cortes  and  his 
men  instantly  quitted  their  position  on  the  hill, 
and  embarked  in  their  vessels.  The  orders  to 
the  captains  were,  on  no  account  to  move  until 
Cortes  should  give  the  command.  His  object 
was  to  avoid  any  partial  or  disjointed  action,  and, 
if  he  struck  at  all,  to  strike  a  great  blow,f  such 

*  “  Pero  fue  muy  hermosa  Victoria.” — Lorenzana,  p. 
241.  I 

t  “  Como  yo  deseaba  mucho,  que  el  primer  reencuon- 


TEE  IB  DEFEAT. 


41 


as  should  at  once  ensure  his  naval  ascendancy. 

Silently,  therefore,  and  as  if  entranced,  the  bri¬ 
gantines  rested  upon  the  water;  while  the  vast 
multitude  of  canoes  came  rushing  on,  the  Mexi¬ 
cans  exhausting  their  strength  in  their  haste  to 
encompass  the  brigantines.  When  they  had 
come  within  two  bow-shots  of  the  Spaniards,  they 
rested  upon  their  oars,  and  gazed  upon  the  new 
form  of  their  enemy.  Still,  the  Spaniards  did 
not  move,  and  the  hostile  armaments  remained 
in  this  position  until,  as  Cortes  says,  “  it  pleased 
Lord  that  a  favourable  breeze  should  arise 
from  the  land,  upon  which,  the  Spanish  Com¬ 
mander  immediately  gave  orders  to  commence  the 
attack.  The  weighty  brigantines  bore  down  upon  The  Mexi- 
the  light  craft  of  the  enemy  with  a  fatal  impetus,  K  on 
crushing  them  together  wherever  they  came  in  ,helake‘ 
lontact  with  them.  It  soon  became  a  total 
lefeat.  Numbers  of  the  canoes  were  sunk,  and 
he  Mexican  sailors  in  them  destroyed.  It  must 
lave  been  a  flight  almost  as  soon  as  it  was  an 
mcounter ;  and  the  brigantines  pursued  the 


ro,  que  con  ellos  obiessemos,  fuesse  dc  mucha  victoria.” 
-Lokenzana,  p.  241. 


42 


SUCCESSFUL  MOVEMENT 


canoes  for  three  long  leagues,  until  they  took 
refuge  in  the  water  streets  of  Mexico.  Indeed, 

o 

that  any  remained  to  escape  was  only  owing  to 
the  multitude  there  were  to  destroy.  Thus  ended 
the  hopes  of  the  Mexicans  of  gaining,  by  their 
numbers,  any  advantage  on  the  water;  and  the 
maxim  of  the  great  modern  warrior  *  was  again 
signally  exemplified, — namely,  that  the  art  of  war 
is  the  art  of  being  strongest  at  the  immediate 
point  of  encounter.  If  the  Mexicans  could  lite¬ 
rally  have  covered  the  lake  of  Tezcuco  with  canoes, 
the  force  and  weight  of  a  brigantine,  whenever  it 
came  in  contact  with  these  small  vessels,  gave  it 
instantly  such  a  decided  superiority,  as  to  leave 
no  scope  for  action  on  the  other  side. 


Successful 
movement 
of  Olid’s 
division. 


Meanwhile,  the  division  under  Olid  at  Cuyoa- 
can  could  see  and  rejoice  in  the  victory  of  their 
fellow-countrymen.  They  immediately  resolved 
to  enhance  it,  by  making  a  vigorous  charge  along 
the  causeway  which  connected  that  city  with 
Mexico;  and,  with  the  aid  of  the  brigantines 
(which,  after  giving  chase  to  the  Mexican  boats, 


*  Napoleon. 


OF  0 LID’S  DIVISION. 


43 


approached  the  causeway),  this  division  of  the 


my  succeeded  in  making  a  victorious  advance 
more  than  a  league  upon  the  causeway. 

At  the  point  of  the  causeway  where  Cortes  and 


44 


CORTES  LANES. 


Cortes 
lands 
on  the 
southern 
causeway. 


his  brigantines  arrived,  after  chasing  the  Mexican 
boats  into  the  city,  there  happened  to  be  one  or 
two  idol  towers,  surrounded  by  a  low  stone  wall. 
He  landed,  took  the  towers  after  a  sharp  contest, 
and  then  brought  up  three  heavy  cannon  from  the 
brigantines.  The  causeway  was  crowded  with 
the  enemy  from  that  spot  to  the  very  gates  of 
Mexico ;  and,  moreover,  there  were  numbers  of 
canoes,  on  that  side  at  least  of  the  causeway 
where  the  brigantines  were  not,  or  where  they 
could  not  get  at  them.  Cortes  brought  one  of  the 
guns  to  bear  upon  the  dense  masses  of  the  enemy, 
and  the  effect  of  that  fire  must  have  been  tre¬ 
mendous.  Happily  for  the  Mexicans,  there  was 
a  deficiency  of  powder,  arising  from  the  careless¬ 
ness  of  an  artilleryman,  by  which  a  quantity  had 
been  ignited ;  and  thus  Cortes  was  unable  to 
follow  up  this  advantage. 

The  Spanish  Commander  had  originally  in¬ 
tended  to  proceed  to  the  camp  at  Cuyoacan ;  but, 
with  that  power  of  rapidly  changing  his  plans 
which  is  one  of  the  elements  in  the  character  of 
a  great  general,  he  determined  to  take  up  a  posi¬ 
tion  at  the  spot  where  he  now  was,  and  to  sum¬ 
mon  reinforcements  both  from  Sandoval’s  and 


CAMP  OF  THE  CAUSEWAY. 


45 


Olid’s  camp.  That  first  night  was  a  night  of 
much  danger  for  the  “  Camp  of  the  Cause- 
way,”  as  Cortes  calls  it,  as  the  Mexicans, 
notwithstanding  the  defeat  and  loss  which 
they  had  suffered  during  the  day,  made  a 
midnight  attack  upon  the  Spaniards.  Cortes, 
however,  had  not  failed  to  send  at  once  to 
Sandoval  at  Iztapalapa  for  all  the  gunpowder 
which  was  in  that  camp  ;  and,  as  each  brigantine 
had  a  small  field-gun  (tiro  pequeno  de  campo),  the 
Spaniards  were  enabled  to  make  a  vigorous  re¬ 
sistance.  Thus  the  enemy  were  beaten  off  for 
that  night. 

The  next  morning,  at  early  dawn,  reinforce¬ 
ments  arrived  at  the  Camp  of  the  Causeway,  and 
they  hardly  had  arrived,  before  the  Mexicans 
■ssued  from  the  city  and  commenced  their  attack, 
both  by  land  and  by  water,  and  with  such  shouts 
md  yells,  that  it  seemed  as  if  heaven  and  earth 
vere  coming  together.  But  “  loud  cries  divide 

io  flesh,”  while  the  thunder  of  cannon  si^nifi- 

© 

'antly  represents  the  destruction  it  accompanies. 
The  Spaniards  succeeded  in  ^aininjx  one  bridge 
md  one  barricade,  and  drove  the  Mexicans  back 


The 

“  Camp  of 
the  Cause¬ 
way.” 


The  second 
day’s  siege. 


46 


SECOND  DATS  SIEGE. 


to  the  nearest  houses  of  the  city.  The  brigan¬ 
tines  were  upon  the  east  side  of  the  causeway, 
and,  consequently,  the  canoes  could  approach 
with  less  danger  on  the  western  side.  Cortes, 
alert  to  seize  every  advantage,  broke  up  a  small 
portion  of  the  causeway  near  his  camp,  and  made 
four  brigantines  pass  through  it.  He  was  thus 
enabled  to  drive  back  the  western  fleet  of  canoes 
into  the  water-streets  of  the  city.  The  rest  of 
the  brigantines  not  only  put  to  flight  the  enemy 
on  their  side  of  the  causeway,  but,  finding  *  canals 
into  which  they  could  enter  securely,  they  were 
enabled  to  capture  several  of  the  Mexican  canoes, 
and  also  to  burn  many  houses  in  the  suburbs. 
Thus  ended  the  second  day  of  the  siege. 

On  the  next  morning  Sandoval  fought  his 
way  from  Iztapalapa  to  Cuyoacan,  and  afterwards 
arrived  at  the  “  Camp  of  the  Causeway  ”  in  time 
to  take  part  in  a  little  battle,  in  which  he  was 


*  In  the  course  of  the  siege  several  circumstances 
occur  which  show  how  immense  must  have  been  the  size 
of  Mexico.  Notwithstanding  their  former  stay  in  the 
city,  it  appears  from  the  expression  “  finding,”  that  the 
Spaniards  were  up  to  that  time  ignorant  of  the  existence! 
of  those  canals. 


GREAT  CANAL. 


47 


w  ounded.  For  six  days  the  fighting  continued 
much  in  the  same  manner  as  when  Cortes  first 
arrived^  the  brigantines,  however,  gaining  great 
advantages,  especially  by  means  of  a  large  canal  The  bri- 
which  they  discovered,  that  went  all  round  the  Inter T 
city,  and  enabled  them  to  penetrate  into  some  of  §Teat(an;u 
the  densest  parts  of  it,  and  thus  to  do  considerable 
damage.  They  had  now  so  completely  quelled 
the  small  craft  of  the  Mexicans,  that  no  canoe 
ventured  to  approach  within  a  quarter  of  a  league 
of  the  “  Camp  of  the  Causeway.” 

On  the  seventh  or  eighth  day,  Pedro  de  Al¬ 
varado  sent  from  Tlacuba  to  inform  Cortes  that 
there  was  a  causeway  *  at  the  other  end  of  the  Another 
town,  by  which  the  Mexicans  went  in  and  out  as  disco  wed. 
they  pleased.  This  was  the  causeway  which  led 
to  Tepejacac.  Upon  receiving  this  intelligence, 

Cortes  sent  the  Alguazil  Mayor  to  occupy  a  posi- 

*  The  error,  as  it  seems  to  me,  in  the  general  descrip¬ 
tions  of  Mexico,  given  both  by  the  conquerors  and  those 
who  came  after  them,  is  in  not  mentioning  causeways 
pnough.  There  was  another  little  causeway  close  to  this 
arge  one,  which  also  was  connected  with  the  terra  firma, 
md  was  commanded  by  Sandoval’s  camp.  There  is  still 
t  causeway  unaccounted  for,  according  to  the  most  an¬ 
ient  map  of  Mexico. 


43  ANOTHER  CAUSEWAY . 

tion  in  front  of  this  newly-discovered  causeway. 
He  took  this  step  because  he  felt  that  it  was  re- 


MEXICO 

AND  THE 

ADJACENT  CITIES. 

Scale 


quisite  in  order  to  complete  the  investment  of  the 
place :  otherwise,  as  he  remarks,  he  would  have 


MEXICO  ENTIRELY  INVESTED. 


49 


been  more  glad  of  the  Mexicans  going  out  of  the 
city  than  they  could  have  been  themselves,  for  he 
well  knew  how  to  deal  with  them  in  the  open 
plain.  From  that  day  forward,  the  city  of  Mexico 
was  entirely  invested. 


Sandoval 
sent  to  that 
quarter. 


Mexico 

entirely 

invested. 


We  must  now  turn  for  a  moment  from  the  be¬ 
siegers  to  the  besieged.  When  Quauhtemotzin, 
the  Priest-King  of  Mexico,  perceived  that  the 
siege  had  commenced  in  earnest, — and  with  sieves, 
as  appears  from  Mexican  architecture,  these  war¬ 
riors  were  well  acquainted, — he  summoned  a  great 
council  of  his  lords  and  captains.  Then,  laying  Quauhte- 
before  them  the  state  in  which  they  were, — the  speed”  to 
revolt  of  many  of  their  tributary  provinces,  the  b‘S  C°unC1'' 
want  of  fresh  water,  the  strength  of  the  brigan¬ 
tines,  the  destruction  which  had  already  taken 
place  of  some  of  the  principal  posts  of  defence, 
the  dangers  and  miseries  to  which  they  must  look 
forward, — he  asked  what  was  their  opinion  about 
coming  to  terms  with  the  Spaniards  ?  In  reply  Their  voice 
to  the  Monarch's  question  the  young  men  and  contit-' 
;he  warriors  expressed  their  desire  for  war.*  war!  °f  t!" 


*  “  Los  Mancebos,  y  Gente  gallarda,  queria  la  Guerra.” 
|— Torquemada,  Monarquia  Indiana ,  lib.  iv.  cap.  90 

II.  E 


50 


MEXICAN  COUNCIL. 


There  were  others,  however,  who  said,  that  as 
they  had  four  Spaniards  and  several  Indians 
whom  they  had  taken,  and  were  about  to  sacri¬ 
fice,  they  should  be  in  no  haste  to  do  so,  in  order 
that,  if  things  went  worse  with  them,  they  might 
in  a  few  days’  time,  through  the  medium  of  these 
prisoners,  commence  negotiations.  Others,  again, 
more  religiously  inclined,  maintained  that  their 
only  course  wa3,  with  many  sacrifices  and  piavers, 
to  commend  themselves  to  the  gods,  whose  caused 
was  at  stake;*  and  that  the  Mexican  people 

should  trust  in  the  goodness  of  these  superior 

$ 

beings  not  to  forsake  them. 

The  fanatical  counsel  prevailed.  Not,  I  think, 
that  even  in  Mexico  there  were  not  wise  men 
enoutrh  to  have  contended  against  such  fanati¬ 
cism  ;  but,  from  the  former  conduct  of  the  Span¬ 
iards,  there  was  so  little  to  be  said  on  the  other 
side.  In  truth, — as  the  son-in-law  of  Montezuma 
afterwards  informed  the  historian  Oviedo, f  — 
after  the  attack  of  Alvarado  upon  the  unarmed 
chiefs  in  the  temple,  the  Mexicans  put  no  more 


*  Torquemada,  “  Monarquia  Indiana,”  lib.  iv.  cap.  90. 
t  Oviedo,  “  Hist.  Gen.  y  Nat.”  lib.  xxxiii.  cap.  54. 


ITS  DETERMINATION. 


51 


trust  in  the  Spaniards.  This  man,  Pedro  de  Pedro  de 
Alvarado,  was  one  of  the  most  pernicious  adven-  fSf0 
turers  of  those  times.  It  seldom  happens  to  any  quTor.°n 
one  person  to  be  a  mighty  cause  of  mischief,  al¬ 
most  the  cause  of  downial,  to  two  great  empires, 
but  such  were  Alvarado’s  fortunes,  as  may  be 
seen  in  the  histories  of  Peru  and  Mexico,  the 
latter  of  which  he  ruined  directly,  and  the  former 
indirectly,  and  in  both  cases  by  acts  of  wonderful 
audacity  and  folly.  It  has  often  surprised  me 
j  Cortes  should  have  placed  so  much  confi¬ 
dence  in  such  a  man ;  but  distinguished  personal, 
bravery  is  such  an  advantage, — and  it  was  much 
more  so  in  those  times  than  in  the  present, — that 
Cortes  may  well  be  excused  for  putting  his  trust 

in  a  man  who,  at  least,  was  never  known  to  falter 
•  • 
in  action. 

The  councillors  who  were  in  favour  of  negotia- 
I  tion  had,  therefore,  little  or  nothing  to  urge  for 
their  view  of  the  question  but  the  probability  of 
more  and  larger  disasters  occurring  if  their  advice 
were  not  followed.  Finally,  they  were  overruled  ; 
and  the  prisoners  were  sacrificed.  The  gods  being 
thus  appeased,  their  responses  became  gracious;  The  King 
and  the  King  braced  up  all  his  energies  for  war.  upon  waT 


52 


WAR  RESUMED. 


Cortes 
resolves 
upon  a 
general 
attack. 


“  Some  have  been  of  opinion,”  says  the  Spanish 
historian  of  the  Indies,  “that  the  Devil  was  not 
in  the  habit  of  appearing  to  the  Indians,  and 
that  if  he  did  appear  to  them  at  all,  it  was 
very  seldom :  and  that  the  responses  of  the  gods 
were  the  invention  of  the  priests  to  preserve  the 
authority  which  these  men  had  over  that  people.”* 

The  Priest-King  must  have  known  well  the  nature 

♦ 

of  the  visions  and  revelations  which  were  reported 
to  the  common  people ;  but  the  fate  of  Monte¬ 
zuma  was  before  his  eyes.  The  people  were  for 
war ;  the  Spaniards  were  few  ;  and  there  would 
not  be  wanting  those  who  could  calculate,  as  on  a 
former  occasion,  how  many  Mexicans  might  be 
advantageously  sacrificed  for  one  Spaniard.  The 
Tlascalans  and  all  the  Indian  allies  of  the  Span¬ 
iards  were  as  nothing  in  the  eyes  of  the  Mexicans ; 
and  so  the  war  was  again  resumed  with  fury.f 

Cortes  now  determined  to  make  a  combined 
attack  upon  the  city.  For  this  purpose,  on  the 

*  Herrera,  “  Hist,  de  las  Indias,”  dec.  ill.  lib.  i.  cap.  17. 

f  It  is  impossible  to  say  at  what  precise  time  this 
council  took  place,  for,  as  may  be  conceived,  we  know  so 
much  less  of  what  took  place  amongst  the  besieged  than 
amongst  the  besiegers. 


GENERAL  ATTACK.  53 

eighth  or  ninth  day  after  the  beginning  of  the 
siege,  he  sent  for  additional  forces  from  the  Camp 


of  Cuyoacan,  where  he  was  still  obliged  to  leave 
a  detachment,  in  order  to  protect  the  rear  from 


54 


ORDER  OF  ATTACK 


/ 


The  gene¬ 
ral  attack 
com¬ 
menced. 


any  attack  that  might  be  made  by  the  inhabitants 
of  Xochimilco,  Culuocan,  Iztapalapa,  Mexical- 
tzinco,  and  other  places  neighbouring  to  the  lake, 
which  had  “  rebelled,”  according  to  Spanish  phrase¬ 
ology,  that  is,  which  had  renewed  their  allegiance 
to  their  old  friends  and  masters,  the  Mexicans. 
The  combined  attack  was  arranged  by  Cortes  in 
the  following  manner.  The  swordsmen,  cross¬ 
bowmen,  and  musketeers  were  to  form  the  ad¬ 
vance-guard  ;  they  were  to  be  supported  by 
brigantines  on  both  sides  of  the  causeway  ;  and 
a  small  body  of  horse  was  to  keep  guard  on  the 
causeway  in  the  rear  of  the  foot-soldiers.  Some 
cavalry  also  were  to  accompany  the  attacking 
force.  The  number  of  the  allies  who,  according 
to  his  own  account,  were  to  march  with  Cortes 
on  this  occasion,  amounted  to  no  less  than  eighty 
thousand ;  and  the  siege  was  to  be  pressed  at  two 
other  points,  by  the  Alguazil  Mayor  and  Pedro 
de  Alvarado.  It  is  manifest,  therefore,  that  the 
Mexicans  would  have  enough  to  do  on  this  day. 

Cortes  moved  from  the  Camp  of  the  Causeway 
early  in  the  morning.  The  first  obstacle  his 
troops  met  with  was  a  breach  in  the  causeway, 
which  the  Mexicans  must  have  made  in  the  night. 
The  aperture  was  as  broad  as  a  lance  is  long,  and 


MEXICANS  DRIVEN  BACK. 


55 


its  depth  was  equal  to  its  breadth.  The  Mexicans 
had  also  made  a  barricade  on  the  other  side,  and 
were  posted  behind  it.  ■  There  the  battle  com-  First 
menced,  and  was  very  stoutly  maintained  on  both  of?he°" 
sides.  At  last  the  Spaniards  succeeded  in  forcing  M“icai 
this  position,  and  marched  along  the  causeway, 
until  they  came  to  the  entrance  of  the  city,  where 
there  was  an  idol  tower,  at  the  foot  of  which  had 
been  a  very  large  bridge— probably,  in  part,  a 
drawbridge.  This  had  been  lifted  up,  or  de-  Second 
stroyed,  and  on  the  other  side  a  strong  barricade  posi,lon' 
had  been  formed.  This  point  of  defence  was 
much  stronger  than  the  last,  for  the  breadth  of 
the  opening  was  much  greater,  and,  in  fact,  it  was 
a  very  broad  water-street  (una  calle  de  agua  muy 
ancha.)  Here,  therefore,  the  Mexicans  were 
strongly  posted;  but  again  they  were  beaten 
back  by  the  aid  of  the  brigantines,  which,  it  is 
easy  to  see,  had  the  great  advantage  of  being 
able  to  deploy  to  the  right  and  the  left  in  the 
water-street,  and  so,  with  their  small  cannon, 
cross-bowmen,  and  musketeers,  to  take  the  Mexi¬ 
cans  in  the  flank.  By  these  means  they  were  Brigan- 
enabled  to  dislodge  the  enemy,  which  feat,  as  greTtser- 
Cortes  himself  observes,  it  would  have  been  im-  Spaniards 

i  possible  to  effect  without  their  assistance. 

■ 


56 


USE  OF  INDIAN  ALLIES. 


Use  of  the 

Indian 

allies. 


The  defenders  of  the  barricade  being  put  to 
flight*  the  Spaniards  from  the  brigantines  leapt  on 
shore,  and;  with  their  assistance,  the  whole  army 
contrived  to  pass  the  water.  Here  it  was  that 
the  Indian  allies  were  eminently  useful.  They 
were  immediately  employed  in  filling  up  with 
stones  and  sun-burnt  bricks  that  part  of  the  water  - 
street  which  formerly  the  bridge  had  spanned ; 
and  it  is  evident  that  Cortes  himself,  who  always 
understood  where  the  real  difficulty  lay  in  any 
action,  superintended  this  filling  up.  His  words 
are,  “  while  we  filled  up  this  bridge  (meaning 
bridge- way),  the  Spaniards  took  another  bar- 
ricade  in  the  great  street  of  the  town.”  For  the 
sake  of  clearness,  I  will  give  a  name  to  this 
street,  and  call  it  the  “  High  Street.”  It  may 
be  noticed,  in  the  most  ancient  map  of  Mexico, 
that  there  is  no  difference  in  the  breadth  of  this 
street  from  that  of  the  main  causeway.  There 
was  no  water  in  it,  and,  therefore,  the  Spanish 
troops  were  in  their  element  upon  it,  and  could 
act  with  force  and  rapidity.  The  Mexicans  fled 
until  they  came  to  another  draw-bridge,  which 
had  been  taken  away,  all  but  one  broad  beam, 
over  which  they  passed,  and  then  removed  it. 


THIRD  POSITION  TAKEN. 


57 


;  On  the  other  side,  these  resolute  and  untiring  Tbird 
men  had  thrown  up  another  barricade  constructed  of  Te" 
of  clay  and  sun-burnt  bricks.  This  was  a  very  Mexicai 
formidable  defence.  The  Spaniards  had  now  ad¬ 
vanced  beyond  the  support  of  their  brigantines ; 
and  there  was  no  passing,  except  by  throwing 
themselves  into  the  water.  The  houses  which 
.  commanded  the  street  were  crowded  with  the 
Mexicans,  who  showered  down  missiles  from  the 


terraced  house-tops;  and  those  who  were  in  charge 
of  the  barricade  fought  like  lions.  The  potent 
voice,  however,  of  cannon  made  itself  heard  above 
all  the  noise  of  the  engagement.  It  was  the 
exact  situation  in  which  cannon  would  come  in 
with  the  greatest  effect,  and  Cortes  had  brought 
two  field-pieces  with  him.  The  Spaniards  seized 
an  opportunity,  when  the  Mexicans  gave  way 
before  these  cannon  (which  must  have  swept  them 
down  like  corn  before  a  tempest),  dashed  into  the 
water,  and  passed  to  the  other  side.  It  shows 
the  vigorous  resistance  which  these  brave  Mexi¬ 
cans  made,  that  it  took  no  less  than  two  hours 
to  wrest  this  position  from  them.  The  barricade,  The  third 
however,  being  at  last  deserted,  together  with  SfST 
the  terraces  and  house-tops,  the  whole  of  the  S’™ 


58 


THE  PLAZA  OCCUPIED. 


assaulting  party  passed  over  the  bridge- way. 
Cortes,  again,  instantly  made  good  the  road  by 
filling  up  the  place  where  the  bridge  had  been, 
for  which  materials  were  ready  to  his  hand  in 
those  of  the  barricade. 

The  Spanish  troops,  and  all  the  Indian  allies 
that  were  not  wanted  for  filling  up  the  bridge¬ 
way,  pushed  on,  without  encountering  any  ob¬ 
stacle,  for  a  distance  of  “  two  cross-bow  shots”  in 
length,  until  they  came  to  a  spot  where  there 
was  a  bridge  that  adjoined  the  principal  Plaza* 
in  the  town — where  the  best  houses  were  situ- 
ated.  The  Mexicans  had  not  imagined  that  the 
Spaniards  could  in  one  day  gain  so  advanced  a 
position.  They  had  accordingly  made  no  pre¬ 
parations  at  this  bridge.  They  had  neither  re¬ 
moved  it,  nor  thrown  up  a  barricade  on  the  other 
side.  The  Plaza  was  so  full  of  Mexicans  that  it 
could  scarcely  hold  them.  To  command  its  en¬ 
trance,  the  Spaniards  brought  up  a  cannon,  the 
discharges  from  which  must  have  made  fearful 

o 

havoc  in  this  crowd  ;  finally,  the  Spaniards 
charged  into  the  Plaza,  driving  the  Mexicans 


*  This  spot  is  marked  “  Platea”  in  the  ancient  map. 


I 


SPANIARDS  DRIVEN  BACK.  59 

before  them  into  the  great  square  of  the  Temple, 
which  adjoined  and  communicated  with  the  Plaza. 
The  Spaniards  and  their  allies  continued  the 
charge,  forced  the  Mexicans  out  of  the  square, 

occupied  it  themselves,  and  took  possession  of  the 
towers  on  the  Temple. 

The  Mexicans,  however,  perceiving  that  the 
Spaniards  had  no  horsemen  with  them,  turned 
upon  their  enemies  with  immense  vigour,  dis¬ 
lodged  them  from  the  towers,  drove  them  from 
the  great  court  of  the  Temple,  swept  on  with 
irresistible  fury,  cleared  the  Spaniards  out  of  the 
Plaza  and  into  the  High  Street  again,  at  the 
same  time  capturing  the  single  field-piece  which 
had  done  so  much  mischief.  The  Spaniards 
were  retreating  in  much  confusion,  when  “  it 
pleased  God,  as  Cortes  says,  “  that  three  horse¬ 
men  should  enter  the  Plaza.”  The  Mexicans 
seem  to  have  had  a  most  unreasonable  dread  of 
horses.  If  Montezuma,  in  his  immense  collection 
of  animals,  had  possessed  but  one  horse,  and  the 
people  had  learnt  what  a  docile,  timid  slave  a 
horse  is,  the  Conquest  of  Mexico  would  have  been 
postponed  for  some  time  —  perhaps  to  another 
generation.  At  this  juncture,  however,  the 


The  Plaza 
occupied 
by  the 
Spaniards, 


Then  the 
temple. 


The 

Mexicans 
turn  upon 
the  enemy 
and  drive 
them  back. 


Spaniards 

successful 

again. 


60  SPANIARDS  SUCCESSFUL  AGAIN. 

Mexicans  were  not  afraid  of  these  three  horse¬ 
men  alone*  but*  seeing  them  enter  the  narrow 
pathway*  supposed  them  to  be  the  front  rank  of  a 
body  of  horse.  They*  accordingly,  retreated  in 
their  turn.  The  Spaniards*  from  being  the  pur¬ 
sued*  became  the  pursuers  ;  some  of  them  re¬ 
entered  the  great  square ;  and  a  fight  took-  place 
on  the  summit  of  the  Temple  between  four  or 
five  Spaniards  and  ten  or  twelve  of  the  chief 
men  among  the  Mexicans*  which  ended  in  the 
defeat  and  slaughter  of  all  these  chiefs.  A  few 
more  horsemen  now  entered  the  square,  which 
by  this  time  was  probably  clear  of  the  Mexicans ; 
and  these  Spaniards  contrived  an  ambuscade, 
which  was  successful,  and  by  which  thirty 
Mexicans  were  killed. 

It  was  now  evening,  and  Cortes  gave  orders 
for  the  recall  of  the  troops;  but  this  backward 
movement  was  not  executed  without  considerable 
danger,  for,  though  the  Mexicans  must  have 
suffered  terribly  that  day*  “  the  dogs  came  on  so 
rabidly ( venian  los  perros  tan  rabiosos ),  that  even 
the  dreaded  horsemen  could  not  drive  them  back 
or  prevent  them  from  molesting  the  rear-guard 
of  the  Spaniards.  They,  however*  reached  the 


RESULT  OF  DAY’S  WORK. 


Camp  of  the  Causeway  in  safety,  their  chief 
triumph  in  the  day's  work  being,  that  they  had 
burnt  the  principal  houses  in  the  High  Street. 
The  Spaniards,  therefore,  would  have  nothing  to 
dread  next  time  from  the  terraces  of  these  houses. 

I  have  been  thus  minute  in  describing  this 

fay’s  proceedings,  in  order  that  the  narrative 

nay  serve  to  explain  future  encounters,  and  give 

he  reader  some  idea  of  the  defences  of  Mexico, 

pd  of  the  means  of  attack  which  the  Spaniards 
jiad  in  their  power. 

1 

There  was  rest  in  the  Camp  of  the  Causeway 
ir  a  day  or  two;  but  these  were  very  gainful 
ays  for  Cortes,  as  not  only  did  his  new&friend 
nd  ally,  the  King  of  Tezcuco,  send  him  thirty 
lousand  warriors  under  the  command  of  his 
"other  Ixtlilxochitl,  called  by  Cortes  “Istri- 
ichil,  but  (such  are  the  charms  of  success  !)  the 
habitants  of  Xochimilco  and  of  certain  pueblos 
the  Otomies,  who  were  the  slaves  of  the  King 
Mexico,  joined  the  ranks  of  the  besiegers. 

Cortes,  finding  that  he  had  more  brigantines 
an  he  needed,  assigned  three  to  Sandoval  and 
Iree  to  Alvarado.  He  then  prepared  for  an- 


Result  of 
the  clay’s 
work. 


SECOND  GREAT  ATTACK. 


A  second 

great 

attack. 


62 


other  great  attack  upon  the  city,  telling  his  new 
Indian  allies  that  they  must  now  show  whether 
they  really  were  friends. 

Early  in  the  morning,  on  the  fourth  day  after 
the  entrance  into  the  city  above  recorded,  Cortes 
commenced  his  second  attack,  accompanied  by  a 
very  large  body  of  his  Indian  allies  ( que  era  infinita 
gente ).  The  short  respite,  however,  which  the 
Mexicans  had  enjoyed  in  these  three  days,  had 
enabled  them  to  undo  all  that  the  Spaniards  had 
done,  and  to  make  all  the  defences  much  stronger. 
The  result  was,  that  the  Spaniards  did  not 
advance  further  than  the  Plaza, — though  there, 
and  in  its  neighbourhood,  they  perpetrated  an 
act  of  destruction  which  went  to  the  hearts  of 
the  Mexicans.  Cortes  says  that  the  determina¬ 
tion  manifested  by  the  Mexicans  on  this  day  con¬ 
vinced  him  of  two  things : — that  there  would  be 
very  little  spoil,  and  that  the  Mexicans  would 
have  to  be  totally  destroyed.*  His  efforts,  there- 


*  “  Yiendo  que  estos  de  la  Ciudad  estabau  rebeldes,  y 
mostraban  tanta  determinacion  de  morir,  b  defenderse, 
colegi  de  ell  os  dos  cosas :  la  una,  que  habiamos  de  haber 
poca,  b  ninguna  de  la  riqueza,  que  nos  liabian  tornado ; 
y  la  otra,  que  daban  ocasion,  y  nos  forzaban  a  que  total  - 
mente  les  destruyessemos.” — Lorenzana,  p.  254. 


DESTRUCTION  OF  BUILDINGS. 


63 


fore,  were  now  directed  to  see  how  he  could 
mortify  and  depress  them  most,  and  so  bring 
them,  as  he  says,  to  a  perception  of  their  error. 
With  this  view,  he  on  this,  day  caused  the  palace 
of  Montezuma’s  father  to  be  destroyed,  that 
palace  where  the  Spaniards  had  been  so  hospi¬ 
tably  received  on  their  first  coming  to  Mexico. 
The  Spaniards  also  destroyed  some  adjacent  build¬ 
ings,  which,  though  they  were  somewhat  smaller 
than  the  palace,  were  even  more  delightful  and 
beautiful  (mas  frescas  y  gentiles ),  and  in  which 
Montezuma  had  placed  his  aviary.  This  destruc¬ 
tion  must  have  been  a  pitiable  sight,  and  Cortes 
was  doubtless  sincere  in  expressing  great  regret 
at  being  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  such  a  pro¬ 
ceeding.  He  had,  however,  the  conqueror’s  ready 
excuse,  that,  though  it  distressed  him,  it  dis¬ 
tressed  the  enemy  much  more.*  Havinor  set  fire 
to  these  buildings,  the  Spaniards  retired,  the 
Mexicans  attacking  them  in  the  rear  with  great 

Y  aunque  a  mi  me  peso  mucho  de  ello,  porque  a 
|  ellos  les  pesaba  mucho  mas,  determine  de  las  quemar, 
de  que  los  Enemigos  mostraron  harto  pesar,  y  tambien 

I  los  otros  sus  Aliados  de  las  Ciudades  de  la  Laguna.” _ 

Lorenzana,  p.  255. 


The  palace 
of  Monte¬ 
zuma’s 
father  de¬ 
stroyed. 


Also  the 
Aviary. 


64 


FBOGBESS  OF  SIEGE . 


fury.  But  the  culminating  point  of  vexation  for 
the  Mexicans,  on  that  day,  must  have  been  to  see 

f 

their  former  slaves,  the  Otomies,  ranged  against 
them.  Bitter  were  the  cannibal  threats  which 
passed  between  the  Mexicans  and  the  Indian 
allies  of  the  Spaniards. 

# 

The  next  day,  very  early,  after  having  heard 
mass,  which  was  never  omitted,  the  Spaniards 
returned  to  the  attack,  and,  early  though  it  was, 
the  indefatigable  Mexicans  had  repaired  two- 
thirds  of  all  that  the  Spaniards  had  destroyed  on 
the  preceding  day.  The  Spaniards  obtained  no 
signal  success  this  day,  nor  indeed  for  many  days 
together,  though  each  day  they  destroyed  much, 
and  made  some  further  advance  into  the  town. 
This  comparative  slowness  of  movement  is  partly 
to  be  accounted  for  by  their  ammunition  falling 
short.  Notwithstanding  this,  the  Spanish  division 
under  Cortes  succeeded  in  taking  several  bridges 

O  o 

which  were  in  one  of  the  principal  streets, — 
namely,  that  which  led  to  Tlacuba.  It  was  a 
great  object  to  gain  this  street,  in  order  to  effect 
a  communication  between  the  two  camps  of  Cortes 
and  Alvarado.  Each  day,  the  proceedings  were 
very  much  like  those  on  the  first  day,  which  I 


NEW  ALLIANCES . 


65 


have  described  in  detail.  In  the  evening  the 
Spaniards  retreated,  and  then  the  Mexicans  pur¬ 
sued  them  fiercely  ;  “  gluttonously  ”  is  the  apt 
word  which  Cortes  employs  in  speaking  of  this 
cannibal  people.* 

Meanwhile,  the  inhabitants  of  the  cities  bor¬ 
dering  on  the  lake,  appreciating  the  success  of 
the  Spanish  General,  came  and  demanded  pardon 
for  their  past  offences,  and  offered  alliance  for  the 
future.  Cortes  employed  them  most  usefully  in 
providing  some  shelter  for  his  troops  encamped 
on  the  causeway.  He  takes  this  opportunity  of 
illustrating,  in  his  letter  to  Charles  the  Fifth, 
the  magnitude  of  the  causeway,  stating  that  the 
little  town  which  was  built  to  shelter  the  Span¬ 
iards  and  their  allies,  in  all  two  thousand  men,| 
was  placed  entirely  on  the  causeway,  there  being 
room  for  a  house  on  each  side,  and  for  a  road 
between,  which  was  sufficiently  wide  for  men  and 
horses  to  move  along  it  “  much  at  their  ease.”  f 

*  “  Como  ellos  venian  tan  golosos  tras  nosotros.” — 
Lorenzana,  p.  258. 

t  The  main  body  was  always  stationed  at  Cuyoacan. 

+  “  Y  vea  Yuestra  Magestad,  que  tan  ancha  puedeser 
la  Calzada,  que  va  por  lo  mas  hondo  de  la  Laguna,  que 

II.  F 


New 

alliances. 


Magnitude 
of  the 
causeway. 


Trials  of 
the  men  in 
Alvarado’s 
division. 


66  TRIALS  OF  MEN 

It  remains  now  to  be  seen  what  the  other 
divisions  of  the  besiegers  had  been  able  to  effect ; 
and  as,  fortunately,  Bernal  Diaz  was  in  Alva¬ 
rado’s  division,  we  have  a  good  account  of  what 
took  place  in  that  quarter.  Their  hardships  and 
difficulties  seem  to  have  exceeded  those  of  the 
division  which  Cortes  commanded.  They  were 
not  so  much  molested  from  the  flat  roofs  of 

houses :  but  the  breaches  in  the  causewav  on 
' *  * 

their  side  were  more  formidable,  and  their  first 
attacks  were  made  without  the  support  of  any 
brigantines.  Bernal  Diaz  gives  a  vivid  picture 
of  the  severe  toils  and  hardships  they  had  to 
endure.  He  speaks  of  their  many  wounds,*  of 
the  hail  of  darts,  arrows,  and  stones,  which  they 
had  to  encounter,  of  the  mortification  of  finding, 
after  they  had  gained  some  bridge-way  or  barri¬ 
cade  with  great  labour  in  the  course  of  any  day, 

de  la  una  parte,  y  de  la  otra  iban  estas  Casas,  y  quedaba 
en  medio  hecha  Calle,  que  muy  a  placer  a  pie,  y  a  caballo 
ibamos,  y  vemamos  por  ella.” — Lorenz  an  a,  p.  260. 

*  Each  day  a  new  standard-bearer  was  required. 
“  Pues  quiero  dezir  de  nuestros  Capitanes,  y  Alfereces, 
y  compaiieros  de  vandera,  que  saliamos  llenos  de  lieri- 
das,  y  las  vanderas  rotas,  y  digo,  que  cada  dia  aviamos 
meuester  un  Alferez.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  151. 


IN  ALVARADO'S  DIVISION. 


67 


that  the  same  work  had  to  be  done  again  the  next 
morning.  He  also  mentions  the  poorness  of  their 
food,  which  consisted  of  maize  cakes,  some  herbs 
called  quilites,  and  cherries.  He  describes  the 
unwearied  resolution  and  the  craft  of  the  Mexi¬ 
cans:  how  they  dug  deep  pits  underneath  the 
water,  so  that  the  Spaniards,  m  their  daily  re¬ 
treats,  might  unadvisedly  fall  into  them  ;  and  how 
they  drove  stakes  into  the  bed  of  the  lake,  which 
prevented  the  brigantines  from  approaching. 

At  last,  Alvarado  took  a  step  somewhat 
similar  to  that  which  Cortes  had  adopted  from  the 
first,  namely,  making  a  small  camp  on  the  cause¬ 
way,  in  a  spot  very  similar  to  that  which  Cortes 
had  chosen,  where  there  were  some  idol-towers, 
and  an  open  place  in  which  the  Spaniards  could 
build  their  huts.  These  huts,  however,  having 
been  hastily  thrown  up,  were  no  defence  against 
the  wet;  and,  after  a  hard  day’s  fighting  the 
soldiers  had  to  tend  their  wounds*  amidst  rain 


dhc  division  of  Pedro  de  -Alvarado  had,  however, 
one  great  advantage  in  a  soldier  named  Juan  Catalan, 
jwho  cured  wounds  by  making  the  sign  of  the  cross  over 


them,  and  by  incantation. 

I  Juan  Catalan  que  nos  las 


“  Un  soldado  que  se  dezia 
santiguava,  y  ensalmava,  y 


68 


MODE  OF  BELIEVING  GUARD. 


Mode  of 
relieving 
guard. 


wind,  and  cold,  which  they  did  in  the  roughest 
manner,  burning  them  with  hot  oil,  and  then 
compressing  them  with  the  blankets  of  the  country, 
after  which  they  ate,  amid  great  heaps  of  mud, 
what  Bernal  Diaz  calls,  “  those  wretched  maize 
cakes”  ( essa  miseria  de  tortillas ). 

Of  these  things,  however,  they  would  probably 
have  thought  but  little,  but  for  the  extreme  se¬ 
verity  of  the  out-post  duty,  which  was  managed 
in  the  following  manner.  When  they  had  taken 
any  barricade,  bridge,  or  difficult  pass,  forty  soldiers 
kept  guard  there  from  evening  until  midnight ; 
these  were  then  relieved  by  forty  other  soldiers, 
who  watched  from  midnight  until  two  o’clock. 
This  second  watch  was  called,  in  the  Spanish 
armies,  “  the  watch  of  lethargy,”  or  more  gene¬ 
rally,  as  soldiers  are  given  to  be  brief,  “  the 
lethargy  ”  (la  modorra ).  The  first  forty  soldiers, 
when  relieved,  were  not  allowed  to  return  to  the 
camp,  but  lay  down  where  they  were,  and  went 

verdaderamente  digo,  que  hallavamos  que  Nuestro  Senor 
Jesu  Christo  era  servido  de  darnos  esfuer<jo  demas  de 
las  muchas  mercedes  que  cada  dia  nos  hazia,  y  de  presto 
sanavan.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  151.  In  those  days  any 
escape  from  a  regular  practitioner  was  a  great  blessing. 


MEXICAN  AMBUSCADE.  69 

* 

\ 

to  sleep.  At  two  o'clock  another  company  of 
forty  soldiers  relieved  guard  in  the  same  fashion, 
so  that  at  break  of  day  there  were  a  hundred  and 
twenty  soldiers  at  the  pass.  On  those  nights 
when  an  attack  was  apprehended,  which  was 

often  the  case,  the  whole  company  watched 
throughout  the  night. 

It  may  easily  be  imagined  that  soldiers  en¬ 
during  daily  such  hardships  would  make  tre¬ 
mendous  efforts  to  bring  the  siege  to  a  conclu¬ 
sion,  which  would  sometimes  be  very  imprudent 
and  lead  to  signal  reverses.  So  it  fared  with 
Alvarado  s  troops,  for  whom  the  Mexicans  laid  a  Mexicans 
very  crafty  ambuscade.  In  a  deep  and  broad  ambuscade 
aperture  of  the  causeway,  where  there  had  been  do's  troops, 
a  bridge,  they  made  holes,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
placed  stakes  to  prevent  the  brigantines  from 
acting,  also  fortifying  the  side  of  the  aperture 
which  they  occupied.  They  then  disposed  their 
force  in  the  following  manner.  They  posted  one 
division  at  the  aperture  ;  another  at  a  spot  within 
the  town ;  and  a  third  was  appointed  to  take  the 
Spaniards  in  the  rear  from  Tlacuba.*  The  attack 


*  It  would  seem,  therefore,  that  the  investment  of 


70 


MEXICAN  AMBUSCADE. 


then  commenced.  The  Spaniards  repelled  the 
first  division  of  the  Mexicans,  and  passed  over 
this  aperture  at  a  spot  where  it  was  tolerably  easy 
to  ford,  and  where  -the  holes  had  not  been  dug. 
Meanwhile,  the  third  division  of  the  Mexicans, 
acting  in  the  rear,  occupied  all  the  attention  of 
the  Spanish  cavalry.  Alvarado,  unlike  the  pru¬ 
dent  Cortes,  had  not  taken  any  step  to  see  that  a 
road  lay  open  for  retreat,  and  nothing  was  done 
to  the  aperture  after  it  had  been  passed  by  the 
infantry.  The  victorious  Spaniards  pressed  for¬ 
wards  into  the  town,  gained  two  barricades,  and 
found  themselves  in  the  midst  of  some  large 
houses*  and  oratory  towers.  At  this  spot,  nu- 


Mexico  was  yet  incomplete,  unless,  indeed,  there  was 
some  side  street  unobserved  by  the  Spaniards,  by  which 
the  Mexicans  could  approach  that  part  of  the  cause¬ 
way  which  was  near  Alvarado’s  camp. 

*  It  is  very  desirable,  both  for  the  purposes  of  this 
si eo-e.  and  also  in  order  to  understand  the  degree  of  civi- 
lization  to  which  the  Mexicans  had  attained  in  some 
things,  to  try  and  form  some  idea  of  their  houses.  The 
best  account  of  a  Mexican  house  which  I  have  met  with, 
is  to  be  found  in  the  letter  sent  by  the  town  council  of 
Vera  Cruz  to  Charles  the  Fifth,  immediately  after  the 
founding  of  that  town.  This  account  had  reference  onljrj 
to  the  houses  in  the  country  towns,  or  in  the  country, 


MEXICAN  AMBUS C ABE. 


71 


merous  bands  of  warriors  poured  out  from  their 
hiding-place ;  those  Mexicans  who  had  fled 
before  the  Spaniards,  having  drawn  them  on 
sufficiently,  now  turned  upon  them;  and  the 

which  the  expedition  had  seen  on  its  way  from  Cozumel 
to  Yera  Cruz.  It  begins  thus  :  “  There  are  certain  large 
and  well-arranged  pueblos  :  the  houses,  in  those  parts 
where  thej  ha^  e  stone,  are  built  of  lime  and  squared 
stone;  and  the  rooms  are  small  and  low,  very  much 
after  the  Moorish  fashion  (muy  amoriscados ) ;  and  in 
those  parts  where  they  have  no  stone,  they  build  their 
houses  of  sun-burnt  bricks,  and  plaster  them  over,  and 
the  loofs  are  of  straw.  There  are  houses  belonging  to 
the  chiefs  which  are  very  airy,  and  with  many  rooms, 
for  we  have  seen  more  than  six  court-yards  (patois)  in 

some  houses,  and  the  apartments  very  well  arranged _ 

each  principal  service  by  itself  (“  cada  principal  servicio 
yue  ha  de  ser  por  si  j  and  within  the  houses  are  wells 
and  tanks  (albergas)  also  rooms  for  the  slaves  and  people 
of  service,  of  whom  they  have  many.  Outside  these 
houses,  at  the  entrance,  there  is  a  large  raised  court,  or 
even  more  than  one,  ascended  by  steps,  and  very  well 
built,  where  they  have  their  mosques,  and  their  orato¬ 
ries,  and  their  terraced  walks,  which  go  all  round,  and 
are  very  broad,  and  there  they  keep  their  idols,  made  of 
stone,  or  wood,  or  clay.” — Doc.  Ined .,  tom.  i.  p.  454. 

It  may  be  conjectured  that  many  of  the  private  houses 

in  the  capital  were  still  better  built :  and  it  will  be  easilv 

%* 

seen  that  such  houses  were  soon  convertible  into  for¬ 
tresses.  I  eter  Martyr,  obtaining  his  intelligence  from 


72 


ALVARADO  RUT  TO  FLIGHT. 


Alvarado’s 
division 
put  to 
flight. 


Spaniards,  unable  to  resist  the  combined  attack, 
were  soon  put  to  flight.  On  fighting  their  way- 
back  to  the  great  aperture,  they  found  that  the 
fordable  part  of  it  was  occupied  by  a  fleet  of 
canoes,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to  pass  where 
the  Mexicans  had  made  the  passage  most  dan¬ 
gerous.  Here  the  enemy  succeeded  in  laying 
hold  of  five  Spaniards  (it  was  always  their  object 
to  take  them  alive  for  sacrifice),  and  the  historian 
himself  with  much  difficulty  escaped  from  their 
grasp.  He  tells  us,  that  when  he  reached  dry 
land  he  fell  senseless,  overcome  by  the  loss  of 
blood,  and  by  the  exertions  he  had  made ;  “  And 
I  say,”  he  adds,  “  that  when  they  clawed  hold  of 
me,  in  thought  I  commended  myself  to  Our  Lord 
God  and  to  Our  Lady  his  Blessed  Mother,  and  1 
put  forth  my  strength,  whereby  I  saved  myself, 
thanks  be  to  God  for  the  mercies  which  he  shows 
unto  me.” 

The  Mexicans,  emboldened  by  their  success, 
made  a  vigorous  attack  upon  Alvarado’s  camp 
that  day,  but  were  repelled  by  cannon. 

one  of  the  messengers  sent  to  Charles  the  Fifth  by 
Cortes,  says  that  the  roofs  of  the  Mexican  houses  were 
made  of  a  bituminous  substance :  “  Tecta  non  tegulis 
scd  bitumine  quodam  terreo  vestiunt.” — Dec.  v.  cap.  10. 


SIS  CAMP  ATTACKED. 


73 


Cortes  was  very  angry  when  he  heard  of  this 
disaster,  and  gave  orders  that,  henceforward,  on 


no  occasion  should  the  Spaniards  advance  without 
securing  a  pathway  for  their  retreat.  He  went 
over  himself  to  see  Alvarado’s  camp.  But  when 


74  TEHEE. FOURTHS  OF  CITY  TAREK. 


Three- 
fourths  of 
the  city 
taken. 


he  found  how  much  they  had  done,  and  how  far 
they  had  advanced,  he  could  not  blame  them,  he 

0 

said,  as  much  as  he  had  done.  In  truth,  by  this 
time,  three-fourths  of  the  city  had  been  taken, 
that  is,  three-fourths  in  magnitude,  but  not  in 
density,  for  the  densest  part  of  the  population  lay 
in  the  district  of  the  city,  called  Tlatelulco,  round 
about  the  market-place,  which  was  the  oldest 
part  of  the  town. 

The  camp  of  Gonsalvo  de  Sandoval  was  not 
blessed  with  a  chronicler,  and  so  we  do  not  know 
anything  of  what  passed  in  it ;  but  we  may  con¬ 
clude,  from  the  well- approved  valour  of  its  com¬ 
mander,  that  it  was  a  worthy  rival  to  the  others 
in  heroic  deeds. 

The  great  aperture,  which  had  already  cost 
several  lives  to  Alvarado’s  division,  was  not  filled 

up  without  the  loss  of  six  more  Spanish  soldiers 

* 

and  four  days  of  time.  No  mention  is  made  of  the 
loss  of  the  Tlascalans,  which,  no  doubt,  was  very 
severe,  for  they  fought  with  exceeding  bravery  * 
throughout  the  war  ;  but  in  any  retreat — and  the 


*  “  Nuestros  amigos  los  de  Tlascala  nos  ayudavan  en 
toda  laguerramui  como  varones.” — Beknal  Diaz,  cap.  151. 


BRAVERY  OF  TL AS G ALANS. 


75 


close  of  each  day  was  generally  a  retreat  with  the 
Spaniards — these  allies  were  a  terrible  embarrass¬ 
ment,  and  the  first  object  was  to  clear  the  cause¬ 
way  of  them  before  the  Mexicans  came  down  with 
the  final  tiger-like*  spring  with  which  they  were 
wont  to  wind  up  the  day’s  fighting. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  check  which 
Alvarado’s  division  had  received,  was  altogether 
owing  to  his  thoughtlessness.  There  was  a  keen 
rivalry  amongst  the  several  divisions ;  and  it  was 
a  point  of  honour  with  them,  which  should  gain 
the  market-place  first.  Now,  to  enter  the  market¬ 
place,  it  was  necessary  to  penetrate  amongst  an 
“  infinite  ”  number  of  azoteas,  bridges,  and  broken 
causeways :  indeed,  each  house  was  a  sort  of  island 
fortress. f  The  commanders  had  to  endure  much 
importunity  from  their  men :  «  Why  not,”  they  the 
doubtless  exclaimed,  “  make  a  continuous  attack,  soldiers 
instead  of  withdrawing  in  this  way  each  day,  and *  1 

*  “  Yenian  tan  bravosos  como  tigres,  y  pie  con  pie  se 
jnntaron  con  nosotros.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  151. 

I  En  tal  mancra,  gue  en  cada  Gasa,  por  donde  ba- 
biamos  de  ir,  estaba  hecha  como  Isla  en  medio  do  cl 
Agua.”— Lorenzana,  p.  263. 


76 


REASONS  FOR  RETREAT. 


Reasons  of 
Cortes  for 
retreating 
every 
evening. 


having  so  much  of  our  work  to  do  over  and  over 
again?”  Cortes  himself  felt  that  remarks  of  this 
kind  would  occur  to  any  reader  of  his  despatches ; 
and,  accordingly,  he  informs  the  Emperor,  that 
what  looked  so  feasible  could  not  be  done,  for  two 
reasons.  If  they  did  not  retreat  at  night-fall, 
as  had  been  their  practice,  they  must  either  move 
their  camp  into  the  Plaza,  or  into  the  square  of 
the  great  Temple,  and  thus  they  would  be  in  the 
midst  of  the  enemy,  and  liable  to  attack  from 
morning  till  night.  Or,  on  the  other  hand,  they 
must  keep  their  camp  where  it  was,  and  establish 
outposts  at  the  passes  which  they  gained, — and  if 
this  latter  alternative  were  adopted,  he  thought 
there  would  be  too  much  work  for  the  men,  and 
such  as  they  could  not  endure.*  It  may  be  in¬ 
ferred  from  this  explanation,  that  Cortes  was 


*  “  Porque  teniendo  el  Real  eii  la  Ciudad  cada  noche, 
y  cada  hora,  como  ellos  eran  muchos,  y  nosotros  pocos, 
nos  dicran  mil  rebatos,  y  pelearan  con  nosotros,  y  fuera 
el  trabajo  incomportable,  y  podian  darnos  por  muchas 
partes.  Pues  guardar  las  Puentes  Gente  de  nochc, 
quedaban  los  Espanoles  tan  cansados  de  pelear  el  dia, 
quo  no  se  podia  sufrir  poner  Gente  en  guarda  de  ellos.” 
— Lorenz  ana,  p.  257. 


IMPATIENCE  OF  SOLDIERS.  77 

more  careful  of  his  troops  than  Alvarado  of  his  : 

we  have  already  seen  what  severe  watches  were 

requisite  in  that  division,  and  how  ill  the  men 
fared. 

The  impatience  of  the  soldiers  grew  to  a  great 
height,  and  was  supported  in  an  official  quarter, 

by  no  less  a  person  than  Alderete,  the  King’s 

Treasurer.  Cortes  gave  way,  against  his  own 

judgment,  to  their  importunities.  There  had  all 

along  been  a  reason  for  his  reluctance,  which, 

probably,  he  did  not  communicate  to  his  men: 

namely,  that  he  had  not  abandoned  the  hope  that 

the  enemy  would  still  come  to  terms.  “  Finally,” 

he  says,  “  they  pressed  me  so  much  that  I  gave 
way.” 

The  attack  was  to  be  a  general  one,  in  which  a  general 
the  divisions  of  Sandoval  and  Alvarado  were  to  resolved 
co-operate ;  but  Cortes,  with  that  knowledge  of  upon- 
character  which  belonged  to  him,  particularly 
explained,  that,  though  his  general  orders  were 
for  them  to  press  into  the  market-place,  they 
were  not  obliged  to  gain  a  single  difficult  pass 
which  laid  them  open  to  defeat ;  «  For,”  he  says, 

I  knew,  from  the  men  they  were,  that  they 
would  advance  to  whatever  spot  I  told  them  to 


78 


DISPOSITION  OF  FORGES. 


9 


Disposi¬ 
tions  on 
the  side  of 
Cortes  for 
the  attack. 


gain,  even  if  they  knew  that  it  would  cost  them 
their  lives.”* 

On  the  appointed  day,  Cortes  moved  from  his 
camp,  supported  by  seven  brigantines,  and  by 
more  than  three  thousand  canoes  filled  with  his 
Indian  allies.  When  his  soldiers  reached  the. 
entrance  of  the  city,  he  divided  them  in  the  fol¬ 
lowing:  manner.  There  were  three  streets  which 
led  to  the  market-place  from  the  position  which 
the  Spaniards  had  already  gained.  Along  the 
principal  street,  the  King’s  Treasurer,  with 
seventy  Spaniards,  and  fifteen  or  twenty  thou¬ 
sand  allies,  was  to  make  his  way.  His  rear  was 
to  be  protected  by  a  small  guard  of  horsemen. 

The  other  two  streets  were  smaller,  and  led 
from  the  street  of  Tlacuba  to  the  market-place. 

Along:  the  broader  of  these  two  streets,  Cortes 

• 

sent  two  of  his  principal  captains,  with  eighty 
Spaniards  and  ten  thousand  Indians  ;  he  himself, 
with  eight  horsemen,  seventy-five  foot-soldiers, 
twenty-five  musketeers,  and  an  “  infinite  number  ” 


*  “  Conocia  de  sus  Personas,  que  habian  de  poner  el 
rostro,  donde  yo  les  dijesse,  aunque  supiessen  perder  las 
vidas.” — Loeenzana,  p.  265. 


GREAT  ATTACK  COMMENCED. 


79 


of  allies,  was  to  enter  the  narrower  street.  At 
the  entrance  to  the  street  of  Tlacuba,  he  left  two 
large  cannon  with  eight  horsemen  to  guard  them, 
and  at  the  entrance  of  his  own  street,  he  also  left 
eight  horsemen  to  protect  the  rear. 

The  Spaniards  and  their  allies  made  their  The  great 
entrance  into  the  city  with  even  more  success  “ed™ 
and  less  embarrassment  than  on  previous  occa¬ 
sions.  Bridges  and  barricades  were  gained,  and 
the  three  main  bodies  of  the  army  moved  forwards 
into  the  heart  of  the  city.  The  ever-prudent 
Cortes  did  not  follow  his  division,  but  remained 
with  a  small  body-guard  of  twenty  Spaniards  Cortes  in 
m  a  little  island  formed  by  the  intersection  aniS‘et' 
of  certain  water  streets,  whence  he  encouraged 
the  allies,  who  were  occasionally  beaten  back 
by  the  Mexicans,  and  where  he  could  protect 
his  own  troops  against  any  sudden  descent  of  the 
enemy  from  certain  side  streets. 

He  now  received  a  message  from  those  Spanish 
;roops  who  had  made  a  rapid  and  successful  ad¬ 
vance  into  the  heart  of  the  town,  informing  him  His  men 
hat  they  were  not  far  from  the  market-place,  tfprSTon 
nd  that  they  wished  to  have  his  permission  to 
’ush  onwards,  as  they  already  heard  the  noise  of 


80  MEN  WISH  TO  PRESS  ON. 


the  combats  which  the  Alguazil  Mayor  and  Pedro 
de  Alvarado  were  waging  from  their  respective 


stations.  To  this  message  Cortes  returned  for 
answer  that  on  no  account  should  they  niovej 


81 


PATHWAY  NOT  MADE  GOOD. 

forwards  without  first  filling  up  the  apertures 
thoroughly.  They  sent  an  answer  back,  stating 
that  they  had  made  completely  passable  all  the 
ground  they  had  gained  ;  and  that  he  might  come 
and  see  whether  it  were  not  so. 

Cortes,  like  a  wise  commander,  not  inclined  to 
admit  anything  as  a  fact  upon  the  statement  of 
others  which  could  be  verified  by  personal  in¬ 
spection,  took  them  at  their  word,  and  did  move 
on  to  see  what  sort  of  pathway  they  had  made ; 
when,  to  his  dismay,  he  came  in  sight  of  a  breach  They  had 
in  the  causeway,  of  considerable  magnitude,  being 
ten  or  twelve  paces  in  width,  and  which,  far  from  Pathway- 
being  filled  up  with  solid  material,  had  been 
passed  upon  wood  and  reeds,  and  was  entirely 
insecure  in  case  of  retreat.  The  Spaniards,  “  in¬ 
toxicated  with  victory,”  as  their  Commander  de¬ 
scribes  them,  had  rushed  on,  imagining  that  they 
left  behind  them  a  sufficient  pathway. 

There  was  now  no  time  to  remedy  this  la¬ 
mentable  error,  for  when  Cortes  arrived  near  this 
bridge  of  affliction,”  as  he  calls  it,  he  saw  many 
if  the  Spaniards  and  the  allies  retreating  to¬ 
wards  it,  and  when  he  came  up  close  to  it,  he 
ound  the  bridge-way  broken  down,  and  the  whole 


82 


URGENT  PERIL 


Cortes  in 

urgent 

peril. 


•  \ 


aperture  so  full  of  Spaniards  and  Indians,  that 
there  was  not  room  for  a  straw  to  float  upon 
the  surface  of  the  water.  The  peril  wTas  so  im¬ 
minent,  that  Cortes  not  only  thought  that  the 
Conquest  of  Mexico  was  gone,  but  that  the  term 
of  his  life  as  well  as  of  his  victories  had  come ; 
and  he  resolved  to  die  there  fighting.  All  that 
he  could  do  at  first  was  to  help  his  men  out  of  the 
water;  and,  meanwhile,  the  Mexicans  charged 
upon  them  in  such  numbers,  that  he  and  his  little 
party  were  entirely  surrounded.  The  enemy 
seized  upon  his  person,  and  would  have  carried 
him  off,  but  for  the  resolute  bravery  of  some  of 
his  guard,  one  of  whom  lost  his  life  there  in  suc¬ 
couring  his  master.  The  greatest  aid,  however, 
that  Cortes  had  at  this  moment  of  urgent  peril, 
was  the  cruel  superstition  of  the  Mexicans,  which 
made  them  wish  to  take  Malinche  alive,  and 
grudge  the  death  of  an  enemy  in  any  other  way 
than  that  of  sacrifice  to  their  detestable  gods.  The 
captain  of  the  body-guard  seized  hold  of  Cortes, 
and  insisted  upon  his  retreating,  declaring  that 
upon  his  life  depended  the  lives  of  all  of  them. 
Cortes,  though  at  the  moment  he  felt  that  he 
should  have  delighted  more  in  death  than  life, 


OF  CORTES. 


83 


gave  way  to  the  importunity  of  this  captain,  and 
of  other  Spaniards  who  were  near,  and  commenced 


i  retreat  for  his  life.  His  flight  was  along  a  nar- 
ow  causeway  at  the  same  level  as  the  water,  an 


84 


ESCAPE  OF  CORTES. 


His  escape. 


Cortes 
gains  the 
street  of 
Tlacuba. 


A  lvarado’s 
division. 


additional  circumstance  of  danger,  which,  to  use 
his  expression  about  them,  those  “  dogs  ”  had  con¬ 
trived  against  the  Spaniards.  The  Mexican  canoes 
approached  this  causeway  on  both  sides,  and  the 
slaughter  they  were  thus  enabled  to  commit,  both 
among  the  allies  and  the  Spaniards,  was  very 
great.  Meanwhile,  two  or  three  horses  were  sent 
to  aid  Cortes  in  his  retreat,  and  a  youth  upon  one 
of  them  contrived  to  reach  him,  though  the  others 
were  lost.  At  last  he  and  a  few  of  his  men  sucJ 
ceeded  in  fighting  their  way  to  the  broad  street 
of  Tlacuba,  where,  like  a  brave  captain,  instead 
of  continuing  his  flight,  he  and  the  few  horsemen 
who  were  with  him  turned  round  and  formed  a 
rear-guard  to  protect  his  retreating  troops.  Hej 
also  sent  immediate  orders  to  the  King’s  Trea¬ 
surer  and  the  other  commanders  to  make  good 
their  retreat ;  orders  the  force  of  which  was  much 
heightened  by  the  sight  of  two  or  three  Spaniards 
heads  which  the  Mexicans,  who  were  fighting  be¬ 
hind  a  barricade,  threw  amongst  the  besiegers. 

We  must  now  see  how  it  fared  with  the  other 
divisions.  Alvarado’s  men  had  prospered  in  theii 
attack,  and  were  steadily  advancing  towards  the 
market-place,  when,  all  of  a  sudden,  they  foum) 


ALVARADO  RETREATS. 


85 


themselves  encountered  by  an  immense  body  of 
Mexican  troops,  splendidly  accoutred,  who  threw 
before  them  five  heads  of  Spaniards,  and  kept 
shouting  out  “  Thus  will  we  slay  you,  as  we  have 
slain  Malinche  and  Sandoval,  whose  heads  these 
are.”  With  these  words  they  commenced  an 
attack  of  such  fury,  and  came  so  closely  to  hand 
with  the  Spaniards,  that  they  could  not  use  their 
cross-bows,  their  muskets,  nor  even  their  swords. 

One  thing,  however,  was  in  their  favour.  The 
difficulty  of  their  retreat  was  always  greatly 
enhanced  by  the  number  of  their  allies ;  but  on 
this  occasion  the  Tlascalans  no  sooner  saw  the 
bleeding  heads,  and  heard  the  menacing  words  The 

of  the  Mexicans,  than  they  cleared  themselves  retreat  m 
off  the  causeway  with  all  possible  speed.  haste‘ 

The  Spaniards,  therefore,  were  able  to  retreat 
m  good  order ;  and  their  dismay  did  not  take  the 
form  of  panic,  even  when  they  heard  from  the 
summit  of  the  Temple  the  tones  of  that  awful 
drum  made  of  serpents’  skin,  which  gave  forth  the 
most  melancholy  sound  imaginable,  and  which  was 
audible  at  two  or  three  leagues’  distance.*  This 


*  “  Tanian  an  atambor  de  mui  triste  sonido,  en  fin 


86 


SACRIFICE  OF  CAPTIVES. 


The  Mexi¬ 
can  King 
sounds  his 
horn. 


was  the  signal  of  sacrifice,  and  at  that  moment 
ten  human  hearts,  the  hearts  of  their  companions, 
were  being  offered  up  to  the  Mexican  deities. 

A  more  dangerous,  though  not  more  dreadful, 
sound  was  now  to  be  heard.  This  was  the  blast 

i 

of  a  horn  sounded  by  no  less  a  personage  than 
the  Mexican  King — which  signified  that  his 
captains  were  to  succeed  or  die.  The  mad  fury 
with  which  the  Mexican  troops  now  rushed  upon 
the  Spaniards  was  “an  awful  thing”  to  see  ;  and 
the  historian,  who  was  present  at  the  scene,  writing 
in  his  old  age,  exclaims,  that,  though  he  cannot 
describe  it,  yet,  when  he  comes  to  think  of  it,  it 
is  as  if  it  were  “visibly”  before  him,* *  so  deep 
was  the  impression  it  had  made  upon  his  mind. 

But  the  Spaniards  were  not  raw  troops ;  and 
terror,  however  great,  was  not  able  to  overcome 
their  sense  of  discipline  and  their  duty  to  each 
other  as  comrades.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  Mexi- 

como  instrumento  de  demonios,  y  retumbava  tanto,  que 
se  oia  dos,  o  tres  leguas,  y  juntamente  con  el  muclios 
atabalejos.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  152. 

*  “  Con  que  rabia  y  esfuer^o  se  metian  entre  nosotros 
a  nos  eckar  mano,  cs  cosa  de  espanto,  porque  yo  no  lo 
se  aqui  escrivir,  que  aora  que  me  pongo  a  pensar  en  ello, 
escomosivisiblementelo  viesse.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  152. 


SANDOVAL  RE  TILLS. 


87 


cans  rushed  upon  them  “  as  a  conquered  thing  ” 
(corno  cosa  vencida) ;  they  reached  their  station, 
served  their  cannon  steadily — although  they  had 
to  renew  their  artillerymen, — and  maintained 
their  ground. 

The  appalling  stratagem  adopted  by  the  Mexi¬ 
cans  of  throwing  down  before  one  division  of 
the  Spanish  army  some  of  the  heads  of  the  pri¬ 
soners  they  had  taken  from  another  division,  and 
shouting  that  these  were  the  heads  of  the  principal 
commanders  —  was  pursued  with  great  success. 
They  were  thus  enabled  to  discourage  Sandoval, 
and  to  cause  him  to  retreat  with  loss  towards  his 
quarters.  They  even  tried  with  success  the  same 
stratagem  upon  Cortes,  throwing  before  his  camp, 
to  which  he  had  at  last  retreated,  certain  bleeding 
heads,  which,  they  said,  were  those  of  “  Tona- 
tiuh  ”  (Alvarado),  Sandoval,  and  the  other  tenles. 
Then  it  was  that  Cortes  felt  more  dismay  than 
ever,  “  though,”  says  the  honest  chronicler,  who 
did  not  like  the  man,  however  much  he  admired 
the  soldier,  “  not  in  such  a  manner  that  those  who 
were  with  him  should  perceive  in  it  much  weak¬ 
ness.”* 

*  “  Entonces  dizen,  que  desmayo  Cortes  mucko  mas 


Sandoval's 

division 

retires. 


88 


MEETING  OF 


Meeting  of 
Sandoval 
and  Cortes 
after  the 
defeat. 


After  Sandoval  had  made  good  his  retreat,  he 
set  off,  accompanied  by  a  few  horsemen,  for  the 
camp  of  Cortes,  and  had  an  interview  with  him, 
of  which  the  following  account  is  given.  “  0  Sehor 
Captain  !  what  is  this  ?  ”  exclaimed  Sandoval ; 
“  are  these  the  great  counsels,  and  the  artifices  of 
war  which  you  have  always  been  wont  to  show 
us?  How  has  this  disaster  happened  ?”  Cortes 
replied,  “0  son  Sandoval !  my  sins  have  permitted 
this ;  but  I  am  not  so  culpable  in  the  business  as 
they  may  make  out,  for  it  is  the  fault  of  the  Trea¬ 
surer,  Juan  de  Alderete,  whom  I  charged  to  fill 
up  that  difficult  pass  where  they  routed  us,  but 
he  did  not  do  so,  for  he  is  not  accustomed  to  wars, 
nor  to  be  commanded  by  superior  officers.”  At 
this  point  of  the  conference,  the  Treasurer  himself, 
who  had  approached  the  captains  in  order  to  learn 
Sandoval’s  news,  exclaimed,  that  it  was  Cortes 
himself  who  was  to  blame ;  that  he  had  encou¬ 
raged  his  men  to  go  forward  ;  that  he  had  not 
charged  them  to  fill  up  the  bridges  and  bad 


de  lo  que  antes  estava  el,  y  los  que  consigo  traia,  mas 
no  de  manera  que  sintiessen  en  el  mucha  flaqueza.” — 
Bekxal  Diaz,  cap.  152. 


$ 


SANDOVAL  AND  CORTES. 


89 


passes, — if  he  had  done  so,  he  (the  Treasurer) 

with  his  company  would  have  done  it; _ and, 

moreover,  that  Cortes  had  not  cleared  the  cause¬ 
way  in  time,  of  his  Indian  allies.  Thus  they 
argued  and  disputed  with  one  another ;  for  hardly 
anyone  is  generous  in  defeat  to  those  with  whom 
he  has  acted.  Indeed,  a  generosity  of  this  How  few- 
kind,  which  will  not  allow  a  man  to  comment  £nt£"men 
severely  upon  the  errors  of  his  comrades  in  mis-  defeat, 
fortune,  is  so  rare  a  virtue,  that  it  scarcely  seems 
to  belong  to  this  planet. 

There  was  little  time,  however,  for  altercation, 
and  Cortes  was  not  the  man  to  indulge  in  more 
of  that  luxury  for  the  unfortunate  than  human 
nature  demanded.  He  had  received  no  tidings 
of  what  had  befallen  the  Camp  of  Tlacuba,  and 
thither  he  despatched  Sandoval,  embracing  him 
and  saying,  “  Look  you,  since  you  see  that  I 
cannot  go  to  all  parts,  I  commend  these  labours 
to  you,  for,  as  you  perceive,  I  am  wounded  and 
lame.  I  implore  you,  take  charge  of  these  three 
camps.*  I  well  know  that  Pedro  de  Alvarado 


Mira,  pues  veis  que  yo  no  puedo  ir  a  todas  partes, 
a  vos  os  encomiendo  estos  trabajos,  pues  veis  que  estoi 


90 


SANDOVAL  AT 


Sandoval  at 
Alvarado’s 
camp. 


and  his  soldiers  will  have  behaved  themselves  as 
cavaliers,  but  I  fear  lest  the  great  force  of  those 
dogs  should  have  routed  them.” 

The  scene  now  changes  to  the  ground  near 
Alvarado’s  camp.  Sandoval  succeeded  in  making 
his  way  there,  and  arrived  about  the  hour  of 
Vespers.  He  found  the  men  of  that  division  in 
the  act  of  repelling  a  most  vigorous  attack  on  the 
part  of  the  Mexicans,  who  had  hoped  that  night 
to  penetrate  into  the  camp  and  to  carry  off  all 
the  Spaniards  for  sacrifice.  The  enemy  were 
better  armed  than  usual,  some  of  them  using  the 
weapons  which  they  had  taken  from  the  soldiers 
of  Cortes.  At  last,  after  a  severe  conflict,  in 
which  Sandoval  himself  was  wounded,  and  in 
which  the  cannon  shots  did  not  suffice  to  break 
the  serried  ranks  of  the  Mexicans,*  the  Spaniards 
gained  their  quarters,  and,  being  under  shelter,  had 
some  respite  from  the  fury  of  the  Mexican  attack. 

There,  Sandoval,  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  and  the 
other  principal  captains,  were  standing  together 

herido  y  coxo;  ruego  os  pongais  cobro  en  estos  tres 

roales.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  152. 

*  “  For  mas  Mexicanos  que  llevavan  las  pelotas,  no 
les  podian  apartar.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  152. 


ALVARADO'S  CAMP. 


91 


and  relating  what  had  occurred  to  each  of  them, 
when,  suddenly,  the  sound  of  the  sacrificial  drum 
was  heard  again,  accompanied  by  other  musical 
instruments  of  a  similar  dolorous  character.  From 
the  Camp  of  Tlacuba  the  great  Temple  was  per¬ 
fectly  visible,  and,  when  the  Spaniards  looked  up 
at  it  for  an  interpretation  of  these  melancholy 
tones,  they  saw  their  companions  driven  by  blows 
and  bufferings  up  to  the  place  of  sacrifice.  The 
white-skinned  Christians  were  easily  to  be  dis- 
:  tinguished  amidst  the  dusky  groups  that  sur¬ 
rounded  them.  When  the  unhappy  men  about 
to  be  sacrificed  had  reached  the  lofty  level  space 
|  on  which  these  abominations  were  wont  to  be  com¬ 
mitted,  it  was  discerned  by  their  friends  and  late 
!  companions  that  plumes  of  feathers  were  put  upon 
the  heads  of  many  of  them,  and  that  men,  whose 
movements  in  the  distance  appeared  like  those  of 
winnowers,  made  the  captives  dance  before  the 
image  of  Huitzilopochtli.  When  the  dance  was 
concluded,  the  victims  were  placed  upon  the  sacri¬ 
ficial  stones ;  their  hearts  were  taken  out  and 
offered  to  the  idols ;  and  their  bodies  hurled  down 
the  steps  of  the  Temple.  At  the  bottom  of  the 
steps  stood  “other  butchers”  who  cut  off  the 


Alvarado’s 
men  behold 
the  sacri¬ 
fice  of  their 
compa¬ 
nions. 


92  FURTHER  SACRIFICES. 

arms  and  legs  of  the  victims,  intending  to  eat 
these  portions  of  their  enemies.  The  skin  of  the 


face  with  the  beard  was  preserved.  The  rest  of 
the  body  was  thrown  to  the  lions,  tigers,  and  ser- 


TAUNTS  OF  MEXICANS. 


93 


pents.  “  Let  the  curious  readers  consider,”  says 
the  chronicler,  “  what  pity  we  must  have  had  for 
these,  our  companions,  and  how  we  said  to  one 
another,  ‘  Oh  !  thanks  be  to  God,  that  they  did 
not  carry  me  off  to-day  to  sacrifice  me.’  ”*  And 
certainly  no  army  ever  looked  upon  a  more  de-  ' 
plorable  sight. 

There  was  no  time,  however,  for  much  con¬ 
templation  ;  for,  at  that  instant,  numerous  bands 
of  warriors  attacked  the  Spaniards  on  all  sides, 
and  fully  occupied  their  attention  in  the  preser- 
vation  of  their  own  lives. 

j  Modern  warfare  has  lost  one  great  element  of  in  modern 
the  picturesque  in  narrative,  namely,  in  there  dfaiogn"0 
being  no  interchange  now  of  verbal  threats  and 
menaces  between  the  contending  parties ;  but  in 
those  days  it  was  otherwise,  and  the  Mexicans 
were  able  to  indulge  in  the  most  fierce  and  malig¬ 
nant  language.  “  Look,”  they  said,  “  that  is  the 
way  in  which  all  of  you  have  to  die,  for  our  gods 
have  promised  this  to  us  many  times.”  To  the 

/  *  “  Miren  los  curiosos  Lectores  que  esto  leyercn,  que 
astima  terniamos  dellos :  y  deziamos  entre  nostros  :  0 
!;racias  a  Dios,  que  no  me  llevaron  a  mf  oy  a  sacrificar.” 

-Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  152. 


94 


LOSSES  OF  SPANIARDS . 


Tlascalans  their  language  was  more  insulting,  and 
much  more  minutely  descriptive.  Throwing  to 
them  the  roasted  flesh  of  their  companions  and  of 
the  Spanish  soldiers,  they  shouted,  “  Eat  of  the 
flesh  of  these  teules ,  and  of  your  brothers,  for  we 
are  quite  satiated  with  it ;  and,  look  you,  for  the 
houses  you  have  pulled  down,  we  shall  have  to 
make  you  build  in  their  place  much  better  ones 
with  stones,  and  plates  of  metal,  likewise  with 
hewn  stone  and  lime ;  and  the  houses  will  be 
painted.*  Wherefore,  continue  to  assist  these 
teules ,  all  of  whom  you  will  see  sacrificed.” 

The  Mexicans,  however,  did  not  succeed  in 
carrying  off  any  more  Spaniards  for  sacrifice  that 
night.  The  Spanish  camp  had  some  few  hours 
The  losses  of  repose,  and  some  time  to  reckon  up  their  losses, 
Spaniards,  which  were  very  considerable.  They  lost  up¬ 
wards  of  sixty  of  their  own  men,  six  horses,  two 
cannon,  and  a  great  number  of  their  Indian  allies. 
Moreover,  the  brigantines  had  not  fared  much 
better  on  this  disastrous  day  than  the  land  forces. 

- : — : - 1 

*  “  Y  rnirad  que  las  casas  que  aveis  derrocado,  que  os  ] 

hemos  de  traer  para  que  las  torneis  a  hazer  mui  mejores,  I 
y  con  piedras  y  planchas,  y  cal  y  canto,  y  pintadas.” — 
Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  152. 


DESERTION  OF  ALLIES. 


I 


95 


But  the  indirect  consequences  of  this  defeat  were 
still  more  injurious  than  the  actual  losses.  The 
allies  from  the  neighbouring  cities  on  the  lake 
deserted  the  Spaniards,  nearly  to  a  man.  The 
Mexicans  regained  and  strengthened  most  of  their 
positions ;  and  the  greatest  part  of  the  work  of 
the  besiegers  seemed  as  if  it  would  have  to  be 
done  over  again.  Even  the  Tlascalans,  hitherto 
so  faithful,  despaired  of  the  fortunes  of  their  allies, 
and  could  not  but  believe,  with  renewed  terror, 
in  the  potency  of  the  Mexican  deities,  kindred  to,  Desertion 
if  not  identical  with,  their  own.  Accordinglv  allied 
they  departed  to  their  homes ;  and  in  the  camp  of 
Cortes  no  Indian  remained  but  Ixtlilxochitl,  the 
brother  of  the  King  of  Tezcuco,  with  about  forty 
friends  and  relations, — in  the  camp  of  Sandoval, 
the  Cacique  of  Huaxocingo  with  about  fifty  men, 
and  in  Pedro  de  Alvarado’s  camp,  the  brave 
|  Chichimecatl  with  two  other  chiefs  and  eighty 
Tlascalans.  In  a  word,  not  more  than  two  men 

out  of  every  thousand  of  the  allies  remained  to 
aid  the  Spaniards. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


Consequences  of  the  Defeat— The  Siege  languishes— Cortes 
sends  aid  to  his  Indian  Allies — The  Allies  return  to  the 
Camp  of  Cortes — The  Siege  is  pressed— The  Mexicans 
will  not  treat  with  Cortes — Mexico  is  taken. 


The  Mexi¬ 
can  King 
encourages 
his  tribu¬ 
taries. 


i^HE  King  of  the  Mexicans  improved  his 
victory  by  sending  round  the  news  of 
it  to  his  tributaries,  informing  them 
how  successful  he  had  been,  assuring  them  that 
he  would  soon  destroy  the  rest  of  the  Spaniards, 
and  beo-o-ins:  them  on  no  account  to  make  peace 
with  the  enemy.  The  vouchers  which  his  mes¬ 
sengers  carried  were  two  heads  of  horses  and 

O 


some  heads  of  Christians;  and  these  trophies  told 
the  tale  of  victory  in  an  undeniable  manner. 

One  cannot  always  sympathize  with  one’s 
Christian  friends,  and  it  is  impossible  not  to 
feel  occasionally  some  satisfaction  when  the  be- 


TEE  SIEGE  LANGUISHES. 


97 


leaguered  party,  wronged  as  they  had  been  in 
_  every  way  by  the  besiegers,  and  making  one  of 
the  most  gallant  defences  ever  known  in  the 
history  of  sieges,  should  gain  some  advantage.  . 

The  siege  was  not  absolutely  stopped  on  account  The  siege 
of  this  defeat,  but  still  the  city  had  some  relief.  Iang:uisi‘es- 
In  the  camp  of  Alvarado,  for  instance,  where  the 
men  had  seen  but  too  clearly  what  was  the  fate 
of  captives,  there  was  no  movement  for  four  days ; 
and,  strange  to  say,  the  first  attack  on  that  side 
was,  according  to  Cortes,  devised  and  led  by  Chi- 
chimecatl,  the  brave  Tlascalan.  In  the  camp  of 
Cortes  little  was  attempted,  and  less  effected,  for 
ten  days;  and  no  entrance  was  made  by  the 
Spaniards  which  reached  so  far  into  the  city  as 
the  Plaza,  a  spot  which  had  been  gained  by  them, 

as  may  be  recollected,  at  an  early  stage  of  the 
proceedings. 

The  main  cause,  however,  of  this  apparent  in- 
ictivity  is  one  which  will  surprise  the  reader ;  but 
vhich,  when  well  considered,  will  give  him  a  great 
nsight  into  the  depth  of  policy  of  Cortes.  At 
uch  a  juncture  an  ordinary  commander  would 
iave  kept  all  his  resources  closely  about  him, 
nd  would  not  have  been  induced  to  send  away  a 


98 


CORTES  ASSISTS  EIS  ALLIES, 


Cortes 
sends  as¬ 
sistance  to 
his  Indian 
allies. 


single  man.  But  Cortes  sent  out  a  considerable 

o 

force  to  assist  his  Indian  allies  of  the  town  of 
Cuernavaca,  who  were  suffering  from  the  attack 
of  some,  hostile  Indians  of  a  neighbouring  city 
belono-ins:  to  the  Mexican  faction.  His  own  men 
disapproved  of  this,  as  it  was  natural  that  they 

should,  and  said  that  it  was  destruction  to  take 

/ 

men  from  the  camp.* 

Cortes  also  sent  assistance  to  the  Otomies, 
who  were  much  pressed  by  the  inhabitants  of 
the  province  of  Matalcingo,  a  people  on  whose 
succour  the  Mexicans  at  that  time  placed  great 
dependence. 

The  expeditions  mentioned  above  were  suc¬ 
cessful.  The  wounded  men  in  the  camp  began 
to  recover,  f  By  great  good  fortune  Cortes,  at 


*  “  Tube  mucha  contradicion,  y  decian  que  me  des- 
truia  en  sacar  Gente  del  Heal.’ — Lokexzaxa,  p.  2^2. 

|  The  few  Spanish  women  who  were  present  at  this 
siege,  and  of  whom  honorable  mention  ought  to  be  made, 
must  have  been  a  great  comfort  to  the  wounded  Spanish 
soldiers.  One  of  them,  named  Beatriz  de  Palacios,  a 
mulatto,  was  not  only  useful  in  nursing  the  sick,  but  she 
would  saddle  the  horses  of  her  husband’s  troop,  and  wa~ 
known  to  take  his  place  as  sentinel.  “  Beatriz  de  Pala¬ 
cios,  Mulata,  aiudb  mucho,  quando  fue  hechado  Cortes, 


WHO  return  to  camp. 


99 


this  juncture,  received  some  gunpowder  and  some 
cross-bows  from  his  town  of  Villa  Rica ;  and  the 
siege  was  recommenced. 

The  politic  conduct  of  Cortes  in  sending  suc¬ 
cours  to  those  of  his  Indian  allies  who  were  en¬ 
dangered,  must  have  done  good  service  in  bringing 
them  all  back  to  his  camp.  They  began  to  flock  The  Indian 
m ;  and,  after  receiving  a  lecture  from  Cortes,  in  tuSftStf,, 
which  he  told  them  that  they  were  deserving  of  Camp- 


®  Mexico,  y  en  este  Cerco  :  era  casada  con  un  Soldado 
dicho  Pedro  de  Escobar ;  y  sirvid  tanto  a  su  Marido,  y  d 

I  ‘0Sr?e  ^  Camarada-  ballandose  cansado  de  pelear 
!  6  Dla’  tocandole  la  Guarda,  y  Centinela,  la  facia  por  el 
con  mucho  cmdado,  y  en  dexando  las  Armas,  salia  al 
ampo  a  recoger  Bledos,  y  los  tenia cocidos,  y  aderegados, 
para  su  ifando,  y  los  Companeros.  Onraba  los  Heridos 
jensilaba  los  Caballos,  y  facia  otras  cosas,  como  qual- 
quiera  Soldado;  y  esta,  y  otras  fueron  las  que  curaron  a 
Cortes  y  sus  Companeros,  quando  llegaron  heridos  a 
llaxcalla,  y  les  hicieron  de  vestir,  deLiengo  de  la  Tierra, 

7  as  que  queriendo  Cortes,  que  se  quedasen  a  descansar 
UTlaxcalla,  le  dixeron:  que  no  era  bien,  que  Mugeres 
j^astellanas,  dexasen  a  sus  Maridos,  yendo  a  la  Guerra, 

K  qUe  adonde  ellos  muriesen,  moririan  ellas.  Estas’ 
iceron,  Beatriz  de  Palacios,  Maria  do  Estrada,  Juana 
artin,  Isabel  Rodriguez,  y  la  Muger  de  Alonso  Valiente, 

|  otras.”— Toequeuada,  Monarquta  Indiana,  lib.  iv.  cap.' 


100 


PERTINACITY  OF  MEXICANS. 


Pertinacity 
of  the 
Mexicans. 


Cortes  re¬ 
solves  to 
destroy 
Mexico. 


death,  they  were  taken  again  into  his  favour,  and 
employed  against  the  common  enemy. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Mexicans  remained  as 
stiff-necked  as  ever.  They  had  already  endured 
forty-five  days  of  siege  :  their  allies  had  been 
conquered ;  and  they  themselves  were  begin¬ 
ning  to  feel  the  effects  of  starvation.  But  their 
resolution  only  rose  with  their  difficulties ;  and  I 
misery  lent  strength  to  their  resolves.  “  W  e 
found  them  with  more  spirit  than  ever,”*  is 
the  expression  of  Cortes  in  describing  their  con¬ 
duct.  He,  therefore,  though  very  unwillingly, 

came  to  the  conclusion  that  he  must  destroy 

* 

their  city  bit  by  bit,  a  necessity  which  must 
have  been  a  great  vexation  to  him,  for  he 
declares  that  Mexico  was  “the  most  beautiful 
thing  in  the  world  ”  (la  mas  hermosa  cosa  del 
Mundo ).  This  plan  of  destruction  he  proposed 
to  execute  thoroughly,  pulling  down  the  houses 
of  every  street  as  he  gained  it;  making  that 


*  “  E  quanto  mas  de  estas  cosas  les  deciamos,  menos 
muestra  viamos  en  ellos  de  flaqueza:  mas  antes  en  el 
pelear,  y  en  todos  sus  ardides,  los  hallabamos  con  mas  j 
animo,  que  nunca.” — Lokenzana,  p.  279. 


ATTACK  BE  COMMENCED. 


101 


which  was  lofty,  level;  and  that  which  was 
water,  dry  land.* 

On  the  first  day  of  recommencing  the  attack, 
he  was  met  and  delayed  by  feigned  proposals  for 
peace ;  but,  these  coming  to  nothing,  he  began  to 
execute  his  plan  of  gradual  demolition ;  and,  as  he 
had  the  assistance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thou¬ 
sand  Indian  allies,  and  as  destruction  is  always  a 
rapid  process,  he  accomplished  great  things. 

The  next  day  he  made  his  way  into  the  Square, 
and  ascended  the  highest  platform  of  the  Temple, 
because,  as  he  says,  he  knew  it  vexed  the  enemy 
much  to  see  him  there.  A  stranger  sight,  one 
more  animating  to  the  Spaniards,  more  discou¬ 
raging  to  the  Mexicans,  more  picturesque  in  itself, 

:  and  fraught  with  more  matter  for  stern  reflection, 
cannot  well  be  imagined.  It  was  no  hideous  Not 
Idol-god  of  War  that  had  stepped  down  from  S°' 
its  pedestal,  but  a  majestic  living  man,  clad  in 
resplendent  armour,  who  directed  the  fight  below,  Summit 
and  fulfilled  the  prophecies  which  had  been  uttered  temple, 
by  the  priests  and  necromancers — those  safe  and 


I  *  "  r4ue  era  Agua,  hacerlo  Tierra-firme.” _ Loren 

rna,  p.  279. 


102  SUCCESSFUL  AMBUSCADES. 

I 

easy  prophecies  of  disaster,  sure  to  be  fulfilled,  at 
some  time  or  other,  in  the  life  of  any  man,  or  any 
people,  prophesied  against.  When  night  came 
on,  the  Spaniards  and  their  allies  retired,  pur¬ 
sued  by  the  Mexicans,  but  still,  by  means  of 
ambuscades,  contriving  in  their  retreat  to  slay 
many  of  their  enemies.  Thus,  with  little  varia¬ 
tion,  the  siege  continued  for  several  days,  until, 
by  an  ambuscade  more  dexterous  than  usual, 
Cortes  contrived  to  cut  off  five  hundred  of  the 
bravest  and  foremost  men  of  the  city,  whom  his 
cannibal  allies  devoured.* 

Cortes  thinks  that  the  result  of  the  ambuscade 
just  recorded  was  most  advantageous  for  the  be¬ 
siegers,  and  wTas  the  cause  of  the  city  being 
speedily  subdued.  But,  indeed,  it  is  evident  that 
the  brief  success  which  the  enemy  attained,  when 
Cortes,  overcome  by  importunity,  made  that  in¬ 
judicious  attack  upon  the  city,  was  the  expiring 
effort  of  the  Mexicans.  It  appears  that  they 

Famine  in  were  suffering  now  the  extremes  of  hunger,  going 

Mexico. 


*  “  Y  aquella  noclie  tubieron  bien  que  cenar  nuestros 
Amigos,  porque  todos  los  que  se  mataron,  tomaron,  y 
Ilevaron  kechos  piezas  para  comer.” — Lorenzana,  p.  ‘283. 


MARKET-PLAGE  GAINED. 


103 


out  at  night  to  fish  in  the  waters  about  their 
houses,  and  seeking  a  miserable  sustenance  in 
herbs  and  roots.  Upon  the  wretched  people  so 
employed  Cortes  made  an  onslaught  very  early 
in  the  morning,  and  slew  eight  hundred  of  them, 
for  the  most  part  women  and  children. 

Meanwhile,  the  Indian  allies  of  Cortes  thick¬ 
ened  around  the  contest,  as  a  flock  of  birds  of 
rapine  over  carrion,  and  darkened  the  outskirts  of 
the  devoted  city.  They  came  in  such  multitudes, 
that,  as  he  himself  says,  there  was  no  taking  any 
account  of  them.  The  proud  Mexico,  hitherto 
unconscious  of  a  conqueror,  was  penetrated  by 
the  Spanish  forces  on  all  sides,  till  at  length  the 
market-place  was  gained  by  the  troops  of  Alva-  Free  com- 
rado,  and  free  communication  was  opened  and  tionbe- 
maintained  between  his  camp  and  that  of  Cortes,  camps  « }® 
It  is  curious  to  note  the  change  in  the  language  and  Cortes, 
now  addressed  by  the  Mexicans  to  the  Tlascalans 
and  the  other  Spanish  allies.  When  the  towns¬ 
men  saw  these  Indians  burning  and  destroying 
on  all  sides,  they  tauntingly  bade  them  continue 
doing  so,  as  they  would  have  to  build  up  anew 
what  they  were  then  destroying,  if  not  for  them 
(the  Mexicans),  at  least,  for  their  own  friends,  the  ' 


104  CORTES  CONSTRUCTS  A  CATARULT. 


Cortes 
constructs 
a  catapult. 


Spaniards.*  Cortes  afterwards  comments  upon 
this  prophecy  in  a  manner  that  is  anything  but 
chivalrous  or  gentlemanly  (indeed,  conquerors  on 
their  own  account  seldom  are  distinguished  gen¬ 
tlemen),  f  for  he  adds,  “  In  this  last  respect  it 
pleased  God  that  they  turned  out  to  be  true  pro¬ 
phets,  for  they,  the  allies,  are  those  who  are  com¬ 
mencing  to  rebuild.”  J 

Cortes  now  possessed  no  less  than  seven-eighths 
of  the  city,  as  he  perceived  on  looking  from  a 
great  tower  which  adjoined  the  market-place. 
Still,  the  enemy  did  not  give  way,  and,  as  the 
powder  of  Cortes  was  failing,  he  caused  a  catapult 
to  be  constructed,  and  placed  on  a  raised  plat¬ 
form,  twelve  feet  in  height,  which  was  in  the 
middle  of  the  market-place,  whereon  the  Mexicans 
had  been  accustomed  to  hold  their  games,  and 

*  "  Decian  a  nuestros  Amigos,  que  no  ficiessen  sino 
qnemar,  y  destruir,  que  ellos  se  las  harian  tornar  a  hacer 
de  nuevo,  porque  si  ellos  eran  vencedores,  ya  ellos  sabian, 
que  habia  de  ser  assi,  y  si  no,  que  las  habian  de  hacer 
para  nosotros.” — Lorexzana,  p.  286. 

|  Julius  Caesar  always  excepted. 

J  “  Y  de  esto  postrero  plugo  a  Dios,  que  salieron  ver- 
daderos,  aunque  ellos  son  los  que  las  tornan  a  hacer.” — 
Lorexzana,  p.  286. 


MEXICANS  DEMAND  A  CONFERENCE.  105 

whereon,  as  I  imagine,  gladiatorial  shows  had  been 
performed.  But  this  catapult  was  not  constructed 
properly,  and  failed  to  terrify  the  enemy.  The 
greater  part  of  them  were  now,  however,  only 
food  for  an  almost  unresisted  slaughter,  which 
after  two  or  three  days  interval,  was  recommenced. 

The  Spaniards  found  the  streets  full  of  women 
and  children,  and  other  helpless  persons,  dying  of 
hunger.  Cortes  renewed  his  proposals  for  peace. 

The  warriors  in  Mexico  gave  only  dissembling 
answers.  The  conflict  was  accordingly  renewed” 
and  twelve  thousand  citizens  perished  on  this  12,000 
occasion,  for  there  was  no  saving  their  lives  from  S* 
the  cruelty  of  the  Indian  allies.* 

Ihe  next  day  the  Mexicans,  seeing  the  multi- 
udes  that  were  arrayed  against  them,  and  that, 

0  use  the  graphic  language  of  Cortes,  there  was 
to  room  for  them,  except  upon  the  dead  bodies  of  The 
eir  own  people,  demanded  a  conference ;  and,  & 
™en  Cortes  arrived  at  a  certain  barricade,  he  C01lference- 


*1“  Muertos,  y  presos  pasaron  de  doce  mil  Animas 
>n  los  quales  osaban  de  tantacrueldad  nuestros  Ami-os’ 

i  IZ  m7Z&  Via  *  ningUn°  daban  la  vida-  «“qne 

as  reprendidos,  y  castigados  de  nosotros  eran  ”_Lo 

:nzana,  p.  291.  ' 


106 


DESPAIR  OF  MEXICANS. 


was  met  by  some  of  the  principal  men.  Their 
address  to  him  savoured  of  a  wild  despair,  but 
did  not  look  as  if  they  had  any  authority  to  treat 
for  peace.  They  asked  why, — since  he  was  a 
Child  of  the  Sun,  and  the  Sun  in  so  short  a  time 
as  one  day  and  one  night  went  round  the  whole 
world, — did  not  Cortes  as  swiftly  finish  their 
slaughter,  and  release  them  from  such  suffering ; 
for  now  they  desired  to  die,  and  to  go  to  their 
Huitzilopochtli,  who  was  waiting  for  them  to 
rejoice  with.*  Cortes  said  everything  in  reply 
which  could  induce  them  to  treat  for  peace ;  but 
all  his  efforts  were  in  vain.  He  also  sent  to  them 
one  of  their  principal  chiefs,  whom  he  had  cap¬ 
tured,  and  who,  after  listening  to  the  arguments 
of  Cortes,  had  promised  to  do  his  utmost  to  pro¬ 
mote  peace.  This  Chief  was  received  with  reve¬ 
rence  by  the  Mexicans,  and  brought  before 


*  “  Que  pues  ellos  me  tenian  por  Hijo  del  Sol,  y  el 
Sol  en  tanta  brevedad  como  era  en  un  dia,  y  una  noche, 
daba  vuelta  a  todo  el  Mundo,  que  porque  yo  assi  breve- 
mente  no  los  acababa  de  matar,  y  los  quitaba  de  penwn 
tanto,  porque  ya  ellos  tenian  deseos  de  morir,  y  irse  al 
Cielo  para  su  Ochilobus,  que  los  estaba  esperando  para 
descan sar.v — Lorenzana,  p.  292. 


FRESH  OVERTURES  FOR  PEACE. 


107 


Quauhtemotzin,  the  King;  but,  it  is  said,  that 
when  he  began  to  talk  of  peace,  the  King  imme¬ 
diately  ordered  him  to  be  slain  and  sacrificed. 


It  seems  that  the  Mexicans,  as  often  happens  in 
difficult  negotiation,  had  lost  the  power  of  taking 
more  than  one  view  of  their  position.  They  were 
in  that  state  of  mind  in  which  the  variations  of 
thought,  and  the  vacillations  of  temper  are  alike 
prevented  by  a  mental  process,  which,  if  it  were 
conscious  and  intentional,  might  be  aptly  illus¬ 
trated  by  the  practice  of  those  desperate  or  de¬ 
termined  captains  who  nail  their  colours  to  the 
mast.  In  fine,  they  were  under  the  dominion  of 
r  “  fixed  idea,”  and  the  only  answer  which  Cortes 
received  to  his  overtures  for  peace  was  a  furious 
ittack  on  the  part  of  the  Mexicans,  who  exclaimed 


The  Mexi¬ 
cans  no 
longer 
amenable 
to  wise 
counsel. 


Renewal 
of  the 
attack  on 
the  part 
of  the 
Mexicans. 


hat  their  only  wish  was  to  die.  Many  of  them 

vere ‘slain,  and  the  Spanish  captains  returned  to 
heir  camps  for  that  day. 

The  next  day  Cortes  made  an  entry  into  the 
ity,  but  did  not  attempt  to  penetrate  beyond 
hat  part  of  it  which  he  had  already  gained.  On 
he  contrary,  approaching  a  barricade,  he  addressed 
)me  of  the  Mexican  chiefs  whom  he  knew  (Cortes 
3ems  to  have  possessed  in  a  high  degree  the  royal 


Cortes 
makes 
fresh 
overtures 
for  peace. 


108  TEE  MEXICAN  KING  DECLINES 


Cortes,  in 
vain,  se^ks 
a  confer¬ 
ence  with 
the  King 
of  Mexico. 


accomplishment  of  remembering  faces),  and  asked 
them  why  their  King  did  not  come  to  treat  with 
him  about  peace  ?  Finally,  after  some  delay,  it 
was  agreed  that  on  the  next  day  the  King  should 
come  to  confer  with  Cortes  in  the  market-place, 
and  Cortes  accordingly  caused  a  lofty  platform  to 
be  prepared  for  the  interview. 

But  when  the  time  for  the  conference  arrived, 
instead  of  the  King,  there  came  five  of  his  prin¬ 
cipal  lords,  who  made  excuses  for  him,  saying 
that  he  feared  to  appear  before  the  Spanish 
General.  Cortes  did  all  that  he  could  to  win 
over  these  chiefs,  giving  them  food, — by  their 
ravenous  way  of  devouring  which,  he  perceived 
how  pressing  was  their  hunger.  He  also  sent 
some  food  as  a  present  for  the  King.  The  envoys 
did  not,  however,  hold  out  any  hope  that  Quauh- 
temotzin  would  attend  a  conference.  Still  Cortes 
persevered  in  sending  assurances  by  them  to  the 
King,  that  he  might  come  in  safety ;  and  so  this 
conference  ended. 

Early  on  the  ensuing  morning  the  five  chiefs 
repaired  to  the  camp  of  Cortes,  and  said  that  their 
Kins:  had  consented  to  meet  him  in  the  market¬ 
place ;  and  Cortes,  therefore,  did  not  allow  his 


TO  CONFER  WITH  CORTES. 


109 


Indian  allies  to  enter  the  city.  But  when  he  had 
gone  himself  to  the  appointed  spot,  and  had 
waited  several  hours,  and  the  King  did  not  make 
his  appearance,  Cortes  summoned  in  the  allies,  and 
the  battle,  or  rather  the  slaughter,  recommenced.  The 
On  that  day  there  were  slain,  or  taken  pri-  SX 
soners,  no  fewer  than  forty  thousand  Mexicans. 

So  great  were  the  cries  and  lamentations  of  the 
women  and  children,  that  there  was  no  person 
i  (Cortes  means  no  Spanish  person)  whose  heart  it 
did  not  break  to  hear  them.*  But  the  Spaniards 
could  not  prevent  the  slaughter,  for  they  were 
only  about  nine  hundred,  and  the  allies  more  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  in  number. 

The  final  day  of  Mexico  had  come.  The  be¬ 
sieged  retained  now  only  a  small  corner  of  their  2yl?L 
city.  Their  King,  instead  of  occupying  one  of  ****’ 
those  spacious  palaces,  in  comparison  with  which 
the  royal  dwellings  of  the  Old  World  were  poor 
md  mean,  was  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  a  boat. 

The  order  of  the  day,  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards, 


*  “  Y  era  tanta  la  grita,  y  lloro  de  los  Nifios,  y 
lugeres,  que  no  habia  Persona,  a  quien  no  quebran- 
isse  el  corazon.”— Lokenzana,  p.  296. 


110 


LAST  DAY  OF  SIEGE. 


Cortes 
counsels 
the  Mexi¬ 
cans  to 
yield. 


was  as  follows:  Sandoval  was  to  force  his  way 
with  the  brigantines  into  a  deep  part  of  the  lake 
at  the  rear  of  those  houses  which  were  still  held 
by  the  Mexicans.*  Alvarado  was  to  enter  the 
market-place,  but  was  not  to  commence  his  attack 
until  Cortes  should  order  him  to  do  so  by  a  signal 
agreed  upon, — namely,  the  firing  of  a  musket. 
Cortes  himself  was  to  bring  up  three  heavy  can¬ 
non,  in  order  to  be  able  to  inflict  severe  loss  upon 
the  Mexicans  without  coming  to  close  combat  with 
them ;  for,  with  their  vast  numbers,  they  might 
suffocate  the  Spaniards,  if  the  ranks  were  once 
intermingled.  j 

All  these  arrangements  having  been  made,  and , 
the  approaches  commenced,  Cortes  ascended  to  a 
terraced  roof;  and,  from  that  height,  addressed 
some  of  the  principal  men  of  the  city,  whom  he  * 
knew,  asking  them  why  their  King  would  not 
come,  and  suggesting,  that  as  they  were  in  such 
extremities  that  resistance  was  impossible,  they 

*  According  to  Clavigero,  this  was  a  sort  of  harbour 
entirely  surrounded  with  houses,  where  the  vessels  of 
the  merchants  used  to  land  their  goods  when  they  came 
to  the  market  of  Tlaltelulco.  See  Clavigero,  Stonia 
A\itica  del  Meesico ,  tom.  m.  lib.  x.  pp.  227-8. 


DEAD  in  MEXICO. 


Ill 


should  take  such  measures  as  would  prevent  all  of 
them  losing  their  lives.  They  should,  therefore, 
summon  their  Prince  to  his  presence,  and  have  no 
fear.  Two  of  them  departed  with  this  message, 
and  shortly  afterwards  returned  with  the  principal 
person  m  the  city  next  after  the  King,  who  was 
called  the  Cihuacuatl.  He  informed  Cortes  that 
the  King  would  by  no  means  appear  before  him, 
preferring  death :  that  he  himself  was  sorry  for 
this  determination ;  but  that  Cortes  must  do  what 
seemed  good  to  him.  Cortes  replied  that  the 
Cihuacuatl  might  return  to  his  men,  and  that  he 
and  they  would  do  well  to  prepare  themselves  for 
battle.  Meanwhile,  an  immense  number  of  men, 
women,  and  children  made  their  way  out  towards 
the  Spaniards,  hurrying  in  such  a  manner  that 
they  cast  themselves  into  the  water,  and  were 

suffocated  amidst  the  multitude  of  dead  bodies 
-hat  already  lay  there. 

The  dead  bodies  were  so  numerous,  that  they  The  dead 
:vere  found  afterwards  lying  in  heaps  in  the  streets;  in  Mexic0, 
or  thus  the  Mexicans  had  concealed  their  losses, 

[tot  liking  to  throw  the  bodies  into  the  water  for 
iear  of  their  being  found  by  the  brigantines.  The 
i  umber  of  those  who  died  from  the  effects  of  hun- 


112  GREAT  SLAUGHTER  OF  MEXICANS. 


Reading  of 
wars  we 
become 
accus¬ 
tomed  to 
think 
little  of 
slaughter. 


ger,  pestilence,  and  drinking  salt  water,  amounted 
to  more  than  fifty  thousand.  Ffty  thousand  souls! 
In  studying  wars,  we  acquire  an  almost  flippant 
familiarity  with  great  loss  of  life,  and  hardly  re¬ 
cognize  what  it  is.  We  have  to  think  what  a 
beautiful  creature  any  man  or  woman  is,  for  at 
least  one  period  of  his  or  her  life,  in  the  eyes  of 
some  other  being ;  what  a  universe  of  hope  is 
often  contained  in  one  unnoticed  life ;  and  that 
the  meanest  human  being  would  be  a  large  sub¬ 
ject  of  study  for  the  rest  of  mankind.  e  need, 
I  say,  to  return  to  such  homely  considerations 
as  the  above,  before  we  can  fairly  estimate  the 
sufferings  and  loss  to  mankind  which  these  little 
easy  sentences, — “  There  perished  ten  thousand 
of  the  allies  on  this  day,”  “  By  that  ambuscade 
we  cut  off  nineteen  hundred  of  the  enemy,”  “  In 
this  retreat,  which  was  well  executed,  they  did  not 
lose  more  than  five  thousand  men,“ — give  indica¬ 
tion  of.  It  was  in  vain  that  Cortes  tried  to  pre¬ 
vent  the  slaughter  of  the  miserable  people,  who 
now  made  their  way  out,  by  posting  Spaniards  in 
the  streets  through  which  they  had  to  pass.  His 
Indian  allies  slew  fifteen  thousand  of  them  on  that 


!  THE  MEXICAN  KING  CAPTURE  I).  11c 

Still  the  chiefs  and  warriors,  hunger-stricken, 
encompassed,  and  overlooked*  as  they  were,  main¬ 
tained  their  position  upon  some  terraces  and 
houses,  and  also  in  boats  upon  the  water.  Cortes 
ordered  the  cannon  to  be  discharged ;  but  neither 
did  this  induce  them  to  lay  down  their  arms.  It 
was  now  evening,  and  the  Spanish  General  com¬ 
manded  the  musket  to  be  fired,  which  was  the 
signal  for  the  general  attack.  The  Mexican  posi¬ 
tion  was  immediately  forced,  and  its  defenders 
driven  into  the  water,  where  some  of  them  sur¬ 
rendered.  At  the  same  moment  the  brigantines 
entered  the  harbour,  ploughing  through  the  fleet 
of  Mexican  canoes,  which  were  instantly  scattered 
n  flight.  A  brigantine,  commanded  by  a  man 
lamed  Garcia  Holguin,  pursued  a  particular  canoe 
n  which  there  appeared  to  be  people  of  condi- 
ion  {gente  de  manera).  His  cross-bowmen  in  the 
tow  were  taking  aim  at  those  in  the  canoe,  when 
signal  was  made  from  it  that  the  King  was 


*  “  Ni  les  aprovechaba  disimulacion,  ni  otra  cosa, 
»rquo  no  viessemos  su  perdicion,  y  su  flaqueza  muy  k 
clara.”— Lorenz  ana,  p.  299. 


I  lie  despe¬ 
ration  of 
the  be¬ 
sieged. 


The  last 
attack. 


114 


THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO 


Capture  of  there.  The  canoe  was  immediately  captured,  and 
ofMexico.  the  unfortunate  Quauhtemotzin,  together  with 
the  King  of  Tlacuba,  was  found  in  it ;  and  both 
Kino-s  were  taken  at  once  to  Cortes.  Cortes 
received  the  King  of  Mexico  with  couitesv, 
Quauhtemotzin  advanced  to  him  and  said,  I 
have  done  all  that  on  my  part  I  was  obliged  to 
do,  to  defend  myself  and  my  people,  until  I  came 
into  this  state ;  now  you  may  do  with  me  that 
which  you  please;”  and  so  saying,  he  put  his 
hand  upon  a  poignard  which  Cortes  wore,  request¬ 
ing  that  he  would  Kill  him  with  it.  But  Coates 
spoke  kindly  to  him,  and  bade  him  have  no  fear. 
The  King  being  captured,  all  opposition  ceased, 
and  what  remained  of  Mexico  was  taken. 

This  day,  memorable  in  the  annals  of  Arne- : 
rican  history,  was  a  Tuesday,  the  day  of  St.  Hip- 
polytus,  the  13th  of  August,  1521.  The  ?iege, 
according  to  the  computation  of  Cortes,  who! 
reckons  that  it  began  on  the  30th  of  May,  had 
lasted  seventy-five  days.  We  cannot  give  a 
Duration  of  better  description  of  its  fearful  results  than  in  the 
""  ?“>ge'  simple  words  of  an  eye-witness,  who  says,  “  Iti*i 
true,  and  I  swear  ‘  Amen,’  that  all  the  lake  andl 
the  houses  and  the  barbacans  were  full  of  the 


TAKEN  BY  GOTlTES. 


115 


bodies  and  heads  of  dead  men,*  so  that  I  do  not 

know  how  I  may  describe  it.  For,  in  the  streets, 

and  in  the  very  courts  of  TJaltelulco,  there  were 

no  other  things,  and  we  could  not  walk  except 

amongst  the  bodies  and  heads  of  dead  Indians. 

I  have  read  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  ;  but 

whether  there  was  such  a  mortality  in  that  I  do 
not  know.”  f 

Thus  fell  the  great  city  of  Mexico.  The 
nature  of  the  conquest,  the  disposition  of  the 
conqueror,  the  extent  of  territory  conquered, 
above  all,  the  alliances  by  which  the  conquest 
was  effected,  all  combined  to  produce  a  very 
different  state  of  things  from  that  under  which 


It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  Mexicans  did  not,  even 
under  the  pressure  of  famine,  devour  their  own  people  • 
they  were,  therefore,  cannibals  only  when  victory  fur-’ 
tushed  them  with  the  savoury  morsel  of  a  dead  enemy. 

t  “  Es  verdad,  y  juro  amen,  que  toda  la  laguna  y 
lasas,  y  barbacoas  estavan  llenas  de  cuerpos  y  carbeQas 
le  hombres  muertos,  que  yo  no  se  de  que  manera  lo 
-scnva,.  Pues  en  las  calles,  y  en  los  mismos  patios  del 
Latelulco.no  avia  otras  cosas.y  no  podiamos  andar  sino 
n  re  cuerpos  y  cabegas  de  Indios  muertos.  Yo  he  leido 
a  destruicion  de  Jerusalem ;  mas  si  en  ella  huvo  tanta 
lortandad  como  esta  yo  no  lo  se.”— Bernal  Diaz,  cap 


116 


RESULT  OF  THE 


N  ature  and 
result  of 
the  con¬ 
quest. 


the  West  India  Islands  were  conquered  and  de- 
populated.  Again,  the  Conquest  of  Mexico  occur¬ 
ring  at  a  period  when  the  Home  Government  had 
acquired  a  little  more  insight  into  the  manage¬ 
ment  of  colonies,  also  tended  to  make  the  fate 
of  the  nations  now  conquered  very  different  from 
that  of  the  islanders.  The  great  extent  and  riches 
of  New  Spain  enforced  the  attention  of  the  ; 
Spanish  government  to  that  country,  as  its  chief 
colony;  and  its  conqueror,  Cortes,  became  at 
once  the  principal  figure  in  the  New  World. 
After  this  conquest,  even  the  greater  islands, 
such  as  Hispaniola  and  Cuba,  lately  the  cen¬ 
tres  of  government,  were  chiefly  interesting  as 
affording  ample  proof,  on  a  small  scale,  of  the 
immense  misgovernment  which  they  had  under- 
o;one. 

By  that  inevitable  fortune  which  attaches  itseli 
to  remarkable  sites,  Mexico,  which  had  been  the 
queen  of  cities  in  the  Aztec  period  of  dominion, 
will  now,  under  the  auspices  of  Cortes,  when  it 
has  become  Spanish  Mexico,  and  when  a  beau¬ 
tiful  cathedral  has  been  placed  upon  the  exact 
spot  where  stood  the  accursed  temple  of  the  god  I 
of  War — when  the  exquisite  gardens  of  Mon- 


CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO. 


117 


tezuma  have  given  way  to  formal  alamedas— 

when  the  vast  expanse  of  waters  shall,  by  the 

application  of  cunning  art,  have  been  withdrawn, 

leaving  wide,  dreary,  arid  spaces  of  waste  land, 

—continue  to  be  a  ruling,  queenlike  city,  and 

will  still  demand  a  large  attention  from  the 
civilized  world. 


Mexico 
still  a 
queen 
amongst 
cities. 


Mexico 
not  habit¬ 
able. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

State  of  Mexico  after  the  Conquest— Thanksgiving  for  the 
Victory — Mexico  rebuilt  and  repeopled — Christ  oval  de 
Tapia  sent  to  supersede  Cortes — Revolt  of  Fanuco — 
Cortes  inhabits  Mexico — Memorial  of  Conquistador es 
to  the  Emperor — Arrival  of  Franciscans . 

OTHING  can  well  convey  a  surer  in¬ 
dication  of  the  sad  state  of  Mexico,  on 
the  day  of  its  conquest,  than  the  fact 
that  both  the  victors  and  the  vanquished  began  to 
leave  the  city.  Cortes  and  his  soldiers  returned 
to  their  camp,  while,  for  three  days  and  nights, 
the  causeways  were  crowded  by  the  departing 
Mexicans — yellow,  flaccid,  filthy,  miserable  beings, 
tc  whom  it  was  grief  to  behold.”*  AVhen  the  city 


*  “  Digo  que  en  tres  dias  con  sus  noches  iban  todas 
tres  cal^adas  llenas  de  Indios  e  Indias,  y  muchaclios 
llenos  de  bote  en  bote,  que  nunca  dexavan  de  salir,  y  tan 


THANKSGIVING  FOE  VICTORY . 


119 


was  deserted,  Cortes  sent  persons  in  to  view  it. 
They  found  the  houses  full  of  dead  bodies.  The 
few  wretched  creatures  who  still  here  and  there 
appeared,  were  those  who,  from  extreme  poverty, 
sickness,  or  indifference  to  life,  were  unwilling  or 
unable  to  crawl  out.  *  In  a  great  town  there  are 
always  some  abject  persons  to  whom  long  despair 
and  utter  hardness  of  life  make  any  lair  seem 
welcome.  The  surface  of  the  ground  had  been 
ploughed  up,  in  order  to  get  at  the  roots  of  the 

herbage.  The  bark  of  the  trees  had  been  eaten 

* 

off;  and  not  a  drop  of  fresh  water  was  to  be 
found. 

Mexico  was  taken  on  the  13th  of  August,  1521. 
For  three  days  afterwards  Cortes  remained  in  his 
camp,  and  he  then  proceeded  to  the  neighbouring 
city  of  Cuyoacan.  His  first  care  for  the  city  of 
Mexico  was  to  give  orders  that  the  aqueduct 
should  be  repaired.  His  first  act  on  behalf  of 
his  own  troops  was  to  offer  a  thanksgiving  for  the 
victory.  After  the  thanksgiving,  Cortes  held  a 
great  banquet  in  Cuyoacan.  At  this  feast,  which 


State  of  the 
city. 

Aug.  1521. 


The  aq  ue- 
duct  to  be 
repaired. 


Thanks¬ 
giving  for 
the  victory. 


flacos,  y  suzios,  e  amarillos,  e  hediondos,  que  era  lastima 
de  los  ver.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  156. 


I 


INDIAN  ALLIES  DISMISSED . 


120 


A  proces¬ 
sion  and  a 
sermon. 


The  allies 
are  dis¬ 
missed. 


was  followed  by  a  dance,  the  soldiers,  naturally 
excited  by  their  long  abstinence  from  anything 
like  amusement,  indulged  in  such  freaks  and  ex¬ 
cesses  that  Father  Olmedo  was  greatly  scandalized. 
Cortes  being  informed  of  this  by  Sandoval,  sug¬ 
gested  to  the  good  monk  that  he  should  appoint 
a  solemn  procession,  after  which  mass  should  be 
celebrated,  and  the  Father  might  give  the  army 
a  sermon,  telling  them  “  that  they  should  not 
despoil  the  Indians  of  their  goods  or  their  daugh¬ 
ters,  nor  quarrel  amongst  themselves,  but  conduct 
themselves  like  Catholic  Christians,  that  so  God 
might  continue  to  favour  them/’  This  was  ac- 
cordingly  done  with  all  fitting  solemnity. 

The  next  thing  was  to  dismiss  the  Indian  allies, 
who  were  favoured  with  many  gracious  words  and 
promises;  and  were  enriched  with  cotton,  gold, 
and  various  spoil — amongst  which  were  portions 
of  the  bodies  of  their  enemies  salted.*  They  then 
departed  joyfully  to  their  own  country. 

The  allies  being  dismissed,  the  Mexicans  were 


*  “  Y  aun  llevaron  hartas  cargas  de  tasajos  cecinados 
de  Indios  Mexicanos,  que  repartieron  entre  sus  parientes 
y  amigos,  y  como  cosas  de  sus  enemigos  la  comierou 
por  fiestas.’' — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  156. 


TIIE  SPOIL  OF  MEXICO. 


121 


ordered  to  make  clean  the  streets  of  Mexico,  and 
to  return  to  the  city  in  two  months’  time.  A 
quarter  of  the  town  was  appointed  for  their 
particular  habitation,  divided  from  that  of  the 
Spaniards  by  one  of  the  great  water-streets. 

The  next  question  concerned  the  spoil  of  Mexico. 
The  conquerors  were  entirely  disappointed  by  the 
smallness  of  the  booty.  Murmurs  arose  amongst 
the  soldiery,  and  the  meaner  spirits  began  to  sus¬ 
pect  that  their  General  concealed  the  spoil  for 
his  own  benefit.  Cortes,  with  a  weakness  that 
was  unusual  in  him,  consented,  at  the  instance  of 
the  King’s  Treasurer,  that  Quauhtemotzin  and 
his  cousin,  the  King  of  Tlacuba,  should  be  sub¬ 
mitted  to  the  torture,  in  order  that  they  might 
be  induced  to  discover  where  they  had  hid  their 
treasures.  During  the  cruel  process,  the  King 
of  Tlacuba,  suffering  agonies  from  the  torture, 
looked  beseechingly  to  his  lord  paramount  to  give 
him  licence  to  tell  what  he  knew,  whereupon  the 
gallant  young  King,  himself  in  torment,  treated 
his  fellow  sufferer  with  contempt,  uttering  these 
remarkable  words — “  Am  I  in  any  delight,  or 
bath?”  (. Estoi  yo  en  algun  deleite,  6  bunt)  9)  It 
appears,  however,  that  one  or  other  of  the  Kino-s 

O 


The 

Mexicans 
allowed  to 
return  to 
their  city. 


Smallness 
of  the 
booty. 


The  Kings 
of  Mexico 
and 

Tlacuba 
exposed  to 
the  torture. 


122 


ACCUSATION  AGAINST  CORTES. 


The  excuse 

of  Cortes. 

»  * 


confessed,  that  ten  days  before  the  capture  of  the 
city,  the  King  of  Mexico  had  ordered  the  pieces 
of  artillery  which  he  had  taken  from  the  Spaniards 
to  be  thrown  into  the  lake,  together  with  what- 
ever  gold,  silver,  precious  stones,  and  jewels  re¬ 
mained  to  him.  It  is  remarkable  that  Cortes 
makes  no  mention  of  this  torture  of  the  captive 
Kings  in  his  letter  to  the  Emperor.  Afterwards, 
when  the  transaction  was  made  a  matter  of  formal 
accusation  against  him,  he  defended  himself  by 
declaring  that  “  he  had  done  it  at  the  request  of 
Julian  de  Alderete,  the  King’s  Treasurer,  and  in 
order  that  the  truth  might  appear,  for  all  men 
said  that  he  (Cortes)  possessed  the  whole  of  the 
riches  of  Montezuma,  and  that  the  reason  why 
he  did  not  like  to  have  Quauhtemotzin  tortured, 
was  for  fear  the  fact  should  come  out  against 
himself  of  having  kept  back  the  spoil.”* 

It  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  remind  the  reader 
what  kind  of  man  Cortes  was  at  the  time  of  the 
conquest  of  Mexico.  One  who  knew  him  well, 


*  Gosiaea,  Crdnica  d&  l(t  N usvO’Eapouo,  cap.  lto. 
Barcia,  Historiadores ,  tom.  ii. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  CORTES. 


123 


and  whose  descriptions  of  men  are  often  as  minute 
as  if  he  was  noting  animals  for  sale,  thus  depicts 
Cortes.  He  was  of  good  make  and  stature ;  well- 
proportioned  and  stalwart.  The  colour  of  his  face 
inclined  to  pallor,*  and  his  countenance  was  not 
very  joyful.  If  his  face  had  been  longer,  it  would 
have  been  handsomer.  His  eyes,  when  he  looked 
at  you,  had  an  amiable  expression,  otherwise,  a 
haughty  one.  His  beard  was  somewhat  dark  and 
thin,  and  so  was  his  hair,  which  at  that  time  was 
ivorn  long.  His  chest  was  deep,  and  his  shoulders 
inely  formed.  He  was  slender,  with  very  little 
domach ;  somewhat  bow-legged,  with  well-turned 
highs  and  ankles.  He  was  a  good  horseman,  and 
lexterous  in  the  use  of  all  arms,  as  well  on  foot 
*  on  horseback ;  and,  above  all,  he  had  heart  and 
oul,  which  are  what  is  most  to  the  purpose.”  f 

Lit.  “ash-coloured,” — the  cinereus  color  of  the 

tomans. 

|  t  “  1  ue  de  buena  estatura  y  cuerpo,  y  bien  propor- 
ionado,  y  membrudo,  y  la  color  de  la  cara  tirava  algo  a 
aucienta,  e  no  mui  alegre  :  y  si  tuvicra  el  rostro  mas 
»rgo,  mejor  le  pareciera ;  los  ojos  en  el  mirar  amorosos, 
por  otra  graves :  las  barbas  tenia  algo  prietas,  y  pocas 
J  ralas,  y  el  cabello  que  en  aquel  tiempo  se  usava,  era  de 
' mi8ma  manera  que  las  barbas,  y  tenia  el  pecho  alto, 


I 


Personal 
appearance 
of  Cortes. 


124  CORTES’  CHARACTER  AND 

Patience  of  The  same  author  dwells  on  the  wonderful  pa- 

Cortes.  # 

tience  of  Cortes.  When  very  angry,  there  was 
a  vein  which  swelled  in  his  forehead,  and  another 
in  his  throat ;  but,  however  enraged,  his  words 
were  always  mild  and  decorous.  He  might  in¬ 
dulge  with  his  friends  in  such  an  expression  as 
“  Plague  upon  you  ”  (mal  pese  a  vos) ;  but  to  the 
common  soldiers,  even  when  they  said  the  rudest 
things  to  him,  he  merely  replied,  “  Be  silent,  or 
go  in  God's  name,  and  from  henceforward  have 
more  care  in  what  you  say,  or  it  will  cost  you 
dear,  and  I  shall  have  to  chastise  you.” 

It  appears  that,  in  extreme  cases  of  anger,  he 
had  a  curious  habit  of  throwing  off  his  cloak ;  but 
even  then  he  always  kept  himself  from  coarse 
and  violent  language* — a  wise  practice — for  a 
furious  gesture  is  readily  forgiven  (it  is  a  mere 

y  la  espalda  de  buena  manera,  y  era  cenceno,  y  de  poca 
barriga,  y  algo  estevado,  y  las  piernas  y  muslos  bien 
sacados,  y  era  buen  ginete,  y  diestro  de  todas  armas, 
ansi  a  pie,  como  a  cavallo,  y  sabia  mui  bien  menearlas, 
y  sobre  todo  coraqon,  y  animo,  que  es  lo  que  haze  al 
caso.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  203. 

*  “  Y  aun  algunas  vezes  de  mui  enojado,  arrojava 
una  manta,  y  no  dezia  palabra  fea,  ni  injuriosa  a  ningun 
Capitan,  ni  soldado.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  203. 


general  harits. 


125 


sign  of  the  passion  of  the  speaker) ;  not  so  a 
single  hasty  word,  which  may  kindle  all  the  fires 
of  vanity  in  the  person  spoken  to. 

In  his  mode  of  argument  the  same  composure 
was  visible,  and  he  was  a  master  in  the  arts  of 
persuasive  rhetoric. 

He  was  remarkably  clean  in  his  person  and  neat 
in  his  dress,*  not  delighting  much  in  fine  silks  or 
velvets,  or  gorgeous  ornaments.  One  chain  only, 
af  exquisite  workmanship,  he  wore,  with  a  medal¬ 
lion  having  an  image  of  the  Virgin  on  one  side 
)f  it,  and  of  St.  J ohn  the  Baptist  on  the  other ; 
ie  also  wore  a  magnificent  diamond  ring. 

His  diet  was  of  a  simple  kind ;  but,  like  most 

;reat  men  who  work  hard  mentally,  he  was  not  a 
mall  eater. 

He  was  very  fond  of  games  of  chance,  but 

ood  or  ill-fortune  in  them  never  disturbed  his 

quanimity,  though  it  gave  him  opportunity  for 
it ty  sayings. f 


"  Era  Hombre  limpisimo.”— Gomaka,  Crimea  de 
Nueva-Espaha,  cap.  238.  Baecia,  Eistoriadoree, 

t  ‘‘Era  mui  aficionado  a  juegos  de  naipes  e  dados  y 
ando  jugava  era  mui  afable  en  el  juego,  y  dozia  ciertos 


His  mode 
of  dress. 


126 


CORTES'  FIRMNESS  AND 


He  was  very  firm  in  his  resolves.  To  those 
who  have  read  the  story  of  his  life  up  to  this  time, 
it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  mention  this  fact.  But 
as  no  human  virtue  is  without  its  corresponding 

r  i  «  »  •  I  *  *  ' 

drawback,  it  appears  probable,  from  some  words 
his  chaplain  lets  fall,  that  Cortes  occasionally 
carried  his  military  resolve  into  civil  life,  and 
His  perti-  stood  more  upon  his  rights  in  legal  matters  than 
^  was  always  wise  or  prudent.  He  was  not  whal 
may  be  called  a  profuse  man,  and  was  occasionally 


remoquetes,  que  suelen  dezir  los  que  juegan  a  los  da 
dos.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  203. 

It  is  curious  to  note  the  same  trait,  of  a  fondness  fo) 
games  of  chance,  in  Augustus  Caesar. — “  It  was  con 
sidered  a  defiance  of  public  opinion  in  Augustus  tcj 
avow,  almost  without  scruple,  that  he  was  accustomet 
to  amuse  himself  in  his  family,  or  among  his  nearesi 
associates,  with  games  of  chance  for  the  most  triflini 
ventures.  He  played,  says  Suetonius,  openly  and  with 
out  disguise,  even  in  his  old  age  ;  nor  did  he  confin  j 
himself  to  the  genial  month  of  December,  but  amuse< 
himself  in  this  way  any  day  of  the  year,  whether  d 
business  or  holiday.  Familiar  letters  have  been  pre 
served,  in  which  he  recounts  to  Tiberius  his  bloodies 


contests  at  the  supper  table  with  Yinicius  and  Silius 
how  they  had  played,  for  pastime,  not  for  gain,  sportmj 
a  single  denarius  upon  each  die,  and  sweeping  the  modes 


DIGNITY  OF  DEMEANOUR. 


127 


even  parsimonious*  though  immensely  liberal  as 
a  lover  or  a  friend*  or  when  he  thought  to  carry  a 
purpose  in  war*  or  when  he  wished  to  gratify  any 
particular  fancy.* 

His  present  grandeur  of  estate  sat  upon  him 
with  the  easiness  of  a  well-fitting  robe  that  had 
long  been  worn*  and  he  presented  in  no  respect 
the  appearance  of  a  new-made  man.  He  seemed 
rather  to  have  come  to  some  high  fortune  which 
had  been  awaiting  him  from  his  birth.  -A.ny  one* 


stakes  with  the  lucky  throw  of  the  Venus.  ‘  We  played 
every  day  through  the  five-day  feast  of  Minerva,  and 
kept  the  table  warm.  Your  brother  was  most  vociferous. 

Yet  he  lost  but  little  after  all . I  lost  for  my  part 

twenty  pieces  :  but  then  I  was  generous,  as  usual,  for 
had  I  insisted  on  all  my  winnings,  or  retained  all  I  gave 
away,  I  should  have  gained  fifty.  But  I  like  to  be  liberal, 
and  I  expect  immortal  honour  for  it.’  To  Julia  he  wrote : 

‘  I  make  you  a  present  of  250  denarii,  the  sum  I  gave  to 
each  of  my  guests  to  play  at  dice  with  at  supper,  or,  if 
they  pleased,  at  odd  and  even.’  ” — Merivale’s  History  of 
the  Romans  under  the  Empire ,  vol.  iv.,  chap.  37,  p.  294. 

Gastaba  liberalisimamente  en  la  Guerra,  en  M?u- 
geres,  por  Amigos,  f  en  antojos,  mostrando  escase^a  en 

algunas  cosas,  por  donde  le  llaman  Bio  de  Avenida.” _ 

Gomara,  Crimea  de  la  Nueva-Espana,  cap.  238.  Barcia, 
Historiadores,  tom.  ii. 


His  dig¬ 
nified  de¬ 
meanour. 


128 


C EAR  AC  TEE  AND  CONDUCT 


Cortes  as 
man  of 
business. 


however,  who  has  seen  the  singular  dignity  and 
grace  of  bearing  which  a  Spanish  peasant  of  the 
present  day  will  manifest,  can  easily  imagine  that 
a  descendant  of  a  good  family,  with  Pizarros  and 
Altamiranos  for  immediate  ancestors,  would  be 
very  little  disconcerted  at  being  suddenly  called 
to  sit  in  the  seat  of  judgment,  to  dispense  rewards 
amongst  obedient  followers,  and  to  sway  an 
obsequious  people,  accustomed  to  be  ruled  by 
monarchs  of  a  like  imperious  dignity  and  com¬ 
posure.* 

It  is  probable  that  Cortes,  partially  at  least, 
fulfilled  the  requisites  of  that  character,  one  of  the 
rarest  to  be  met  with,  and  very  much  wanted  at 
that  time  in  the  Indies — an  admirable  man  of 

business.  Rare,  almost,  as  great  poets, — rarer, 

\ 

perhaps,  than  veritable  saints  and  martyrs, — are 
consummate  men  of  business.  A  man,  to  be  ex¬ 
cellent  in  this  way,  must  not  only  be  variously 
gifted,  but  his  gifts  should  be  nicely  proportioned 
to  one  another.  He  must  have  in  a  high  degree 

*  For  the  descent  of  Cortes  from  illustrious  ances¬ 
tors,  see  Pizarro  y  Orellana,  Varones  Ilustres  de  Nuevo 
Mundo ;  Cortes ,  cap.  i.  Frco.  Diego  de  Say  as,  Anales 
de  Aragon ,  cap.  i ;  and  Doc.  Ined.,  tom.  iv.  p.  238. 


OF  CORTES  DESCRIBED. 


129 


that  virtue  which  men  have  always  found  the  least 
pleasant  of  virtues,— prudence.  His  prudence, 

however,  will  not  be  merely  of  a  cautious  and 
quiescent  order,  but  that  which,  being  ever  ac¬ 
tively  engaged,  is  more  fitly  called  discretion  than 
prudence.  Such  a  man  must  have  an  almost 
ignominious  love  of  details,  blended  (and  this  is  a 
rare  combination)  with  a  high  power  of  imagina¬ 
tion,  enabling  him  to  look  along  extended  lines  of 
possible  action,  and  put  these  details  in  their  right 
places.  He  requires  a  great  knowledge  of  cha¬ 
racter,  with  that  exquisite  tact  which  feels  un- 
errmgly  the  right  moment  when  to  act.  A  dis¬ 
creet  rapidity  must  pervade  all  the  movements  of 
his  thought  and  action.  He  must  be  singularly 
free  from  vanity,  and  is  generally  found  to  be  an 

enthusiast,  who  has  the  art  to  conceal  his  en- 
thusiasm. 

Cardinal  Ximenes,  King  Ferdinand,  Vasco 
Nunez  and  Cortes  are  the  four  men  who,  in  the  Compari- 
history  of  the  Indies,  manifested  the  greatest 
powers  of  business.  Las  Casas,  also,  was  a  very  °^n. 
able  man,  possessing  many  of  the  highest  facul¬ 
ties  for  the  conduct  of  affairs.  But  Cortes  pro¬ 
bably  outshone  the  rest ;  and  had  the  Indies  been 


130 


COMPARISON  OF  CORTES 


his  appanage,  instead  of  a  country  unrighteously 
conquered  by  him,  the  administration  of  the  Con¬ 
quest  would  have  been  brought  to  the  highest 
perfection  that  it  could  have  reached  at  that 
period. 

Amidst  the  infinite  variety  of  human  beings, 
not  merely  can  no  one  man  be  found  exactly  like 
another,  but  no  character  can  be  superimposed 
upon  another  without  large  differences  being  at 
once  discernible.  Still  there  is  often  a  vein  of 
similarity  amongst  remarkable  men  which  enables 
us  to  classify  them  as  belonging  to  the  same  order. 

0 

Cortes,  for  instance,  was  of  the  same  order  as 
Charles  the  Fifth  and  Augustus  Caesar.  As  a 
warrior  he  resembled  Julius  Caesar;  but  as  a 
statesman,  I  am  not,  I  think,  far  wrong  in  liken¬ 
ing:  him  to  Augustus,  and  to  Charles  the  Fifth. 

O  O  J 

Each  of  them  had  supreme  self-possession  :  the 
bitterest  misfortune  never  left  them  abject:  the 
highest  success  found  them  composed  to  receive 
it.  Each  of  them,  though  grave  and  dignified, 
was  remarkable  for  affability  with  all  kinds  of 
men.  All  three  were  eminently  tenacious  of  their 
resolves,  but,  at  the  same  time,  singularly  amen¬ 
able  to  reason — which  is,  perhaps,  the  first  quality 


WITH  OTHER  GREAT  MEN. 


131 


in  a  ruler.  Charles  the  Fifth  was  much  the  least 
cruel ;  but  the  cruelty  of  the  others  was  never 
wanton,  never  capricious,  never '  divorced  from 
policy.  All  three  had  long  memories,  both  of 
benefits  and  injuries.  They  were  firm  friends, 
and  good  masters  to  their  subordinates,  but  could 
not  be  accused  of  favouritism.  Cortes  had,  per-  Cortes 
haps,  more  poetry  in  him  than  was  to  be  found  in  S 
either  of  the  others.  He  had  the  warlike  element  qffiX 
which  is  discernible  in  Charles  the  Fifth,  but  was  ^ 
certainly  a  greater  commander,  and  possessed  more 
readiness  and  flexibility.  Finally,  Augustus 
Ciesar,  Cortes,  and  Charles  the  Fifth  were  of  that 
rare  order  of  men  in  whom  there  is  perpetual 
, row  tli  of  character,  who  go  on  learning, — to 
rhom  every  blunder  they  commit  is  a  fruitful 
esson,  with  whom  there  is  less  that  is  acci¬ 
dental  than  is  to  be  observed  in  the  rest  of  man- 

jand,  and  of  whom  humanity,  with  much  to 
egret,  cannot  fail  to  be  proud. 

!  The  characters  of  great  men  may  be  more 
|mply  summed  up,  and  more  justly  appreciated, 
r  the  close  of  ^eir  careers ;  but  it  seems  well, 
ccasionally,  to  look  at  them  with  all  the  light 

r  Can  Set>  m  the  midst  of  their  labours,  and  to 


132 


CONDITION  OF  MEXICO 


Dealings  of 
Cortes  with 
other  States 
in  New 
Spain. 


Occupation 
of  Mexico 
by  the 
Spaniards. 


endeavour  to  see  them  in  the  guise  in  which  they 
stood  when  they  were  face  to  face  with  other  great 
men,  and  immersed  in  the  contests  of  life. 

Such  as  he  has  been  described  above  was 
Cortes  at  the  vigorous  age  of  thirty-five,  in  the 
height  of  his  unrivalled  career,  after  one  of  the 
most  memorable  conquests  made  known  to  us  in 

history. 

As  was  to  be  expected,  ambassadors  arrived  at 

the  Spanish  Camp  from  neighbouring  territories ; 

and  Cortes  was  enabled  to  give  them  a  most 

significant  illustration  of  his  prowess,  by  taking 
© 

them  to  behold  the  ruins  of  Mexico.*  Their  mode 
of  describing  events  was  pictorial  \  and  here  was 
a  scene  which,  if  well  portrayed,  needed  little 
comment  by  words  or  hieroglyphics. 

Cortes  now  prepared  for  the  occupation  of  the 
site  of  Mexico  by  his  own  men,  giving  the  usual 
quantities  of  land  ( solares )  to  those  who  wished 
to  become  residents.  He  then  appointed  the 

*  “  Hicelos  llevar  a  ver  la  destruction  y  asolamiento 
de  la  Ciudad  de  Temixtitan,  que  de  la  ver,  y  de  ver  su 
fuerza,  y  fortaleza,  por  estar  en  el  Agua,  quedaron  may 
mas  espantados.'* — Lorenzana,  p.  30b. 


UNDER  THE  SPANIARDS .  133 

principal  officers*  the  Alcaldes  and  Regidores .  The 
building  of  the  town  was  carried  on  with  such 
rapidity*  that  in  five  months  after  its  commence¬ 
ment*  the  new  Mexico  already  gave  promise  of 
becoming*  as  the  old  had  been*  the  principal  and 
ruling  city  of  those  provinces.  It  is  a  remarkable 
fact  that  the  Tezcucans  were  largely  employed  in 
this  rebuilding,  thus  fulfilling,  at  least  partially, 
a  prophecy  made  by  the  Mexicans  in  the  heio-ht 
of  the  war.  The  labour  was  great,  food  was  very 
scarce,  and  numbers  of  the  workmen  died  from 
the  effects  of  famine.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that 
they  brought  the  materials  for  building  on  their 
shoulders,  or  dragged  them  along  by  sheer  force, 
and  their  only  comfort  during  these  great  ex¬ 
ertions  seems  to  have  been  in  working  to  the 
sound  of  music.* 

Cortes  did  not  accomplish  all  these  great  works 


“El  trabajo  fue  grande;  ca  traian  acuestas,  d  ar- 
rastrando,  la  Piedra,  la  Tierra,  la  Madera,  Cal,  Ladrillos, 
i  todos  los  otros  materiales.  Pero  era  mucho  de  ver  los 
Cantares,  i  Musica  que  tenian.  El  apellidar  su  Pueblo, 
i  Senor,  i  el  motejarse  unos  a  otros.”— Gomara,  Gronica 

de  la  Nueva  Espaha,  cap.  162.  Barcia,  lEstoriadores, 
tom.  ii. 


Tezcucani 

employed. 


134 


SATIRES  AGAINST  CORTES. 


Pasquin¬ 

ades 

against 

Cortes. 


» 

without  the  envy  that  belongs  to  such  men  and 
such  deeds.  The  white  walls  of  the  palace  of 
Cuyoacan  were  blackened  each  morning  by  ma¬ 
licious  pasquinades  in  poetry  and  prose.  Some 
said  that  the  sun,  and  the  moon,  and  the  stars, 
and  the  sea,  had  their  courses,  and  if  sometimes 
they  went  out  of  these  courses,  they  nevertheless 
returned  to  their  original  state,  and  that  so  it 
would  have  to  be  with  the  ambition  of  Cortes. 

I 

Others  said  that  the  soldiers  should  not  call  them¬ 
selves  the  Conquist adores  of  New  Spain,  but  the 
conquered  of  Cortes  ( conqiristaclos  cle  Hernando 
Cortes ).  Some  said  that  he  had  taken  his  fifth 
as  General,  and  a  second  as  King :  and  others 
again  that  Velasquez  had  incurred  all  the  ex¬ 
pense,  and  Cortes  reaped  all  the  profit.  Others 
wrote — 

“  Alas  !  how  sad  a  soul  I  bear, 

*  *  4  .  * 

Until  I  see  what  is  my  share.”* 

Cortes,  who  could  use  his  pen  as  well  as  his 
sword,  was  not  backward  in  replying  to  his  ma- 


*  “  0  que  triste  esta  el  alma  mia, 

Hasta  que  la  parte  vea.” 

Berxal  Diaz,  cap.  157. 


TAPIA  ARRIVES  AS  GOVERNOR. 


135 


ligners ;  and  he  wittily  wrote  up  “  A  white  wall, 

Ithe  paper  of  fools  (Pared  blanca ,  papel  de  necios ). 

Xext  morning  was  found  added,  “and  for  truths.” 

Finally,  however,  the  practice  of  scribbling  these 
things  on  the  walls  rose  to  such  a  height,  that 
Cortes  was  obliged  to  exercise  his  authority  in 
forbidding  it  altogether. 

Another  disagreeable  episode  in  the  affairs  of 
Cortes  was  the  arrival  of  an  obscure  man,  named  Arrival  of 
Christo val  de  Tapia,  as  Governor  of  New  Spain.  Supersede 
This  appointment  was  the  work  of  Fonseca,  the  1522*' 
Bishop  of  Burgos,  who,  whether  he  thwarted  Las 
Casas,  or,  with  much  less  injustice,  condemned  the 
proceedings  of  Cortes,  was  always  in  the  wrong. 

Cortes  himself  made  some  show  of  obeying  Tapia, 
but  the  friends  of  Cortes  would  not  listen  to  this 
man’s  taking  upon  him  so  important  a  charge,  and 
he  was  obliged  to  quit  New  Spain.  This  trans¬ 
action  is  worth  mentioning  only  as  showing 
amidst  what  interruptions  and  vexations  Cortes 
worked  out  his  great  achievements.  It  was  not 
until  three  years  and  four  months  after  Cortes 
had  been  elected  Captain-General  by  his  followers, 
in  the  council  held  at  Vera  Cruz,  that  he  was  Cort  _ 
appointed  by  the  Court  of  Spain,  Governor  and  SL 


136 


APPOINTMENT  OF  CORTES  AS 


and 

Captain- 
General, 
Oct.  15, 
1522. 


Revolt  of 

Panuco. 

1522. 


Messen¬ 
gers  sent 
by  Cortes 
and  his 
men  to  the 
Emperor, 
Dec.  20, 
1522. 


Captain-General  of  New  Spain,  in  a  despatch 
dated  at  Valladolid  the  15th  of  October,  1522. 

A  further  trouble  to  the  administration  of 
Cortes,  which  also  is  worth  mentioning  only  as 
showing  the  nature  of  the  difficulties  he  had  to 
contend  with,  was  the  revolt  of  Panuco,  a  pro¬ 
vince  to  the  north-east  of  Mexico.  Cortes  went 
to  Panuco  himself,  and  succeeded,  after  several 
encounters  with  the  Indians,  in  subduing  them 
and  pacificating  the  province. 

Soon  after  his  return  from  this  expedition 
Cortes  despatched  messengers  to  Spain  to  urge 
his  own  claims  and  those  of  the  Conquist adores ; 
who  also  on  their  own  account  sent  a  memorial 
to  the  Emperor. 

These  messengers  did  not  go  empty-handed. 
They  were  commissioned  to  take  to  the  Emperor 
eighty-eight  thousand  pesos ,  in  gold  bars,  and  the 
wardrobe  of  the  late  monarch  of  Mexico,  Monte¬ 
zuma,  which  was  rich  with  jewels,  amongst  them 
some  pearls  as  large  as  hazel-nuts.  These  trea¬ 
sures  never  reached  the  Court  of  Spain,  for  they 

* 

were  captured  by  a  French  corsair,  named  Jean 
Florin.  They  probably,  however,  did  as  much 
good  to  the  Emperor  as  if  they  had  been  spent 


GOVERNOR  AND  CAPTAIN-GENERAL.  137 

upon  his  armies,  for  they  served  to  give  the  Kino- 
of  France  some  intimation  of  the  wealth  which 
the  King  of  Spain  was  likely  to  draw  from  the 
Indies.  The  despatches  had  been  intrusted  to  a 
man  of  the  name  of  Alonso  de  Avila,  who,  though 
taken  prisoner,  contrived  to  have  these  valuable 
documents  conveyed  to  some  friends  of  Cortes  in 
Spain,  whence  they  were  forwarded  to  his  Majesty 
the  Emperor,  in  Flanders.  The  exact  time  of 
Alonso  de  Avila’s  departure  from  Vera  Cruz  was 
the  20th  of  December,  1522. 

The  petition  from  the  Conquistadores  gave  an 
account  of  the  siege  of  Mexico;  besought  his  Memorial 
Majesty  to  send  to  New  Spain  a  bishop,  and  Con.lista- 
monks  of  all  the  religious  Orders ;  explained  their  ^ 
own  conduct  in  not  receiving  Tapia ;  prayed  that 
the  government  of  New  Spain  might  be  conferred 
upon  Cortes  (the  news  of  his  appointment  as 
Governor  had  not  yet  reached  them) ;  and  asked, 

)n  their  own  account,  that  all  the  royal  offices  in 
ihe  new  colony  might  be  given  to  them. 

The  above,  however,  are  not  the  points  in  the 
nemonal  which  are  most  curious,  and  which  most 
equire  to  be  dwelt  upon. 

The  world  is  so  torn  by  differences  of  opinion. 


138  COLONISTS’  DISLIKE  TO  LAWYERS. 


that  it  is  always  very  interesting,  and  somewhat 
delightful,  to  find  any  one  subject  upon  which 
One  tiling  there  is  singular  unanimity.  Xow  there  was 
^Spanish  something  wherein  the  Spanish  conquerors  and 
agreed.*8  colonists  universally  agreed.  Biscayan,  Estrema- 
duran,  Andalucian,  Castillian  —  men  who  had 
various  points  of  difference,  and  numberless  pro¬ 
vincial  jealousies, — concurred  in  one  request.  As 
soon  as  any  colony  was  in  the  least  degree  estab¬ 
lished  in  the  New  World,  the  colonists,  almost  in 
their  first  communication  with  their  sovereign, 
were  sure  to  entreat  him  to  prohibit  lawyers  from 
coming  out  to  them.  The  following  brief  notices 
will  serve  to  indicate  this  remarkable  unanimity. 
£uba  In  1516  the  commissioners  from  Cuba  to  the 

Court  succeeded  in  obtaining  an  order  that  law- 
vers  should  not  be  allowed  to  go  there,  because, 
since  some  had  gone  thither,  lawsuits  had  arisen 
amongst  the  inhabitants.* 

c< 


*  “  Cuios  Procuradores  Antonio  Velazquez,  f  Panfilo 
de  Narvaez,  haviendo  pedido  muchas  cosas,  al  cabo 
alcanearon,  que  porque  de  haver  pasado  Letrados  a  Cuba, 
liavian  nacido  Pleitos  entre  los  Vecinos,  que  no  pasasen 
mas,  i  que  los  que  en  ella  estaban  no  abogasen.’’ — Her¬ 
rera  ,  Ilist.  de  las  Indias,  dec.  II.  lib.  ii.  cap.  8. 


VASCO  NUNEZ'S  PETITION. 


139 


The  words  of  Vasco  Nunez  from  the  Terra- 
firma,  in  1513,  are  so  remarkable,  that  they  must 
be  repeated  here.  “  One  thing  I  supplicate  your 
Highness,  for  it  is  much  to  your  service,  and  that 
is,  that  you  would  give  orders,  under  a  great 
penalty ,  that  no  bachelor  of  law,  or  of  anything 
else,  except  medicine,  should  be  allowed  to  come 
to  these  parts  of  the  Terra-firma,  for  no  bachelor 
comes  here  who  is  not  a  devil,  and  who  does  not 


The  Terra 
firma. 


V  asco 
Nunez  to 
King-  Fer¬ 
dinand, 
Jan.  20, 
1513. 


lead  the  life  of  a  devil  ;  and  not  only  are  they  bad 
themselves,  but  they  also  make  and  contrive  a 
thousand  lawsuits  and  iniquities.  This  regula¬ 
tion  would  be  greatly  for  your  Highness’s  service, 
for  the  land  is  new.”* 


The  prejudice  against  lawyers  was  probably 
communicated  by  the  early  Spanish  conquerors  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  conquered  nations.  In  a 
memorable  rebellion  that  took  place  in  the  Island  Hispaniola, 
of  Hispaniola,  which  began  in  the  year  1519,  and 
was  not  finally  quelled  until  the  year  1533,  pre¬ 
datory  bands  of  fugitive  Indians  roamed  about 
the  island  and  harassed  the  Spaniards,  who,  from 
warriors,  had  become  peaceful  colonists  and  indus- 


*  Navarrete,  Col,  t.  iii.  p.  374. 


140 


LAWYERS  PROHIBITED  BY 


Peru. 


Rio  de  la 
Plata. 


trious  growers  of  sugar.  On  one  occasion,  a  young 
Spaniard,  who  had  been  captured  by  some  of 
these  revolters,  and  had  been  sentenced  by  them 
to  lose  his  right  hand,  besought  his  captors  to  cut 
off  the  left  hand  instead,  whereupon  the  Indian  in 
charge  of  the  execution  replied  with  these  con¬ 
vincing  words  : — “  You  are  a  lawyer.  Be  thank- 
ful  that  they  do  not  slay  you,  and  have  patience.” 
This  anecdote  was  related  by  the  sufferer  himself 
to  the  historian  Oviedo.* 

In  the  agreement  made  by  the  Emperor  with 
Pizarro,  in  1529,  respecting  the  discovery  of  Peru, 
it  was  determined  that  there  should  not  be  any 
lawyers  in  that  country. f 

In  1541  the  agreement  made  between  the 
Emperor  and  Cabe^a  de  Vaca  contained  a  sti¬ 
pulation  that  there  should  be  no  lawyers  or 
proctors  in  the  province  of  La  Plata,  for  experi¬ 
ence  had  shown  that,  in  lands  newly-peopled, 


*  “  Yo  le  vi  sin  la  raano  ....  el  le  rogo  que  no  le 
cortassen  la  mano  derecha,  sino  la  ezquierda ;  e  el  Tamayo 
le  dixo  assi :  ‘  Bachiller  soys :  agradesqed  qne  no  os 
matan  e  aved  pagiengia.’  ” — Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.  y  Nat.  de 
Indicts,  lib.  v.  cap.  4. 

j-  Hf.ti~rf.dAj  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  dec.  iv.  lib.  vi.  cap.  5. 


141 


PERMISSION  OF  THE  KING. 

many  quarrels  and  lawsuits  were  promoted  by 
them.* 

And  now,  in  this  memorial  to  the  Emperor, 
from  Cortes  and  the  other  Conquist adores  of 
Mexico,  Bernal  Diaz  states — “  We  supplicated  Mexico, 
him  that  he  should  not  send  lawyers,  for  in  enter- 
ing  the  country  they  would  throw  it  into  con¬ 
fusion  with  their  books ;  and  there  would  be  law- 
suits  and  dissensions.”  f 

The  King  granted  their  request;  and,  in  the 
regulations  which  he  made  for  the  colony  in  1523, 
he  declared  that,  “  in  order  that  they  (the  colo¬ 
nists)  might  perpetuate  themselves  and  live  in 
peace,”  no  lawyers  should  be  allowed  to  go  to 
^  Spain,  or,  if  any  should  go,  that  they  should 
not  be  allowed  to  advocate  causes.  J 


*  “  Que  no  huviese  Letrados,  ni  Procuradores,  porque 
la  experiencia  havia  mostrado,  que  en  las  Tierras  nue- 
vamente  pobladas  se  seguian  muehas  diferencias,  1  Plei- 

tos,  por  su  causa.” — Herrera,  Hist,  de  las  Indias ,  dec. 
vii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  8. 

t  “he  suplicamos  que  no  embiasse  Letrados,  porque 
en  entrando  en  la  tierra,  la  pondrian  en  rebuelta  con  sus 
libros,  e  auria  Pleitos,  y  dissensiones.” — Bernal  Diaz, 
cap.  169. 

\  “  Para  se  perpetuar,  f  vivir  en  paz,  se  mandb,  que 


142 


DIFFICULTIES  OF  LAWYERS 


Difficulties 
about  per¬ 
mitting- 
lawyers  to 
sro  to  New 

o 

Spain 


In  1527  the  matter  was  reconsidered,  and  law¬ 
yers  were  allowed  to  go  to  New  Spain,  “  as  the 
affairs  of  that  country  were  now  of  such  magni¬ 
tude  that  they  (the  lawyers)  could  not  be  dis¬ 
pensed  with.” 

In  the  following  year,  however,  it  appears  that 
the  colonists  in  New  Spain  again  petitioned  against 
the  entry  of  lawyers,  alleging  the  mischiefs  they 
had  caused.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  argued, 
there  were  people  who  could  not  defend  their 
own  causes.  Finally,  the  Court  of  Spain  em¬ 
powered  the  authorities  in  Mexico  to  act  as  they 
mmht  think  best  in  the  matter,  addins;  this  re- 
markable  proviso, — that  the  advocates  were  to 
swear  that  if  their  clients  had  not  the  right  on 
their  side,  they  would  not  help  them.* * 

In  1532,  notice  was  taken  of  the  fact  that  “  by 

no  se  consintiese,  ni  diese  lugar,  que  huviese  Procura- 
dores,  ni  Letrados,  que  abogasen ;  \  si  algunos  fuesen  a 
ella,  no  les  permitiese  abogar. — Herrera,  Hist,  de  Jos 
Indies ,  dec.  in.  lib.  v.  cap.  2. 

*  “Con  tan  to,  que  luego  que  comencasen  a  abogar,  \ 
entender  en  los  negocios,  jurasen,  que  si  sus  Partes  no 
tenian  justicia,  no  les  acudirian,  ni  pedirian  terminos,  a 
fin  de  dilatar.” — Herrera,  Hist,  de  las  Indies ,  dec.  iv. 
lib.  iii.  cap.  9.  I 


GOING  TO  NEW  SPAIN. 


143 


the  maIice  of  meD>  and  the  introduction  of  so 
many  lawyers  and  scriveners,”  the  laudable  cus¬ 
tom  of  deciding  suits  by  arbitration  had  fallen  Settlement 
into  desuetude :  and  the  Spanish  Government 

sought  to  bring  back  the  state  of  things  to  that  "geT 
of  the  good  old  times.* 

I  have  little  doubt  that  lawyers  and  lawsuits 
flourished  in  New  Spain,  notwithstanding  this  last 
fifFort  of  the  Court  to  restrain  them.  But  the 
irotest  uniformly  made  by  the  colonists  in  every 
nfant  colony,  and  not  merely  made  once,  but 
persisted  in,  is  a  circumstance  which  the  states¬ 
man  will  not  pass  by  without  heed.  It  would 
drnost  seem  as  if  each  colonist  had  undergone 
|3me  dread  experience  of  law,  and  felt  as  if  that 
i’hich  might  be  borne  in  an  old  country,  where 


or  la  mahcia  de  los  Hombres,  e  iutroducion  de 
Intos  Letrados,  f  Escrivanos,  se  havia  perdido  esta 
iena,  i  loable  costumbre ;  1  no  solo  se  bavian  dado  a 
eitear,  pero  si  como  antes  algunos  Pleitos  se  compro- 
stian  en  Jueces  Arbitros,  ia  no  querian,  como  solian, 
Gar  per  las  sentencias  de  ellos  ;  per  lo  qual  se  mandd. 
e  se  executasen  todas  las  arbiir  arias,  dadas  conform,  d 

?  e  Madrid,  que  establecieron  los  lleies  Gatolicos  en 
lo  de  mil  quatrocientos  i  quarenta  i  nuece.”— Herrera 
Ist  de  Edicts,  dec.  v.  lib.  ii.  cap.  8. 


144 


OBJECTIONS  TO  LAW . 


Much  law 
cannot  be 
borne 
where  the 
rest  of  life 
is  very 
^i<hcult. 


Prices 
fixed  by 
law. 
Coinage 
adulte¬ 
rated. 


other  things  have  been  worn  into  some  forms  of 
convenience,  could  not  be  endured  when  the  rest 
of  life  was  also  severe  and  complicated.  It  was 
too  much  for  a  man  who  had  to  fight  against  new 
diseases,  noxious  animals,  a  trying  climate,  and 
surrounding  barbarians,  to  be  also  molested  by 
the  cruel  frivolities,  the  fatal  forms,  the  needless 
precautions  which  soon  become  snares,  the  sub¬ 
tlety  applied  to  verbiage  which  no  skill  can  se¬ 
curely  arrange  and  no  dialectics  can  disentangle, 
and  all  the  vast  delay  which  belong  to  great 
lawsuits  in  highly-civilized  communities.  These 
things  can  only  be  borne  when  the  rest  of  life  is 
very  smooth. 

The  infant  colony,  though  not  as  yet  much 
disturbed  by  lawyers,  was  vexed  by  the  difficulties 
which  naturally  beset  such  arduous  undertakings 
as  the  settlement  of  men  in  new  lands.  The  cost 
of  everything  was  so  extravagant  that  Cortes  was 
obliged  to  appoint  two  persons  to  make  a  tariff  of 
prices.  The  coinage,  also,  was  tampered  with, 
which  tampering,  as  was  natural,  only  led  to  con- 


*  See  “  Bernal  Diaz,”  cap.  157. 


CORTES  ENTERS  INTO  MEXICO.  145 

fusion,  and  did  no  good  to  those  who  had  tried 
this  worst  resource  of  despots.  Of  ail  the  new 
things  that  probably  were  introduced  into  Mexico 
at  that  time,  water-mills  were  of  the  greatest  ad¬ 
vantage,  especially  to  the  Indian  women.* 

Amidst  all  his  other  occupations,  Cortes  did 
not  forget  his  duty  as  a  general,  nor  did  he  allow 
his  Spaniards  to  enter  the  city  of  Mexico  until  he 
'had  built  a  citadel  which  commanded  the  city  and  Fortres 
secured  the  obedience  of  the  native  Mexicans. 

That  done,  he  entered  Mexico.  The  state  of 
the  city  at  this  early  period  cannot  better  be  de- 
icnbed  than  in  the  words  of  Cortes  himself. 
‘Because  I  always  desired  that  this  city  should 

*  “No  apartemos  al  trigo  del  molino  de  agua. 

Juando  se  edified  el  primero  en  Mexico,  hizieron  los 
^spanoles  grandes  fiestas ;  y  los  Indies  4  su  semejaneja ; 
con  mayor  demonstracion  las  Indias ;  porque  daban 
nncipio  a  su  descanso. 

J  En  esta  ocasion  fue  quando  dixo  an  Indio  anciano, 
urlando  de  la  invencion :  Que  hazia  holgazanes  a  los’ 
ombres,  i  muy  iguales ;  pues  no  se  sabia  quien  era 
enor,  o  criado.  Y  anadia :  que  los  ignorantes  nacierou 

ira  servir,  y  los  sabios  para  rnandar,  y  holgar.” _ Gil 

onzalez  Davila,  Teatro  Eclesidstico  de  la  Primitiva  Ig - 
Na  de  las  Indias  Occidentales,  tom.  i.  p.  8.  Madrid 

a  n  1  * 


Cortes  to 
the  Empe¬ 
ror  on  the 
repeopling- 
of  Mexico. 


II. 


L 


146 


CORTES  TO  THE  EMPEROR 


be  rebuilt,  on  account  of  its  grandeur  and  mar¬ 
vellous  situation  ( maravilloso  assiento),  I  laboured 

to  bring  back  all  the  inhabitants,  who,  since  the 

% 

war,  were  scattered  in  many  places.  And,  al¬ 
though  I  have  always  kept,  and  still  keep,  the 
King  of  the  city  a  prisoner,  I  made  a  captain- 
general  of  his — whom  I  had  captured  during  the 
war,  and  whom  I  knew  from  the  time  of  Monte¬ 
zuma — take  charge  of  the  repeopling.  And,  in 
order  that  he  might  have  more  authority,  I  con¬ 
ferred  upon  him  the  same  office  which  he  had  held 
in  the  time  of  his  Lord,  namely,  that  of  Cihuacuatl , 
which  means  Lieutenant  of  the  King.  And  to 
other  principal  persons,*  whom  I  had  also  known 
before,  I  gave  such  other  offices  of  government  in 
the  city  as  they  had  been  accustomed  to  hold. 

*  The  respectful  manner  in  which  Cortes  speaks  of 
these  Mexican  officers  is  worthy  of  note.  The  only  sure 
method  of  appreciating  the  merits  of  a  conquered  race  is 
to  observe  the  impression  made  by  them  on  those  who 
saw  them  first,  and  who  were  in  a  state  of  civilization 
not  far  distant  from  our  own.  The  inhabitants  of 
America,  at  the  time  of  their  conquest,  are  best  under¬ 
stood  by  studying  the  writings  of  Las  Casas,  Columbus. 
Cortes,  and  Bernal  Diaz,  all  of  whom  coincide  in  mani¬ 
festing  a  great  respect  for  the  conquered  races. 


ON  RE. PEOPLING  MEXICO. 


147 


And  to  this  Cihuacuatl,  and  to  the  rest,  I  gave 
lordships  of  lands,  and  of  people,  so  that  they 
might  be  maintained,  though  not  to  the  same 
extent  as  heretofore,  for  fear  of  their  rebellion  ; 
and  I  have  always  endeavoured  to  honour  and 
favour  them.  They  have  worked  in  such  a 
manner  that  there  are  already  thirty  thousand 
inhabitants  in  the  city,  and  the  same  order  that 
there  used  to  be  in  their  market-places  and  bar- 
termgs.  And  I  have  given  them  such  liberties 
and  exemptions  that  every  day  the  population  is 
increasing ;  for  they  live  much  at  their  ease,  and 
the  workmen  in  the  mechanical  arts,  of  whom 
there  are  many,  live  by  the  daily  wages  which 
*ey  gam  amongst  the  Spaniards,  as  carpenters, 
nasons,  stone-cutters,  silversmiths,  and  other  ar- 
isans;”  He  then  proceeds  to  speak  of  the  per- 
ons  who  live  by  fishing,  which  was  a  great  branch 
f  commerce  there,  and  of  the  many  agricultu- 
ahsts.  He  begs  the  King  to  send  seeds*  and 


Means  of 
support 
for  the 
Mexican 
officers. 


30,000  in¬ 
habitants  : 
order  re- 
establish¬ 
ed. 


Mexican 
mechanics 
paid  by 
daily 
wages. 


I  Davila  mentions  that  the  first  grain  of  corn  which 
!)rung  up  was  sown  by  a  servant  of  Cortes :  it  produced 
ur  hundred-fold.  “  Hazenso  grandes  cosechas:  dos 
•zes  se  coge  tngo  en  el  ano.  Y  para  que  se  vea  la 
ijan^a,  y  poderio  de  la  tierra,  Juan  Garrido,  criado  de 


148 


NEED  OF  INTERPRETERS 


Agricul¬ 
ture  to  be 
encou¬ 
raged. 


Prospects 
for  Mexico. 


fruits  from  Spain,  “  as  the  natives  of  these  parts 
are  very  fond  of  cultivating  the  earth  and  rearing 
plantations.”  f  Finally,  he  concludes  by  telling 
the  Emperor  that  in  the  Spanish  part  of  the  town 
there  are  many  houses  already  built,  and  many 
begun ;  and  that  in  five  years’  time  it  will  be 
«  the  most  noble  and  populous  city  in  the  world, 
and  with  very  fine  buildings.”  He  adds  that 
there  are  two  large  market-places,  one  in  the 


Mexican,  and  the  other  in  the  Spanish  quarter. 

It  may  seem  ungracious,  when  recounting  so 
many  acts  of  great  sagacity  on  the  part  of  Cortes 
in  the  civil  and  military  government  of  Mexico 
and  its  dependencies,  to  comment  upon  any  error 
or  omission.  But  there  is  one  matter  which  pre¬ 
eminently  demanded  the  attention  of  Cortes,  and 
to  which,  as  far  as  we  know,  he  does  not  appear 


Hernando  Cortes  sembro  en  nn  huerto  tres  granos  de 
trigo ;  perdiose  el  nno,  y  los  dos  dieron  mas  de  quatro- 
cientos  granos,  y  poco  a  poco  se  cogio  infinito  trigo ;  y 
de  lo  qne  es  de  regadio  se  coge  en  mayor  abundancia 
porque  un  grano  produce  docientos  y  mas.”  Gil  Gon¬ 
zalez  Davila,  Teatro  Eclesidsiico ,  tom.  i.  p.  8. 

f  “  Segun  los  Naturales  de  estas  partes  son  Amigos 
de  cultivar  las  Tierras,  y  de  traher  Arboledas.”— Lob- 
ENZANA,  p.  376. 


X 


OVERLOOKED  BY  CORTES. 


149 


to  have  given  his  usual  forecasting  thought.  For 
the  good  government  of  the  nations  he  had  con- 
quered,  for  the  advantageous  settlement  of  the 
Spaniards  themselves,  and  especially  for  the  com¬ 
pletion  of  the  conquest  with  the  least  possible 
effusion  of  blood  and  waste  of  treasure,  it  was 
above  all  things  necessary  that  the  Indians  and 
the  Spaniards  should  understand  one  another. 

An  interpreter  was  worth  an  army  ;  and  it  is  The  value 
almost  impossible  to  appreciate  the  nature  of  the  preTerT 
conquest  thoroughly,  in  all  its  horrors  and  in  all 
its  difficulties,  without  a  constant  recollection  of  the 
fact  that  opposing  armies,  that  allies,  that  gover¬ 
nors  and  their  subjects,  and  that  even  masters 
and  their  servants  had,  for  the  most  part,  only 
the  rudest  means  of  communication.  The  Church, 
containing  the  learned  men  of  the  day,  was  sure 
to  undertake,  and  did  undertake,  the  remedy  for 
this  great  evil.  It  may  be  said  that  Cortes  waited 
for  the  advent  of  the  Franciscans  and  Dominicans, 
whom  he  more  than  once  petitioned  the  Court  of 
Spain  to  send  to  the  new  country.  But  it  must 
be  owned  that  it  would  have  completed  the  mani¬ 
festation  of  his  sagacity,  if  he  had  taken  any  steps 
at  once  for  training  some  few  Spaniards  and  some 


150 


CORTES  ON  CONVERSION. 


few  Indians  as  interpreters.  Geronimo  de  Agui¬ 
lar  died  some  time  in  the  first  three  or  four  years 
after  the  taking  of  Mexico,  and  the  Indian  woman, 
Marina,  the  once-beloved  of  Cortes,  from  whom 
he  derived  the  name  by  which  he  was  generally 
known,  Malinche  (the  Lord  of  Marina),  was  pro¬ 
bably  the  only  very  good  interpreter  then  left. 
After  Cortes,  she  must  be  considered  to  have 
been  the  most  important  personage — the  one  who 
could  least  be  spared — in  New  Spain. 

An  object  which  Cortes  never  lost  sight  of, 

Cortes  on  was  the  conversion  of  the  natives.  In  his  report 

the  subject 

of  confer-  to  the  Emperor,  dated  the  15th  of  October,  1524, 

skm. 

he  says  that,  “  as  many  times  as  I  have  written  to 
your  Sacred  Majesty,  I  have  told  your  Highness 
of  the  readiness  which  there  is  in  some  of  the 
natives  of  these  parts  to  receive  our  Holy  Catholic 
Faith,  and  become  Christians.  And  I  have  sent 
to  supplicate  your  Imperial  Majesty  that  you 
would  have  the  goodness  to  provide  religious  per¬ 
sons,  of  good  life  and  example,  for  that  end.” 
Cortes  then  proceeds  to  suggest  that  these  should 
be  monastic  persons,  and  he  speaks  very  plainly 
against  bishops  and  other  prelates.  This  is  the 
passage  which,  I  imagine,  has  led  some  ingenious 


ARRIVAL  OF  MARTIN  BE  VALENCIA.  151 


persons  to  believe  that  Cortes  was  inclined  to  the 
Protestant  doctrines.  To  my  mind,  it  is  to  be 
explained  by  his  great  desire  for  conversion,  in 
which  he  wisely  foresaw  the  religious  Orders 
would  be  most  useful.  Perhaps,  also,  his  dislike 
to  Bishop  Fonseca,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the 
India  Office  in  the  mother  country,  may  be  traced 
in  this  general  outbreak  against  bishops. 

It  must  have  been  with  great  satisfaction,  that 
Cortes  in  this  year  (1524)  had  to  welcome  the 
arrival  of  Martin  de  Valencia  and  his  Franciscan 
brethren. 

As  there  were  many  things  connected  with  the 
Church  in  the  New  World  which  required  settle¬ 
ment,  a  synod  was  immediately  held.  It  consisted 
of  five  clerigos ,  nineteen  religiosos ,  six  letrados , 
and  Cortes  himself.*  At  this  synod  the  difficult 


*  “  X  para  que  en  todo  se  procediesse  conforme  a  lo 
dispuesto  por  la  Santa  Madre  Iglesia.  Fray  Martin  de 
Valencia,  como  Legado  del  Santfssimo  Papa,  junto  un 
Synodo,  que  fue  el  primero  que  se  celebro  en  el  Nuevo 
Mundo,  y  en  el  se  hallaron,  5  Clerigos,  19  Religiosos, 
6  Letrados,  y  con  ellos  D.  Fernando  Cortes.” — Gil  Gon¬ 
zalez  Davila,  Teatro  Eclesidstico ,  tom.  i.  p.  20. 

“  Ultimamente  habiendose  ocurrido  a  la  Cathedra  de 
San  Pedro,  decidio  el  Senor  Paulo  III.  por  un  Breve,  en 


Cortes 
adverse  to 
bishops. 


Arrival 
of  the 
Francis 
cans. 
1524. 


4 


152 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  CORTES. 


question  of  polygamy  was  discussed ;  and  it  was 
arranged  that  the  Indian  husband  might  choose  as 

o  o 

his  legal  wife  the  one  he  liked  best. 

© 

Few  conquerors  or  statesmen  can  have  trans¬ 
acted  more  important  affairs  than  we  see  that 
Cortes  had  to  deal  with  in  the  three  years  and 
two  months  that  had  now  elapsed  since  the  Con¬ 
quest  of  Mexico. 


que  expresamente  manda,  que  quando  uno  viniesse  a  la 
Fe,  se  le  de  la  primera  de  las  Mugeres  que  tenia  en  su 
Gentilidad ;  y  si  no  supiesse  declarar  qual  era  la  primera, 
se  le  de  la  que  el  quisiesse.” — F.  A.  Lokenzana,  Concilios 
Frovinciales  de  Mexico ,  Nota,  p.  6.  Mexico,  1769. 


CHAPTER  XIY. 

The  Expeditions  sent  out  by  Cortes  to  conquer  and  to 
colonize  The  Expedition  of  Alvarado, 

ORTES  was  a  man  of  insatiable  activity. 
It  might  have  been  thought  that,  after 
the  conquest  of  Mexico,  the  rebuilding 
and  repeopling  of  the  city  would  have  sufficiently 
exhausted  the  energies  even  of  that  active  man. 
But  it  was  not  so.  He  is  chiefly  known  to  the 
world  by  that  conquest  of  Mexico,  which,  for  its 
audacity,  stands  unrivalled  in  the  annals  of  man¬ 
kind  ;  but  he  was  subsequently  employed  in  fur¬ 
ther  conquests,  which  cost  him  far  more  labour 
and  suffering,  but  have  hardly  added  at  all  to  his 
renown,  so  little  time  and  thought  can  men  spare 
for  a  thorough  investigation  of  the  lives  and  deeds 
of  even  their  most  remarkable  fellow-men. 


I 


154  EFFECT  ON  NEIGHBOURING  STATES 

Almost  in  the  next  page  of  his  third  letter  to 
the  Emperor,  after  that  in  which  he  describes  the 
siege  and  capture  of  Mexico,  Cortes  begins  to 
inform  His  Majesty  what  steps  he  has  taken  for 
the  discovery  of  that  which  he  calls  “  the  other 
Sea  of  the  South.” 

News  of  After  the  last  discharge  of  the  cannon  of  Cortes 

the  fall  cf  11111  •  i  t 

Mexico.  had  been  made  upon  the  helpless  but  unyielding 
crowd  of  Mexico,  the  news  of  the  city’s  fall  was 
not  slow  in  reaching  the  adjacent  territories. 

Along  the  glad  shores  of  the  lakes,  up  the  vast 
rocky  basin  in  which  those  glistening  waters  and 

How  it  the  gemlike  cities  were  set,  through  all  the  defiles  of 
the  mountains,  down  the  rivers,  across  the  elevated 
plains  of  Mexico,  from  the  eastern  to  the  western 
sea,  southwards  to  powerful  Utatlan,  and  north¬ 
wards  to  virgin  California,  sped  the  news. 

The  citizens  of  well-ordered  states  communed 

together  upon  the  fate  of  the  greatest  of  cities 

known  to  them.  The  travelling  merchant  told 

the  tale,  not  unembellished,  to  his  wondering 
% 

auditors.  The  wandering  huntsman,  sitting  at 
night  by  his  watch-fire,  held  entranced  the  keen, 
bright  eyes  of  other  wanderers  from  scattered  and 


OF  TEE  FALL  OF  MEXICO. 


155 


distant  tribes,  while  he  related  to  them  new  and 
unimagined  feats  of  arms  performed  by  bearded 
men  and  animals  unknown  in  their  prairies.  All 
central  America  must  soon  have  been  aware  that 
their  “  Babylon  the  Great  had  fallen.” 

. And  h°W  dld  the  listeners  receive  the  asto¬ 
nishing  news  ?  With  joy,  regret,  and  apprehen- 

sion .  joy,  that  a  ruthless  enemy,  to  whose  fell 
?ods  their  young  men  and  their  maidens  had  been 
sacrificed,  was  now  no  more ;  regret,  that  they, 

'  6  lnjUred’  had  had  no  part  in  the  misfortunes 
)  the  detested  city ;  and  apprehension,  lest  a 
v’orse  thing  should  come  upon  them  than  even 
he  power  of  the  hateful  Aztecs.  A  dead  enemy 
3  soon  forgotten.  The  most  gigantic  fear  leaves 
ut  little  trace  behind.  A  huge  idol,  once  cast 
own  from  its  pedestal,  or  a  fallen  minister  of 
>rranny.  dragged  ignominiously  through  the 
greets,  is  reviled,  cursed,  stamped  upon  to-day, 
id  buried  in  oblivion  to-morrow.  Past  terrors 

?  agam.  0nl^  in  men’s  dreams.  All  that  the 
aghbouring  nations  had  suffered  from  the 

deous  Aztec  gods  would  be  forgotten  in  the 

far  terror,  which,  like  Aaron’s  rod,  had  devoured 

<e  puny  enchantments  of  false  magicians. 


How  the 
news  was 
received 
in  the 
neighbour¬ 
ing  states. 


156  IMPRESSION  PRODUCED  BY  TEE 


The  con-  . 
quest  of 
the  New 
World :  its 
first  aspect 
to  the  con¬ 
quered. 


The  fall  of  Mexico  must  have  produced  an 
impression  on  the  chiefs  of  the  neighbouring 
states  far  greater  than  that  which  would  have 
been  felt  throughout  Germany  at  the  defeat  of 
an  emperor  by  a  foreign  enemy ;  or  throughout 
France*  in  the  early  days  of  French  sovereignty 
over  many  provinces,  at  a  similar  defeat  of  their 
lord  paramount,  the  French  monarch ;  or  through¬ 
out  Christendom,  at  the  capture  by  the  Moslem 
of  imperial  Constantinople. 

Indeed,  the  defeat  of  the  dwellers  in  the  New 
World  by  those  from  the  Old  was  not,  in  its  first 
aspect,  like  the  defeat  of  men  by  men ;  but  it 
seemed  as  if  that  ancient  giant  race,  the  children 
of  women  by  the  sons  of  gods,  not  immersed  by 
any  deluge,  but  for  ages  safely  dwelling  amidst 
the  mountains  of  the  Caucasus,  and  hitherto  lapped 
in  a  sublime  indifference  to  human  concerns,  had 
now,  obeying  some  wild,  mysterious  impulse,  burst 
out  upon  the  miserable  descendants  of  mere  men 
and  women.  These  new  beings  might  be  tutelai 
divinities,  might  be  destroying  angels ;  but  then 
was  no  doubt  that  they  came  forth,  clothed  ir 
what  seemed  celestial  panoply,  “  conquering  ant 
to  conquer.” 


CONQUEST  OF  TEE  NEW  WORLD. 


157 


The  Indian  kings  who  were  opposed  to  the 
Mexican  dynasty,  no  less  than  those  who  were 
allied  to  it,  shuddered  at  the  success  of  these  awful 
invaders  from  another  sphere.  The  first  potentate 


who  sent  ambassadors  to  Cortes  was  the  King  of  Ambassa- 
Mechoacan,  a  province  about  seventy  leagues  to  Mechoa” 
the  south-west  of  Mexico.  From  these  ambas¬ 
sadors,  Cortes,  who  had  already  heard  something 
about  this  “  Sea  of  the  South,”  made  further  in- 


158 


SEA  OF  TEE  SOUTH 


Cortes 
sends  to 
discover 
the  Sea  of 
the  South. 


quiries.  He  found  that  it  was  to  be  reached 
through  Mechoacan  ;  and,  accordingly,  after 
causing  his  cavalry  to  manoeuvre  before  these 
Mechoacan  ambassadors,  so  as  to  impress  them 
with  a  fitting  sense  of  his  power,  and  after  making 
them  some  presents,  he  sent  two  Spaniards  back 
with  them  on  a  journey  of  discovery.  Hearing 
still  more  about  this  sea  from  other  quarters,  he 
sent  in  different  directions  two  other  parties  of 
Spaniards  to  explore  the  way  to  the  sea,  and  to 
take  u  possession”  of  it.  He  seems  to  have  been 
fully  aware  of  the  importance  of  this  discovery, 
for  he  says, — “  I  was  very  proud,  for  it  appeared 
to  me  that,  in  discovering  it.  His  Majesty  would 
receive  a  great  and  signal  service  ;  since,*’  he  adds, 
“  it  was  the  decided  opinion  of  all  men  who  had 
any  knowledge  or  experience  in  the  navigation 
of  the  Indies,  that  w^hen  this  sea  was  discovered, 
many  islands  would  be  found  in  it,  abounding  in 
gold,  pearls,  precious  stones,  and  spices.”*  Cortes 

*  “  Estaba  muy  ufano,  porque  me  parecia,  que  en  la 
descubrir  se  hacia  a  Vuestra  Magestad  muy  grande,  y 
senalado  servicio:  especialmente,  que  todos  los  que  tienen 
alguna  ciencia,  y  oxperiencia  en  la  Navegacion  de  las 
Indias,  ban  tenido  por  muy  cierto,  que  descubriendo  por 


DISCOVERED  BY  SPANIARDS. 


159 


thought,  moreover,  that  many  «  secrets  and  won¬ 
derful  things”  were  yet  to  be  discovered  there. 

From  this  faith  in  what  was  marvellous  the  first 
explorers  and  conquerors  derived  an  ardour  in 
pursuit,  and  an  untiring  love  of  novelty,  which 
reminds  one  of  the  same  qualities  as  they  exist  in 
the  untravelled  souls  of  little  children. 

As  the  sea  was  at  no  great  distance,  it  was  Discovery 
soon  discovered  by  one  or  other  of  the  parties  of  t‘he  Sea 
sent  out  to  explore ;  and  formal  possession  was 
taken  of  it  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor,  some 
time  in  the  year  1522,  nine  years  after  the  dis-  * 
covery  of  the  same  sea  by  Vasco  Nunez,  about  a 
thousand  miles  lower  down. 

Following  the  embassage  from  Mechoacan,  Embassy 
there  arrived  at  the  camp  of  Cortes  another  set  X£b"- 
of  envoys,  from  a  people  about  a  hundred  leagues 
further  south  than  Mechoacan,  inhabiting  a  mari¬ 
time  country  called  Tehuantepec,  which,  it  appears, 
was  the  territory  where  one  of  these  parties  of  dis¬ 
covering  Spaniards  had  come  upon  the  Sea  of  the 
South.  These  Indians,  as  was  usually  the  case, 

estas  Partes  la  Mar  del  Sur,  se  habian  de  hallar  muchas 
fslas  ricas  de  Oro,  y  Perlas,  y  Piedras  preciosas,  y  Es- 
peceria.” — Lorenzana,  p.  302. 


160  ALVARADO  SENT  TO  TUTUTEPEC. 


Cortes 
sends 
Alvarado 
to  Tutu- 
tepee. 


were  at  war  with  their  next  neighbours,  the  in¬ 
habitants  of  a  country  called  Tututepec.  Imme¬ 
diately  south  of  Tehuantepec  lies  the  province  of 
Soconusco,  and  south  of  that  is  Guatemala.  Fol¬ 
lowing  the  usual  rule,  these  two  last-named  pro¬ 
vinces  were  also  at  feud  with  one  another.  The 
<rreat  political  doctrine  of  the  balance  of  power 
was  but  beginning  to  be  understood  in  Europe  in 
those  days,  and  was  totally  beyond  the  compass 
of  Indian  statesmanship.  Accordingly,  a  similar 
series  of  events  to  those  which  had  enabled  Cortes 
to  reach  and  to  conquer  Mexico  was  now  to  con¬ 
duct  his  lieutenants  into  the  southern  provinces 
of  Central  America.  These  two  provinces  of 
Tututepec  and  Tehuantepec,  which,  from  the 
similarity  of  their  names,  we  may  fairly  conjecture 
to  have  been  inhabited  by  tribes  of  the  same  race, 
were  the  first  to  give  occasion  to  the  stranger 
to  enter  armed  into  their  territories;  for  Cortes, 
at  the  request  of  the  envoys  from  Tehuantepec, 
despatched  Pedro  de  Alvarado  with  a  body  .of 
troops  to  conquer  the  unfriendly  province  of  Tu¬ 
tutepec.  This  province,  however,  does  not  seem 
to  have  received  the  lieutenant  of  Cortes  with 
extreme  hostility,  or,  at  least,  to  have  made  any 


HIS  PROCEEDINGS  THERE. 


161 


effectual  resistance.  After  a  few  skirmishes, 

Pedro  de  Alvarado  made  his  way  into  the  town 
of  Tututepec,  where  he  was  well  received,  and 
was  furnished  with  provisions  and  presented  with 
gold.  The  hostile  Indians,  however,  of  the  next 
province,  Tehuantepec,  suggested  that  all  this 
friendly  demonstration  was  but  feigned,  and  that 
an  offer  which  the  Cacique  had  made  to  the 
Spaniards,  to  lodge  them  in  his  own  palace,  was 
but  a  scheme  to  destroy  them  by  setting  their 

quarters  on  fire.  Pedro  de  Alvarado  believed  Alvarado’s 
this  accusation,  or  affected  to  believe  it,  and  oft"' 
seized  upon  the  person  of  the  Cacique,  who,  after  Tut^ 
giving  much  money  to  his  captor,  died  in  prison. 

That  this  seizure  of  the  Cacique  was  thought  un¬ 
just  even  by  the  Spaniards  of  that  time  is  proved 
by  the  testimony  of  Bernal  Diaz.*  There  is 
no  novelty  in  this  proceeding  of  Alvarado. 

Indeed,  the  dealings  of  the  Spaniards  with  the 

“  Otros  Espanoles  de  fe,  y  de  creer,  dixeron  que  por 
!  ;acalle  mucho  oro,  e  sin  justicia.  murid  en  las  prisiones: 

Uora  sea  lo  uno,  d  lo  o,  otr  aquel  Cacique  did  a  Pedro  de 
Uvarado  mas  de  triente  mil  pesos,  y  murid  de  enojo,  y 
le  la  prision.”— Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  161. 


162 


CHARACTER  AND 


Alvarado’s 

character. 


Alvarado’s 

personal 

appear¬ 

ance. 


Indians  seem,  at  this  period  of  the  Conquest, 
to  be  arranged  according  to  a  certain  routine, 
in  which  the  capture  of  the  principal  chief  is 
seldom  omitted  ;  and  it  is  worth  while  to  notice 
the  imprisonment  of  the  Cacique  of  Tututepec 
merely  because  it  is  the  first  of  a  series  of  such 
proceedings  on  the  part  of  Alvarado,  who  was 
the  principal  conqueror  of  Central  America. 
His  qualifications  for  command,  as  far  as  they 
appear  in  the  page  of  history,  were  not  of  the 
highest  order.  He  was  grave,  daring,  restless, 
crafty,  devout,  but  without  any  true  policy.  He 
was  a  great  talker ;  but  still,  I  should  imagine,  a 
man  of  considerable  force,  if  not  skill,  in  action, 
as  he  was  largely  trusted  by  Cortes. 

Alvarado’s  personal  appearance  was  much  in 
his  favour.  It  is  thus  described  by  Bernal  Diaz. 
“  He  had  a  fine  and  well-proportioned  figure. 
His  face  and  countenance  were  very  lively,  with 
a  very  amiable  expression ;  and,  from  being  so 
handsome,  the  Mexican  Indians  gave  him  the 
name  of  Tonatiuh,  which  means  ‘  the  Sun/  He 
was  very  agile,  and  a  good  horseman,  and  above 
all,  a  frank  being,  and  a  pleasant  companion. 
In  his  dress  he  was  very  elegant,  and  wore  rich 

•/  O  * 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  ALVARADO. 


163 


Alvarado  was  nearly  the  same  age  as 
Cortes,  for  Bernal  Diaz  says  that  he  was  about 
thirty-four  years  old  when  he  came  to  New  Spain. 

In  his  daring  qualities  and  brilliant  appearance  he 
may  be  compared  to  Murat ;  and  his  relation  to 
Cortes  may  not  inaptly  be  compared  with  that 
of  the  King  of  Naples  to  the  first  Napoleon. 

Alvarado  founded  a  town  in  Tututepec,  which 
he  called  Segura  :  but,  on  account  of  the  heat  of 
the  climate  and  the  swarms  of  insects,  it  was 

boon  deserted.  This  expedition  of  Alvarado’s  took 
Diace  in  the  year  1522. 

i  From  the  seat  of  his  new  conquest  Pedro  de  Intervie„. 
Uvarado  despatched  two  messengers  to  Guate-  fheSpanish 
iala  (called  by  the  Indians  QuauhtemalMn,  the  anTtZ^ 
lace  of  wood,  or  of  decayed  wood),  who  were  to  Guate-" 
ffer  on  the  part  of  Cortes  “his  friendship  and  mala' 
is  religion”  to  the  Chief  of  that  province. 

The  chief  asked  these  messengers  whether 
iey  came  from  Malinche,  whether  they  had  made 
leir  journey  by  sea  or  by  land,  and  whether 
|iey  would  speak  the  truth  in  all  that  they  should 
y.  They  replied  that  they  always  did  speak 


*  “  Bernal  Diaz,”  cap.  206. 


164 


MESSENGERS  SENT  TO  THE 


the  truth ;  that  they  had  come  by  land ;  and 
that  they  were  sent  by  Cortes,  the  invincible 
Captain  of  the  Emperor  of  the  W  orld,  a  mortal 
man,  and  not  a  god,  but  one  who  came  to  show 
the  Indians  the  way  to  immortality  * 

The  Chief  then  asked,  whether  their  Captain 
brought  with  him  those  great  sea-monsters  which 
had  passed  by  that  coast  the  previous  year.f  The 
messengers  replied,  “Yes,  and  even  greater  ones 
and  one  of  them,  who  was  a  ship’s  carpenter, 
made  a  drawing  of  a  carack  with  six  masts,  at 
which  the  Indians  marvelled  greatly.  The  Chiel 

*  “  Embio  a  Quauktemallan  dos  Espanoles,  que  habla 
sen  con  el  Seiior,  1  le  ofreciesen  su  amistad,  1  Eeligion 
el  qnal  preguntb,  si  eran  de  Malinxe  (que  asi  llamaban  i 
Cortes),  Dios  caido  del  Cielo ,  de  quien  id  tenia  notida 
si  venian  por  Mar ,  6  por  Tier r a,  i  si  dirian  verdad  en  tod 
lo  que  hablasen  ?  Elios  respondieron,  que  siempre  habla 
ban  verdad ,  i  que  ibon  d  pie  por  Tierra ,  i  que  eran  d 
Cortes,  Capitan  invencihle  del  Emperador  del  Mundi 
Hombre  mortal ,  i  no  Dios ;  pero  que  venia  d  mo  sir  or  < 
camino  de  la  inmort alidad  Gomaha,  Hist,  de  las  India, 
cap.  207.  Baiicia,  Ilistoriadores ,  tom.  ii. 

f  The  ships  in  question  were  those  in  the  expeditio 
of  Gil  Gonqalez  Davila,  who  discovered  Xicaragua.- 
Gomaka,  de  el  dcscubnm'icnto  de  Nicaragua,  chap.  10£ 
Hist,  de  las  Indias.  Barcia,  Ilistoriadores,  tom.  ii. 


CHIEF  OF  GUATEMALA. 


165 


then  asked  them  if  the  Spaniards  were  not  very 
\  aliant,  and  stronger  than  other  men.  Xhev 
replied  that,  with  the  aid  of  God,  whose  sacred 
law  they  were  publishing  in  those  parts,  and  by 
means  of  certain  animals  on  which  they  rode, 
they  were  accustomed  to  conquer.  Then,  to  interview 
assist  the  imaginations  of  the  Guatemalans,  they  theSpanis 
painted  a  great  horse,  with  a  man  in  armour  upon  germane i 
it.  The  Guatemalan  Chief  declared  that  he  should  ofGW 
like  to  be  the  friend  of  such  men,  and  would  o’ive 
them  fifty  thousand  warriors,  in  order  that  his 
men  and  theirs  united  might  conouer  some  trou¬ 
blesome  neighbours,  who  devastated  his  country. 

These  neighbours  were  the  Soconuscans.  This 
kind  of  alliance  with  the  Spaniards  was  the  first 
thought  always  of  the  too-confiding  Indians ;  and 
unluckily  they  had  no  Pilpay  or  ^Esop  to  tell  them 
the  fable  of  the  foolish  horse  who  called  in  the 
assistance  of  man  to  conquer  his  enemy  the  stag, 
and  who  with  that  pernicious  aid  did  conquer  him, 
and  has  been  much  vexed  and  beridden  by  his 
associate  ever  since. 

After  this  interview,  the  Spanish  messengers 
were  dismissed  with  magnificent  presents  of  gold, 
jewels,  and  provisions,  which,  it  is  said,  required 


166 


COLLISION  BETWEEN  THE 


no  fewer  than  five  thousand  men  to  carry  them. 
Such  was  the  first  notice  which  the  Spaniards 
received  of  Guatemala. 


Embassage 

from 

Guatemala 
to  Cortes. 


Returning  now  to  the  camp  of  Cortes  at 
Mexico,  we  find  him  informing  the  Emperor,  in 
the  year  1524,  that  from  Utatlan  and  Guatemala 
an  embassage  of  an  hundred  persons  had  come, 
offering  themselves  as  vassals  to  the  Spanish 
monarchy,  whom  he  had  received  and  dismissed 
with  every  mark  of  friendship.  Meanwhile,  how¬ 
ever,  this  indefatigable  commander  had  made 
friends  with  the  Soconuscans,  and  had  even  begun 
ship-building  on  that  part  of  the  coast.  The 
Guatemalans,  when  their  embassage  returned 
home,  being  assured  of  the  friendship  of  Cortes, 
were  only  the  more  inclined  on  that  account  to 
carry  war  into  the  territories  of  their  enemies  the 
Soconuscans,  and  thus  they  did  not  fail  to  come  into 
collision  with  the  settlers  sent  out  by  Cortes.  For 
this  offence  the  Guatemalans  apologized,  but  their 
excuses  were  not  received.  The  words  of  Cortes 
to  the  Emperor  are  the  following,  and  show  the 
grounds  of  the  beginning  of  the  war: — “I  have 
been  informed  by  certain  Spaniards,  whom  I  have 


NATIVES  AND  SETTLERS.  167 

in  the  province  of  Soconusco,  how  those  cities, 
with  their  provinces  (Utatlan  and  Guatemala), 
and  another  which  is  called  Chiapa,*  that  is 
near  them,  do  not  maintain  that  good  will  which 


they  formerly  showed,  but,  on  the  contrary,  it  is 
said  that  they  do  injury  to  the  towns  of  Soconusco, 
because  they  (the  Soconuscans)  are  our  friends. 


*  This  is  the  first  mention  of  that  district,  afterwards 
to  become  renowned  as  the  bishopric  of  Las  Casas. 


168 


INVASION  OF  GUATEMALA. 


iVetext  of 
( ortes  for 
invading 
Guate¬ 
mala 


Alvarado 
commences 
his  expe¬ 
dition 
against 
Guate¬ 
mala,  Dec. 
1523. 


The  said  Christians  also  write  to  me  that  the 
Guatemalans  have  sent  many  messengers  to  ex¬ 
culpate  themselves,  saying  that  they  did  not  do 
it,  hut  others;  and  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  this 
statement,  I  have  sent  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  with 
eighty  horsemen,  and  two  hundred  foot-soldiers, 

amongst  whom  were  several  cross-bowmen  and 

*  • 

arquebusiers,  and  four  cannon,  with  much  ammu¬ 
nition  and  powder.* 

It  does  not  need  much  knowledge  of  history, 
nor  much  experience  of  life,  to  foresee  what  kind 
of  truth  would  be  discovered  by  this  formidable! 
armament;  and  it  mav  be  useful  to  notice  the 
mode  of  interference  of  a  powerful  state  in  the 
affairs  of  smaller  ones,  when  it  comes  before  us  in 
this  clear  and  marked  way,  without  any  of  the 
complications  of  nice  and  difficult  diplomacy. 
This  expedition,  in  which  Pedro  de  Alvarado  held 
the  title  of  lieutenant-governor  and  captain-gene¬ 
ral,  quitted  Mexico  on  the  6th  of  December,  1523. 

*  “  Lorenzana,”  p.  350. 

f  I  say  “formidable,”  because,  though  the  numbers 
of  the  Spaniards  were  few,  they  were  probably  accom¬ 
panied  by  a  numerous  body  of  their  Indian  allies.  In 
such  an  expedition  as  this,  there  would  be  at  least  a 
thousand  or  fifteen  hundred  Mexican  auxiliaries. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Other  expeditions  sent  out  by  Cortes  to  conquer  and  to 
colonize— Expedition  under  Sandoval. 

HE  expedition,  which  Cortes  sent  under 
the  command  of  Alvarado,  and  which 
led  to  the  conquest  of  Guatemala,  was 
not  by  any  means  the  only  one  which  Cortes 
furnished  and  sent  forth  from  Mexico.  It  would 
be  useless  to  recount  the  doings  of  all  these  expe- 
itions,  but  it  will  be  desirable  to  follow  the 
career  of  that  one  which  was  placed  under  the 
command  of  Sandoval.  We  may  fairly  conjecture 
that  this  commander  was  imbued  with  the  spirit 
of  his  great  friend  and  leader.  The  expedition 
was  to  colonize  and  conquer  towards  the  sea  of 
*  e  North,  and  its  chief  settlements  were  made  in, 
or  near,  the  province  now  called  Vera  Cruz. 

One  of  the  objects  of  the  expedition  was  to 


170 


CORTES  SENES  SANDOVAL 


punish  the  inhabitants  of  Tustepec,  who,  at  the 
time  of  the  retreat  of  Cortes  from  Mexico,  had 
put  to  death  sixty  Spaniards  and  six  Spanish 
ladies,  who  had  belonged  to  the  company  of  Nar¬ 
vaez.  We  have  some  interesting  records  of  this 
expedition,  because  Bernal  Diaz,  the  historian, 
accompanied  Sandoval. 

This  garrulous  historian  answers  a  question 
which  he  is  sure  his  readers  will  ask, — namely, 
how  it  was  that  the  conquerors  did  not  settle 
down  in  Mexico.  He  gives  a  sufficient  answer 
by  saying  that — “  We  saw  in  the  rent-books  of 
Montezuma  from  what  parts  they  brought  him 
orold,  and  where  he  had  mines  and  cacao  and 
woollen  stuffs  ;  and  when  we  saw,  in  the  books, 
the  provinces*  from  which  they  used  to  bring  the 
tributes  of  gold  for  the  great  Montezuma,  there 
we  wished  to  go.” 

Cortes  remonstrated  with  Bernal  Diaz  upon  his 
leaving  Mexico.  “  Upon  my  conscience,  brother 
Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  you  are  deluded.  I  wish 
you  would  stay  with  me.  If,  however,  you  have 


*  The  neighbourhood  of  Mexico  did  not  furnish  these 
valuable  products. 


OUT  TO  COLONIZE. 


171 


made  up  your  mind  to  go  with  your  friend  San¬ 
doval,  go,  and  good  luck  go  with  you,  and  I  will 
always  have  a  care  for  your  interest;  but  I  know 
well  that  you  will  repent  of  leaving  me.”* 

Sandoval  commenced  his  expedition  in  October 
or  November,  1522.  He  seems  to  have  been 
very  merciful  in  the  punishment  which  he  inflicted 
for  the  massacre  of  the  Spanish  men  and  women 
who  had  accompanied  Narvaez.  He  condemned 
to  death  the  principal  chief,  but  allowed  all  the  rest 
to  go  free.  Sandoval  then  sent  an  expedition  to 
the  Zapotecs,  a  mountain  tribe  of  hardy  warriors. 
These  people  were  very  well  armed.  Their  lances 
were  longer  than  those  of  the  Spanish  soldiery, 
having  a  blade  six  feet  long,  in  which  were  set 
“  razors  of  flint,”  {con  una  braza  de  cuchilla  de 
Aavajas  de  pedernal)  much  sharper  than  a  Spanish 
sword.  They  had  light  shields,  which  protected 
the  whole  body,  and  bows,  pikes,  and  slings. 
These  warlike  people  were  successful  in  repulsing 
one  of  Sandoval’s  lieutenants,  but  ultimately  it 


*  “  Id  en  buena  hora,  e  yo  tendre  siempre  cuidado  de 

lo  que  se  os  ofreciere,  mas  bien  so  que  os  repentireis  por 

cne  dexar.”  1 


172 


MESSAGE  OF  PEACE 


appears  that  they  submitted  themselves  to  San¬ 
doval  of  their  own  accord. 

Sandoval  then  sent  a  message  of  peace  to  the 
inhabitants  of  the  province  of  Xaltepec.  It  must 
not  be  supposed  that  when  a  Spanish  commander 

sent  a  message  of  peace  of  this  kind,  it  meant  that 

% 

the  natives  were  to  treat  on  equal  terms  with  the 
Spaniards,  and  were  to  become  allies.  It  meant 
that  they  were  to  allow  themselves  to  be  incor¬ 
porated  with  the  Crown  of  Spain,  and  to  become 
dutiful  vassals  to  their  lord  paramount,  the  Em¬ 
peror.  It  also  meant  that  they  were  to  be  appor¬ 
tioned  to  the  Spaniards  in  encomiendas. 

The  Xaltepecs,  however,  thought  it  was  better 
to  belong  to  the  Crown  of  Spain  than  to  fight; 
and  accordingly  twenty  of  their  chiefs  presented 
themselves  at  the  camp  of  Sandoval,  bringing 
gold-dust  in  ten  small  tubes,  besides  “  jewels  of 
fine  workmanship.”  The  chiefs  wore  large  cotton 
garments,  which  hung  down  to  their  feet,  and 
were  richly  embroidered  after  the  manner  ot  a 
Moorish  bernous.  Sandoval  received  these  chiefs 
most  courteously,  and  gave  them  some  glass  beads. 
They  were  foolish  enough  to  request  his  assistance 
against  a  neighbouring  tribe  ;  and  he  promised 


SENT  TO  XALTEPEC. 


173 


that  Malinche  (Cortes  was  known  by  that  name 
far  and  wide)  would  send  a  large  body  of  teules  to 
their  assistance.  Meanwhile  Sandoval  sent  ten 
of  his  own  companions,  amongst  whom  was  Bernal 
Diaz,  to  return  with  these  chiefs  to  their  own 
country.  He  pretended  that  he  sent  these  men 
in  order  to  see  the  passes,  and  to  reconnoitre  the 
country  by  which  the  Spaniards  were  to  enter, 
when  coming  to  assist  these  new  allies  of  theirs. 
But  his  real  motive  was  to  ascertain  where  the 
gold  was  to  be  found.  And  when  his  emissaries 
did  arrive  in  the  province,  their  first  care  was  to 
seek  for  this  gold.  They  found  it  in  the  rivers, 
where,  with  the  assistance  of  the  natives,  who, 
with  something  like  the  cradles  used  in  modern 
times,*  collected  four  tubes  of  gold  dust.  These 
Spaniards  then  returned  to  Sandoval. 

Sandoval  then  divided  the  townships  of  that 
province  amongst  some  of  his  followers ;  founded 
a  town,  which  he  named  Medellin,  in  honour  of 
the  birthplace  of  Cortes,  and  moved  on  to  the 
river  Guacasualco.  Here  the  natives  submitted 
at  once  to  Sandoval ;  and  he  gave  encomiendas  of 


*  “  Unas  eomo  hechuras  de  bateas.” 


174 


THE  WIFE  OF  CORTES 


these  to  his  companions*  in  which  division  of  the 
subdued  country  Bernal  Diaz  had  his  share. 

It  was  while  Sandoval  was  founding  a  town  near 
the  river  Guacasualco  that  he  heard  of  a  Spanish 
vessel  which  had  come  into  a  river  about  sixty 
miles  from  the  Guacasualco.  Donna  Catalina* 
the  wife  of  Cortes*  and  other  ladies  were  on 

9 

board  this  vessel. 

Sandoval  went  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  ladies* 
and  brought  them  back  to  Guacasualco,  whence 
he  despatched  a  courier  to  Mexico*  to  inform 
Cortes  of  the  arrival  of  Donna  Catalina.  Shortly 
afterwards  Donna  Catalina  and  the  other  ladies, 
accompanied  by  Sandoval  and  some  of  his  cap¬ 
tains*  proceeded  to  Mexico. 

Cortes  gave  orders  that  his  wife  should  have  a 
splendid  reception.  On  her  road  to  the  capital 
the  greatest  honours  were  paid  to  her  ;  and  when 
she  arrived  in  Mexico*  tournaments  were  held  to 
signalize  her  arrival.  She  did  not*  however,  live 
long  to  enjoy  the  great  state  which  surrounded 
her*  for  she  died  in  less  than  three  months  after 
she  had  rejoined  her  husband. 

Bernal  Diaz  reports  that  Cortes  was  greatly 
vexed  when  he  heard  of  the  arrival  of  his  wife. 


ARRIVES  AT  MEXICO. 


1  **  * 

1/5 


This  is  one  of  those  scandalous  reports,  to  which 
great  men  are  peculiarly  liable,  and  which  do  not 
admit  of  any  refutation,  simply  because  there  is 
nothing  tangible  to  refute.  There  is  no  evidence 
whatever  to  show  that  Cortes  was  displeased  with 
his  wife’s  arrival,  and  some  evidence  to  the  con¬ 
trary.  And  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that 
what  he  said  to  Las  Casas  did  not  apply  to  this 
time  as  well  as  to  the  time  when  he  married  her, 
namely,  “  that  he  was  as  well  pleased  with  her  as 
if  she  had  been  the  daughter  of  a  duchess.” 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


The  Dealings  of  Cortes  with  the  Natives,  as  regards 
apportioning  them  to  his  Spaniards. 

T  this  juncture  it  may  be  told  what 
course  Cortes  pursued  in  granting  enco- 
miendas  and  allowing  his  captains  to 
make  these  grants  in  his  name.  At  this  time 
Cortes,  no  doubt,  held  that  he  had  full  power  to 
live  encomiendas.  But  in  this  year,  and  probably 
while  Sandoval  was,  with  plenary  audacity,  divid¬ 
ing  provinces  amongst  his  soldiers,  a  great  junta, 
summoned  by  Charles  V.,  was  being  held  at  Val¬ 
ladolid,  to  consider  the  whole  question  of  Spanish  ; 
supremacy  in  the  Indies.  This  junta  declared  that 
“  since  God,  our  Lord,  created  the  Indians  free, 
we  cannot  command  that  they  should  be  given  in 
encomienda *  Las  Casas,  in  an  address  to  the 


*  “  I  la  razon  que  la  Eeal  ccdula  expressa  es,  que 


APPORTIONING  OF  NATIVES.  177 

Emperor  many  years  after,  reminds  His  Majesty 
that  Cortes  had  been  commanded  to  revoke  all 
that  he  had  done  in  this  matter ;  «  but  the  sinner, 
for  his  own  interest,  did  not  like  to  do  it,  and 
Your  Majesty  thought  always  that  it  had  been 
done,  all  people  concealing  the  truth  from  Your 
Majesty.”*  It  would  have  been  very  difficult 
however,  for  Cortes  to  have  revoked  the  orders  he 
had  already  given  on  this  subject ;  and,  in  a  letter 
to  the  Emperor,  dated  the  15th  of  October,  1524,  The  prolli. 
e  says  that  he  has  made  certain  ordinances,  of  enToeT 

_ _ _  by  Cortes. 


haz  endo  relacmn  de  la  dicha  Junta,  dize :  Parotid,  qne 
os  con  luenas  eontientias,  pues  Dios  nuestro  Senor  arid 
s  di chos  Indtos  hires,  {  no  sujetos,  no  podemos  mandarlos 
encomendar,  m  hazer  repartimiento  dellos  d  los  Gristianos 

Lr  IT™  V0UT  **  "  oumpla.” — Antonio  A 
Gonfir maciones  Reales,  parte  i.  cap.  1. 

*  «  Y  el  pecador  por  su  proprio  interesse  no  lo  quizo 

ZZ;I  YU:Str\Ma8M  PenS°'  SiemP-  >0  havia 

Z  ’  erncubn-do  todos  i  vuestra  Magestad  la  verdad  ’> 

^  w 

Z  ’  0hSP°  de  la  Giudad  **  GUapa, 

fin  por  mandado  del  Emperador  Rey  nuestro  senor  en 

osayuntanvientos  quo  mando  hazer  su  Magestad  de  Pre - 
.  J:,y  .  °S’  y  personas  grandes  en  Valladolid  el  aho 

Til  ?r  ^  qUMa  V  *»’  reforriwcicn  de 

Indtas>  ®azon  xix.  p.  205.  Seville,  1552. 


178 


COMMANDS  OF  THE  EMPEROR 


which  he  sends  a  copy  to  His  Majesty.  The  copy 
has  been  lost,  but  the  orders  manifestly  related  to 
this  subject  of  encomiendas .  He  intimates  that  the 
Spaniards  are  not  very  well  satisfied  with  these 
orders,  especially  with  one  which  prevented  ab¬ 
senteeism,  compelling  them,  to  use  the  strong  ex¬ 
pression  of  Cortes,  66  to  root  themselves  in  the 
land/’*  He  seems  to  have  been  aware  that  these 
ordinances  rather  contradicted  what  he  had  for¬ 
merly  said  to  the  Emperor  :  for,  after  advising 
their  confirmation,  he  adds,  that  for  new  events 
there  are  new  opinions  and  counsels  ;  “  and,  i i  in 
some  of  those  things  which  I  have  said,  or  shall 
hereafter  say  to  Your  Majesty,  it  shall  appear  to  I 
you  that  I  contradict  some  of  my  past  opinions, 
let  Your  Excellency  believe  that  a  new  state  of  j 
things  makes  me  give  a  different  opinion.” 

Las  Casas  is  quite  wrong  when  he  supposes  that 
Cortes  did  not  inform  the  Emperor  that  his 

- - — -I 

*  “  De  algunas  de  ellas  los  Espanoles,  que  en  estasj 
partes  residen,  no  estan  muy  satisfechos,  en  especial  de 
a  quell  as,  que  los  obligan  a  arraigarse  en  la  Tierra,  porque 
todos,  6  los  mas,  tienen  pensamientos  de  se  liaber  coflij 
estas  Tierras,  como  se  ban  habido  con  las  Islas,  quej 
antes  se  poblaron,  que  es  esquilmarlas,  y  deEtruirlas,  y 
despues  dojarlas.” — Lorenzaua,  p.  397. 


NOT  ENFORCED  BY  CORTES. 


179 


Majesty’s  commands  with  regard  to  encomienclas 
and  other  matters  connected  with  the  welfare  of 
the  natives,  had  not  been  obeyed.  A  confidential 
letter  from  Cortes  to  the  Emperor  has  recently 
been  discovered.  It  is  dated  October  15th,  1524, 
and  probably  accompanied  an  official  despatch 
from  Cortes  of  the  same  date.  In  it  Cortes  gives 
admirable  reasons  why  he  does  not  obey,  or  even 
make  known,  the  orders  of  his  Majesty  until  the 
Emperor  has  had  an  opportunity  of  reconsidering 
them.  This  letter  is  eminently  creditable  to 
Cortes;  and  shows  that  he  had  carefully  con-  why 
sidered  the  question  of  how  the  natives  were  to 
be  dealt  with.  The  Emperor  had  given  a  very  perof™' 
foolish  order,  namely,  that  the  Spaniards  should 
be  allowed  to  have  free  converse  with  the  Indians, 
by  which  it  was  meant  that  they  might  go  away 
from  their  own  encomiendas  into  Indian  towns 
and  villages,  which  were  free  from  Spaniards. 

Charles  the  Fifth,  with  a  most  unusual  want  of 
sagacity  on  his  part,  wished  for  this  free  converse 
because  it  would  lead  to  conversion.  Now  Cortes 
had  not  allowed  his  Spaniards  to  go  into  the  In- 
Fan  territories  unless  they  had  a  license  for  so 
loing:  in  fact,  lie  only  allowed  those  to  go  whom 


180 


LETTER  TO  THE  EMPEROR. 


he  could  trust.  He  tells  the  Emperor  that  as  to 
busying  themselves  in  converting  the  natives, 
these  errant  Spaniards  will  do  nothing  of  the 
kind.  They  are,  for  the  most  part,  people  of 
low  origin  and  little  education.  If  they  are 
allowed  to  go  amongst  the  Indian  villages,  they 
will  produce  nothing  but  mischief  and  tyranny 
and  discord.  Experience  in  the  islands  has  taught 
him  how  those  islands  have  become  depopulated ; 
and  he  wishes  to  prevent  a  similar  sad  result 
in  the  lands  that  he  has  discovered  and  con¬ 
quered. 

As  regards  the  encomiendas,  he  tells  the  Em¬ 
peror  that  he  cannot  take  them  away,  because  the 
Spaniards  will  have  nothing  to  live  upon ;  and, 
practically,  the  conquest  must  be  given  up.  These 
encomiendas  should  be  looked  upon,  not  as  slavery, 
but  as  freedom  for  the  Indians,  when  compared 
with  what  they  endured  under  their  former  masters. 
Indeed,  when  the  Indians  behave  ill,  they  are 
terrified  into  obedience  by  the  threat  of  restoring 
them  to  their  former  masters. 

The  tenor  of  this  letter  is  such  that  I  do  not 
doubt  if  Las  Casas  had  read  it,  he  would  have 
looked  upon  Cortes  rather  as  a  saint  than  as  a 


I 


SUFFERINGS  OF  THE  INDIANS.  181 

sinner,  at  least  as  regards  his  aspirations  for  the 
welfare  of  the  conquered  Indians  of  Mexico. 

The  whole  truth  of  the  matter  is,  that  the 
greatest  part  of  the  sufferings  of  the  Indians  in 
New  Spain  proceeded  from  the  quarrels  of  the 
Spaniards  amongst  themselves,  and  also  from  the 
jealousy  which  naturally  prevailed  at  the  Spanish 
Court  of  any  great  conqueror  such  as  Cortes. 
People  were  always  insinuating  into  the  Emperor’s 
mind  that  Cortes  was  seeking  a  crown  for  him¬ 
self.  Nothing  could  be  more  unjust.  Cortes  was 
one  of  the  most  faithful  servants  the  Emperor 
ever  had.  And,  moreover,  Cortes  understood 
how  great  was  the  power  of  the  Spanish  Mo¬ 
narch.  As  His  Majesty’s  representative,  Cortes 
was  everything.  Without  the  authority  and  pres¬ 
tige  which  that  representation  gave  him,  he  was 
nothing ;  and  he  knew  it.  If  Cortes  had,  from 
the  first,  been  created  Viceroy  of  Mexico,  that 

great  province  would  have  been  the  brightest 
jewel  in  the  Spanish  crown. 

Charles  the  Fifth  is  hardly  to  be  blamed  for 
not  having  trusted  Cortes  sufficiently;  for  this 
great  Monarch  lived  in  such  an  atmosphere  of 
intrigue  that  it  was  almost  natural  that  he  should 


182 


DECEIT  OF  THE  AGE. 


suspect  everybody.  Everywhere,  throughout  his 
European  dominions,  Charles  had  to  dread  deceit 
and  conspiracy.  That  age  was  an  age  especially 
to  be  noted  for  diplomatic  falsehood.  The  history 
of  the  relations  between  England,  France  and 
Spain  at  that  period  betray  the  existence  of  an 
almost  inextricable  mass  of  confusion,  treachery 
and  deceit.  As  you  pursue  the  pages  of  this 
history,  you  can  hardly  guess,  from  page  to  page, 
what  will  be  the  next  combination — whether  it 
will  be  France  and  England  against  Spain,  or 
France  and  Spain  against  England,  or  England 
and  Spain  against  France. 

The  best  points  of  Charles  the  Fifth’s  character, 
and  indeed  of  the  characters  of  his  successors,  are 
to  be  seen  in  their  colonial  administration.  In¬ 
deed,  their  liberality  and  their  anxiety  for  the 
welfare  of  their  Indian  subjects  are  sometimes 
surprising,  when  compared  with  the  rest  of  their 
administration.  But  it  was  not  given  to  them, 
certainly  not  to  Charles  the  Fifth,  who  had  to 
deal  with  the  first  conquerors  in  the  Indies,  to 
put  implicit  trust  in  the  fidelity  of  those  who  had 
discovered  and  conquered  great  kingdoms  in  the 
Indies,  and  had  added  them  to  the  Spanish  Crown. 


CHAPTEE  XVII. 

Christoval  Be  Olid  sent  by  Cortes  to  Honduras _ bis  Re¬ 

bellion — Cortes  goes  to  Honduras  to  chastise  Christoval 

de  Olid — Bissensions  in  Mexico  during  his  Absence _ 

Execution  of  the  Kings  of  Mexico  and  Tlacuba — Return 
of  Cortes  to  Mexico — Bonce  de  Leon  coines  to  take  a 
Resiclencia  of  Cortes . 


HE  next  great  enterprise  which  Cortes 
undertook  is  one  that  led  to  the  most 
disastrous  consequences,  and  is  not,  as  it 
appears  to  me,  marked  by  his  accustomed  sagacity. 
Even  the  shrewdest  men,however,are  liable  to  sin¬ 
gular  errors  of  judgment,  from  the  temptation  to 
continue  to  do  something  similar  to  that  which  they 
have  once  done  well.  In  the  management  of  an 
expedition  through  a  hostile  or  dubious  country, 
Cortes  was  transcendent.  But  a  sagacity  of 
another  kind  was  more  in  demand  now ;  and  for 
some  years  he  would  have  served  his  country 


184 


REBELLION  OF  OLID. 


Christoval 
de  Olid 
sent  to 
Honduras, 
Jan.  1524. 


better  as  a  statesman  and  a  governor  than  as  a 
soldier. 

Soon  after  the  settlement  of  the  affairs  of 
Panuco,  Cortes  had  despatched  Christoval  de  Olid, 
one  of  those  captains  who  had  distinguished 
themselves  in  the  siege  of  Mexico,  to  make  a 
settlement  in  Honduras.  This  expedition  started 
on  the  11th  of  January,  1524.  Christoval  de 
Olid  proved  unfaithful  to  his  trust,  and  gave 
undeniable  signs  of  setting  up  an  independent 
government  for  himself.  Cortes  was  particularly 
indignant  at  the  conduct  of  Olid ;  and  his  rage, 
shown  by  the  swelling  of  the  veins  in  his  throat 
and  the  dilating  of  his  nostrils,  must  have  been 
closely  watched  and  reported  to  the  Council  of  the 
Indies  at  home,  for  we  find  that  Peter  Martyr,  at 
Madrid,  wTas  well  aware  of  it.*  Cortes  despatched 
an  armament  commanded  by  his  cousin,  Francisco 


*  “  Super  Christofori  Oliti,  de  quo  lata  mentio  facta 
est  iu  superioribus,  inobservantia,  Cortesium  tanta  ra¬ 
bies  invasit,  ut  vivere  ulterius  nolle  videretur  Olito  im- 
punito,  cum  narium  et  venarum  gutturis  summo  tumore 
prae  ira,  sa3pe  dedit  de  tanta  animi  perturbatione  signa, 
neque  a  verbis  id  significantibus  abstinuit.” — Peter 
Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novoy  dec.  viii.  cap.  10. 


CORTES  WILL  GO  TO  HONDURAS.  185 

de  las  Casas,  to  reduce  Olid  to  obedience;  and 
afterwards  sent,  to  support  Las  Casas,  a  vessel 
laden  with  arms  and  provisions,  under  a  certain 
Pedro  Gonzalez,  a  native  of  Truxillo,  and,  there¬ 
fore,  a  fellow-townsman  of  Cortes.  Having, 
however,  received  no  good  tidings  from  these 
captains,  the  General  resolved  to  go  himself,  and 
bring  Olid  to  a  sense  of  his  duty.  The  journey 
was  a  most  perilous  one.  The  settlement  which 
Olid  had  made  was  not  less  than  fifteen  hundred 
miles  from  Mexico ;  and  the  King’s  officers  (who 
had  arrived  at  Mexico  in  the  year  1524)  naturally 
remonstrated  with  Cortes  upon  his  undertaking 
such  an  expedition.  It  is  probable  that  their  re¬ 
monstrance  did  not  meet  the  considerations  which 
induced  Cortes  to  undertake  this  expedition. 
Almost  any  other  man  in  the  world,  if  employed 
as  Cortes  had  been  since  the  conquest  of  Mexico, 
would  have  supposed,  and  justly,  that  he  had 
been  leading  a  very  active  and  energetic  life.  But 
Cortes  felt  that  for  some  time  he  had  been  idle, 
and  had  done  no  new  thing ;  and  it  now  appeared 
to  him  that  he  “must  engage  in  something.”* 


Cortes 
resolved 
to  go  to 
Honduras. 


“Dada  orden  para  cn  lo  do  Cristoval  Dolid  como  a 


186 


FRO  VI  SI  ON  OF  CORTES. 


Cortes  pro¬ 
vides  for 
the  govern¬ 
ment  of 
Mexico 
during:  his 

O 

absence. 


What  he  calls  his  idleness  had  been  caused  by 
his  having  broken  his  arm ;  and  though  that 
injury  was  not  healed*  he  would  not  allow  it  to 
hinder  him  from  active  enterprise  any  longer. 
Accordingly  he  determined  to  persevere  with  this 
expedition*  and  he  made  his  preparations  for 
quitting  Mexico  in  the  following  manner.  He 
appointed  the  Treasurer*  Alonso  de  Estrada  (a 
natural  son  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic)*  and  the 
Contador  Albornoz  as  his  Lieutenants  in  the 
government.  He  named  as  Alcalde  Mayor  the 
Licentiate  Zuazo,  a  great  friend  of  the  Clerigo 
Las  Casas.  He  left  Rodrigo  de  Paz*  a  cousin  of 
his*  as  his  Major-domo,  and  as  Alguazil  Mayor. 
To  all  of  these  officers*  to  his  old  friend  and  com¬ 
panion  in  the  conquest,  Father  Olmedo,  and  to  a 
Franciscan  monk,  named  Toribio  Motolinia,  he 
left  the  charge  of  converting  the  natives,  and  of 

Y.  M.  escribi,  porque  me  parecid  que  ya  habia  mucho 
tiempo  que  mi  persona  estaba  ociosa  y  no  hacia  cosa  de 
nuevo  de  que  V.  M.  sirviese  a  causa  de  la  lesion 
de  mi  brazo,  aunque  no  muy  libre  de  ella,  me  pare¬ 
cio  que  debia  de  entender  en  algo.” — Relation  lieclia  al 
Emperador  Carlos  Y.  por  Hern  an  Cortes  sobre  la  expe¬ 
dition  de  Uonduras.  De  Tcmixtitan  (Mejico)  d  3  de  Se - 
tiembre ,  de  1526.  Docnmentos  Ineditos ,  tom.  iv.  p.  10. 


HE  QUITS  MEXICO. 


187 


preventing  insurrections.  In  order  to  secure 
the  fidelity  of  the  natives,  he  carried  with  him 
the  Kings  of  Mexico  and  Tlacuba,  with  other 
Mexican  lords.  The  12th  of  October,  1524,  was  cortes 

the  day  on  which  Cortes  quitted  Mexico,  and  Eil, 
commenced  this  expedition.  0ct  12> 

X  1524. 

It  was  a  very  gallant  company  that  Cortes 
took  with  him  on  this  memorable  expedition.  At 
the  head  of  the  old  Conquistadores  was  Gonzalo  de 
•  Sandoval,  the  former  Alguazil  Mayor,  and  the  con-  The  con¬ 
stant  companion-in-arms  of  Cortes.  As  spiritual  &  °f 
advisers,  the  Spanish  Commander  had  in  his  suite 
a  friar  of  the  Order  of  Mercy,  named  Juan  de  las 
Verillas,  a  clerigo  whose  name  is  not  given,  and 
two  Flemish  monks  of  the  Franciscan  Order, 

whom  Bernal  Diaz  pronounces  to  have  been  good 
theologians. 

The  members  of  his  own  household,  who  His 
accompanied  Cortes,  were  his  Master  of  the  House-  house,lol<L 
hold,  his  Chief  Sewer  (maestresala),  his  Vintner 
(i botillero ),*  his  Pantler,  his  Steward  (despensero), 


“Botillero.  Potionum  gelidarum  conditor.’  —Die- 
donario  por  la  Academia  Espanola.  This  would  be  au 
important  officer  in  a  hot  country. 


\ 


Cortes 
liked  state. 


188  SUITE  OF  CORTES . 

and  his  Chamberlain.*  He  took  with  him  a 
physician  and  a  surgeon;  and  his  suite  included 
several  pages,  two  equerries,  eight  grooms,  and 
two  falconers.  He  had,  moreover,  several  players 
on  the  clarionet,  sackbut,  and  hautbois,  a  dancer 
on  the  tight-rope,  and  a  juggler  who  made  pup¬ 
pets  dance.  He  also  took  mules  and  mule¬ 
teers;  and,  lastly,  which  was  by  far  the  most 
important  thing,  a  great  herd  of  swine.  As  an 
interpreter  he  had  only  Dona  Marina,  for,  as 
before  stated,  Geronimo  de  Aguilar  was  dead. 
Finally,  Cortes  took  with  him  large  quantities  of 
gold  and  silver. 

Many  reasons  of  policy  might  be  adduced  for 
all  this  pomp.  It  might  be  said  that  such  pomp 
was  necessary  in  order  to  convey  to  the  Mexicans 
an  idea  of  his  power  and  grandeur :  that  it  was 
advisable,  as  tending  to  separate  him  a  little 
from  the  familiarity  of  his  old  companions  in  arms: 
and,  moreover,  that  it  was  a  protection  to 
him  against  sudden  treachery  or  revolt.  But  : 
the  truth  is,  Cortes  was  fond  of  state,  and 
always  conducted  himself  as  if  he  had  been  born 
to  the  use  of  it.  He  was  a  man  in  whose  com- 

*  See  Bernal  Diaz,  cap,  174. 


ALBOItNOZ  HIS  ENEMY. 


189 


position  there  was  much  of  melancholy,  and 
who  probably  made  no  human  being  a  partaker 
of  his  thoughts.  Such  men,  it  may  be  observed, 
are  fond  of  numerous  retinues  and  large  house¬ 
holds.  They  like  to  have  many  people  about 
them  who  fill  up  life  and  give  a  movement  to  it, 
and  in  whom  they  need  not  confide.  Like  other 
great  men  and  eminent  soldiers,  amongst  whom 
Napoleon,  Julius  Caesar,  and  Wallenstein  might  be 
numbered,  Cortes  was  magnificent,  without  being 
in  the  least  degree  luxurious;  and  the  service 
which  such  men  require  from  those  around  them 
is  such  as  not  to  minister  to  their  indolence,  but 
rather  to  increase  their  sphere  of  action. 

_  What  kind  of  friend  Cortes  was  leaving  behind 
him  at  Mexico  in  Albornoz,  may  be  discerned 
from  a  letter  which  Peter  Martyr  sent  to  the 
Pope,  and  which  forms  a  sort  of  postscript  to  his 
“  Eighth  Decade,”  bearing  date  the  20th  of  Octo¬ 
ber,  1525.  Peter  Martyr  was,  fortunately  for  the 
interests  of  history,  a  member  of  the  Council  of 
the  Indies ;  and,  writing  about  this  date,  he  men¬ 
tions  that  letters  in  cipher  have  come  from  Al-  Ai 
bornoz,  describing  “  the  craft,  the  burning  avarice,  of 


190  ACCUSATIONS  AGAINST  CORTES. 

0 

and  the  scarcely  concealed  usurpation  ”  of  Cortes. 
These  letters,  too,  came  at  a  time  when,  as  the 
historian  justly  remarks,  suspicions  were  not  want¬ 
ing  of  the  fidelity  of  Cortes.  The  judicious  old 
man  adds,  “  Time  will  judge  whether  these  accu¬ 
sations  are  true,  or  whether  they  are  fabricated  in 
order  to  gain  favour.”*  Certainly,  Cortes  by  no 
means  escaped  the  subsequent  difficulties  which 
such  unrivalled  transactions  as  his  are  sure  to 
breed.  His  early  career,  not  by  any  means  un¬ 
clouded,  gave  weight  at  Court  to  any  accusations 
that  might  be  brought  against  him  from  New  Spain 
Besides  the  official  persons  to  whom  Cortes 
had  given  charge  of  the  government  during  his 


*  “  Arcana©  vero  ac  particulars  litters©  a  solo  compu- 
tatore  Albornozio,  regio  a  secretis,  veniunt  sub  ignotis 
caracteribus,  quos  Zifras  nuncupat  usus,  discedenti 
Albornozio  assignatos,  quod  ab  eo  tempore  suspitioue  de 
animo  Corteeii  non  careremus.  Hae  contra  Cortesii 
vafros  astus  et  ardentem  avariciam  ac  semiapertam 
tyrannidem  formats©  sunt,  an  ex  vero,  an,  uti  soepe  solet, 
captanda©  gratiae  causa  haec  fabricata  sint,  judicabit  ali- 
quando  tempus  ;  delecti  namque  jam  sunt  viri  graves 
ad  base  inquirenda  mittendi.  Quando  latentia  nunc 
ha©c  patefient,  beatitudini  tua©  significabuntur.” — Petek 
Mabtyk,  De  Orle  Novo,  dec.  viii.  cap.  10. 


DISCONTENT  OF  OFFICERS. 


191 


absence,  there  were  two  other  officers  of  the  King, 
powerful  personages,  namely  the  Factor,  Gon5alo 
de  Salazar,  and  the  Yeedor  (Inspector),  Peral- 
mindez  Chirinos,  and  these  men  were  much  dis¬ 
gusted  at  being  left  in  a  kind  of  subjection  to  those 
whom  they  considered  colleagues.  Finding,  how¬ 
ever,  that  they  could  not  dissuade  Cortes  from 
his  enterprise,  they  begged  permission  to  accom¬ 
pany  him  as  far  as  Espiritu  Santo*  in  Coatzacu- 
alc°,  a  new  town  of  the  Spaniards,  which  was 
situated  a  hundred  and  ten  leagues  south-east 
from  Mexico.  On  the  road  the  Factor,  as  he 


*  This  town  had  been  founded  by  Sandoval,  when  he 
was .  sent  to  reduce  several  provinces  south-east  of 
Mexico  which,  according  to  the  language  of  Cortes,  had 
rebelled,  and  which  had  all  been  under  the  government 
of  a  woman.  Cortes  thus  relates  the  founding  of  this 
town.—-  Y  61  tubo  tan  buen  brden,  que  con  saltear  una 
noche  un  Pueblo,  donde  prendio  una  Senora,  a  quien  to- 
dos  en  aquellas  partes  obedecian,  se  apacigub,  porque 
ella  embib  a  llamar  todos  los  Sehores,  y  les  mandb,  que 
obedeciessen  lo  que  se  les  quisiesse  mandar  en  nombre  do 
Vuestra  Magestad,  porque  ella  assi  lo  habia  de  hacer :  6 
assi  llegaron  hasta  el  dicho  Rio,  y  a  quatro  leguas  de  la 
boca^  de  el,  que  sale  a  la  Mar,  porque  mas  cerca  no  se 
hallo  asiento,  se  pobld,  y  fundb  una  Villa,  a  la  qual  se 
puso  nombre  el  Espiritu  Santo.”— Lokenzana,  p.  331. 


d  he  Factor 
and  the 
Veedor  dis¬ 
contented. 


192  ESTRADA  AND  ALBORNOZ  QUARREL. 


Estrada 

and 

Albornoz 

quarrel. 


travelled  next  to  Cortes,  did  not  fail  to  renew  his 

remonstrances  in  scraps  of  song,  as  the  manner  of 

that  age  was  : — 

“  Ay  tio  bolvamonos, 

Ay  tio  bolvamonos  * 

to  which  Cortes  was  wont  to  sing  in  reply — 

“  Adelante  mi  sobrino, 

Adelante  mi  sobrino, 

Y  no  creais  en  agiieros 
Que  sera  lo  que  Dios  quisiere 
Adelante  mi  sobrino.”  f 

Unfortunately,  before  Cortes  and  his  army 
reached  Espiritu  Santo,  a  feud  broke  out  at  Mexico 
between  Alonso  de  Estrada  and  Rodrigo  Albornoz 
about  the  appointment  of  some  minor  officer ;  and 
the  feud  rose  to  such  a  height  that  swords  were 
drawn,  or  were  about  to  be  drawn.  Information 
of  this  quarrel  soon  reached  the  ears  of  Cortes,  and 

*  Alas,  uncle,  let  us  return, 

Alas,  uncle,  let  us  return. 

•f  Onwards,  my  nephew, 

Onwards,  my  nephew, 

Put  no  trust  in  auguries, 

That  which  God  pleases,  will  be, 

Onwards,  my  nephew. 

— Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  174. 


DESPATCH  of  CORTES. 


193 


it  naturally  added  great  weight  to  the  Factor’s 
remonstrances.  He  was  a  false,  flattering,  ob¬ 
sequious  man.  Cortes,  no  doubt,  believed  him 


>  be  a  true  friend;  and.  in  an  evil  hour,  drew  c.„.. 

P.’  fT"*-  hy  "'l,ich  authorized  the  Factor  tilt, 
><1  the  V eedor  to  be  joined  in  the  same  authority  S& 

>he  Treasurer  and  the  Contador,  and  even 

supersede  these  two  last-named  officers,  jn  case 

ey  should  not  have  composed  their  differences 

II. 


o 


194  THE  FACTOR  AND  VEEDOR 

From  the  known  astuteness  of  Cortes,  mer 
found  it  difficult  to  suppose  that  any  action  o 
his  was  without  some  subtle  motive ;  and  ima¬ 
gined  that,  as  he  knew  that  all  the  King’s  officers 
had  written  home  unfavourably  about  him,  i 
would  tend  to  damage  their  representations  if  i 
were  found  that  they  could  not  agree  amongs 
themselves.*  Cortes,  however,  was  too  fond  o 
good  government  to  adopt  such  a  scheme  as  this 
and  his  plan  of  associating  the  Factor  and  th 
Veedor  with  the  other  two  King’s  officers  does  no 
appear  to  have  been  an  unreasonable  one.  Th 
onlv  blame  to  which  Cortes  seems  liable  in  th 

j 

matter,  is  in  the  absence  of  his  usual  sharp  discern 
ment  of  men’s  characters,  and  that  he  failed  t 
perceive  what  a  flattering  rogue  f  the  Factor  wa: 

*  “  Sabia,  que  todos,  de  conformidad,  avian  escrito  s 
Pei,  inform  an  dole  mal  de  su  Persona,  y  le  parecia,  que 
entre  ellos  avia  discordias,  se  deskacia  todo  el  mal,  qi 
de  el  avian  escrito  ;  pero  nunca  pensd,  que  las  diferenci; 
llecraran  a  tanto  extremo.” — Torquemada,  Mwiarquio  Ind 

O 

ann ,  lib.  v.  cap.  2.  See  also  Herrera,  dec.  in.  lib.  vi.  cap. 

-j-  Bernal  Diaz  gives,  in  few  words,  a  ludibrous  accoui 
of  the  parting,  and  especially  of  the  almost  sobbiu 
adieus  of  the  Factor. — “  Pero  dexemos  esto,  y  dire,  qi 
(piando  se  despidieron  el  Factor,  y  el  A  eedor  de  Cork 
para  se  bolver  a  Mexico,  con  quantos  cumplimientos, 


BECOME  USURPERS. 


195 

Armed  with  these  powers,  the  Factor  and  the 
Veedor  went  back  to  Mexico,  and,  though  the 
others  had  come  to  an  agreement,  the  newly- 
i  arrived  lieutenants  sought  to  gain  the  whole 
power  for  themselves.  From  this  dispute  arose  a 
state  of  confusion  which  lasted  during  nearly  the 
^entire  period  that  Cortes  was  absent.  It  will  be 
needless  for  me  to  recount  the  various  intrigues, 

| conspiracies,  and  surprizes  which  occupied  the 
colonists  of  Mexico  for  the  twenty  months  that 
fortes  was  absent  during  his  perilous  journey  in 
Honduras.  The  result  of  them  was  this.  Rod- 
igo  de  Paz,  the  cousin  and  major-domo  of  Cortes, 
fas  first  imprisoned;  then  tortured,  in  order  to 
rake  him  discover  treasure ;  and  finally  hanged, 
■he  house  of  Cortes,  in  Mexico,  was  plundered ; 
nd  the  land  about  it  ploughed  and  dug  up. 
uazo,  who  was  a  just  man,  was  deprived  of  his 
| and  of  office  and  banished  to  Medellin;  and  the 
actor  rose  to  supreme  power,  which  he  exercised 
!  the  most  shameful  manner.*  A  report,  which 


ragos,  y  tenia  el  Factor  nna  manera  como  de  sollozos, 

e  parecia  que  queria  llorar  al  despedirse.”— Bernal 

cap.  174. 

*  As  an  instance  of  the  sinister  dealings  of  the 


The  Facto 
and  the 
Veedor 
seek  to 
usurp  the 
whole 
authority. 


Utter  con¬ 
fusion  in 
the  Go¬ 
vernment 
of  Mexico. 
1524  to 
1526. 


196 


COBTES ’  SUPPOSED  DEATH. 


Report  in 
Mexico  of 
the  death 
of  Cortes. 


was  very  credible,  of  the  deaths  of  Cortes  and  af 
his  companions,  gave  strength  to  the  machination? 
of  the  Factor.  Funeral  services  were  performed 
for  Cortes  at  Mexico,  and  his  effects  were  deposited 
in  the  hands  of  an  officer  whose  duty  it  was  tc 
take  charge  of  the  property  of  defunct  persons.* 
So  indignant  was  the  Factor  at  any  disbelief  ir 
the  death  of  Cortes  (a  convenient  witness  hat 
seen  the  spirits  of  Cortes  and  Sandoval,  in  flames 
near  the  site  of  the  great  temple  of  Huitzilo- 
pochtli),  that  he  ordered  Juana  de  Marsilla,  tilt 
wife  of  Alonso  Valiente,  to  be  publicly  whippet 
through  the  streets  for  a  witch,  because  shi 
obstinately  declared  that  Cortes  and  her  husban< 
(his  secretary)  were  alive,  and  that  she  would  no 

marry  again. 


Factor  it  may  be  observed  that  he  endeavoured,  as  man 
wicked  civil  governors  have  done  since,  to  bring  hi 
enemy  within  the  grasp  of  the  Inquisition  ;  but  Marti 
de  Valencia  declared  that  Kodrigo  de  Paz  had  confess* 
was  absolved,  and  was  a  good  Christian.  Torquemad, 

Monarquia  Indiana,  lib.  v.  cap.  2. 

*  “  So  apodcraron  de  todos  los  bieues  de  Cortes,  afij 
mando,  que  era  muerto,  y  los  depositaren  en  el  lenedfl 
de  bienes  de  Difuntos.”— Torquemad  a,  Monarquia  h 
dwna,  lib.  v.  cap.  2. 


STORY  OF  DONNA  MARINA.  197 

'  It  was  during  this  expedition  to  Honduras, 
and  while  Cortes  was  at  Guasualco,  that  a  verv 
remarkable  incident  took  place*  in  which  the  great 
interpretess*  Donna  M^arina*  played  the  principal 

part. 

Previously*  however*  to  describing  this  inci¬ 
dent*  I  must  mention  the  fact  that  Donna  Marina 
ilhad  been  married  to  a  Spanish  cavalier*  named 
Juan  de  Xaramillo.  For  once*  Gomara*  who  was 
the  chaplain  of  Cortes*  scandalizes  his  master* 
jfor  he  says  that  Juan  was  drunk  wThen  he  married* 
jind  that  Cortes  was  blamed  for  having  permitted 
|:he  marriage.  He  also  says  that  both  husband 
ind  wife  deserted  Cortes. 

!  The  whole  of  this  story  is  absolutely  false.  It 
irobably  was  a  portion  of  the  history  which  the 
jood  Chaplain  did  not  read  out  to  his  patron  for 
correction. 

j  It  will  perhaps  be  remembered  by  the  reader  how 
t  was  that  Donna  Marina  came  into  the  possession 
•f  Cortes.  Her  mother  was  the  wife  of  the  chief 
•f  Painala*  a  Mexican  province.  Her  first  hus- 
>and  died*  and  she  then  married  a  young  man, 
py  whom  she  had  a  son.  The  father  and  mother, 
emg  desirous  of  leaving  their  kingdom  to  the 


198 


INCIDENT  CONCERNING 


boy  (it  is  evident  that  there  was  no  such  thing 
as  a  salique  law  in  Painala),  resolved  to  get  rid  of 
Marina.  They  accordingly  pretended  that  she  had 
died ;  showed  to  the  people  the  body  of  a  girl  of 
the  same  age,  the  daughter  of  one  of  their  slaves; 
and  by  night  gave  poor  Marina  to  some  Indians 
of  Xicalango.  By  them  she  was  sold  to  the 
Tabascans;  and  they  presented  herewith  nineteen 
other  young  women,  to  Cortes. 

I  shall  now  narrate  the  incident  relating  to 
Marina,  which  occurred  in  this  expedition  to 
Honduras.  While  Cortes  was  at  Guasualco,  he 
summoned  all  the  neighbouring  chiefs,  in  order  to 
address  to  them  a  discourse  upon  religion.  Among 
these  chiefs  came  the  wicked  mother  of  Donna 
Marina,  who  had  been  baptized,  and  had  taken 
the  name  of  Martha.  With  her  came  the  brother, 
by  the  mother’s  side,  of  Marina,  who  had  also 
been  baptized,  and  had  taken  the  name  of  Lazarus. 

His  father,  the  second  husband  of  Martha,  was 

»  § 

dead.  The  daughter  made  herself  known  to  her 
mother,  and  the  mother  could  not  but  acknow¬ 
ledge  her.  The  likeness  between  mother  and 
° 

daughter  was  very  striking.  Bernal  Diaz,  who 
had  an  encomienda  of  Indians  in  Guasualco,  was- 
acquainted  with  Marina’s  mother ;  and  he  testifies 


DONNA  MARINA . 


199 

to  this  great  likeness.  The  wicked  mother  and 
the  usurping  son  naturally  thought  that  they  had 
been  sent  for,  in  order  to  be  slain,  and  that  Marina 
would  be  reinstated  in  her  principality.  They 
began  to  weep  and  to  lament;  but,  when  Marina 
saw  their  grief,  she  consoled  them,  and  bade  them 
have  no  fear,  for  she  told  them  that  when  they 
had  made  her  over  to  the  men  of  Xicalango  they 
did  not  know  what  they  were  doing;  and  she 
forgave  them.  Also  she  gave  them  many  jewels, 
and  much  fine  linen,  and  bade  them  return  to 
their  own  people.  And  then  she  said  that  “  God 
had  been  very  gracious  to  her,  in  making  her 
abandon  the  worship  of  idols  and  become  a 
Christian ;  also  that  it  had  been  given  to  her  to 
have  a  child  by  her  lord  and  master  Cortes,  and 
to  be  married  to  a  Spaniard  of  rank,  such  as  was 
her  husband  Juan  de  Xaramillo.  “  If,”  she  said, 
•‘they  could  have  made  her  the  Chieftainess  of  as 
many  provinces  as  there  were  in  Mexico,  the  only 
use  that  she  could  make  of  this  power  would 
be  to  do  more  service  to  her  husband  and  to 
Cortes.” 

Bernal  Diaz  says,  that  in  very  certainty  he 
heard  all  this,  and  he  adds  these  words,  “  I  swear 
to  it,  Amen.” 


200 


HARDSHIPS  ON  THE 


Distress 
of’  the 
journey  to 
Honduras. 


Moreover  it  seems  to  him  that  the  story  is  like 
that  thing  which  happened  in  Egypt  to  Joseph, 
and  those  brethren  of  his,  who  came  into  his 
power  when  there  was  that  famine  in  the  land.* * 

Returning  to  the  affairs  of  Mexico,  there  is  no 
doubt  in  my  mind  that  there  was  a  genuine  belief 
that  the  expedition  of  Cortes  to  Honduras  had 
been  most  disastrous.  Ill  news  apparently  does 
not  require  human  feet  to  convey  it,  but  has 
wings  of  its  own.  Though  it  was  not  true  that 
Cortes  and  his  Spanish  companions  had  perished 
in  their  journey  to  Honduras,  tidings  might  have 
come  from  the  camp,  which,  if  they  had  reached 
Mexico,  would  have  justified  the  worst  appre¬ 
hensions  as  to  the  fate  of  Cortes.  The  difficulties 
of  march  and  of  transport — the  severe  privations 
arising  from  want  of  food  and  of  fodder — and  the 
sufferings  of  all  kinds  which  Cortes  and  his  army 
had  to  undergo,  rendered  lax  the  military  disci- 

 — 

*  The  singular  brevity  with  which  this  good  soldier 
writes  is  well  illustrated  by  the  four  words  “when  that 
of  the  corn,”  (quando  lo  del  trigo)  which  is  his  way  of 
summing  up  the  events  which  brought  the  brethren  of 
Joseph  into  Egypt. 


JOURNEY  TO  HONDURAS. 


201 


pline  among  them.  Even  the  Commander  him¬ 
self  at  times  found  the  greatest  difficulty  in  ap¬ 
peasing  his  hunger.  Then,  too,  the  nature  of  the  Difficult! 
giound  traversed  was  sometimes  such  as  to  defy  march. 


- 

he  maintenance  of  discipline.  In  the  road,  for 
nstance,  between  Iztapan  and  Zaguatapan  the 
Spaniards  found  themselves  in  a  wood  of  such 
ixtent  and  thickness  that,  as  Cortes  expresses 
t,  nothing  was  seen  except  the  spot  where  they 


202 


THE  ROAD  TO  HONDURAS. 


placed  their  feet  on  the  ground,  and  the  aperture 
above  them  through  which  the  heavens  were  dis- 
cernible.  Even  when  some  of  his  men  climbed 
the  trees,  their  extent  of  vision  was  limited  to  a 
stone’s  throw.*  The  Indian  guides  were  quite 
at  fault,  and  the  whole  army  would  probably 
have  perished,  but  for  the  use  that  was  made  of 
the  mariner’s  compass.  Such  was  the  country, 
abounding  in  dense  forests,  wide  morasses,  broad, 
unfordable  rivers, f  and  not  without  stony  moun¬ 
tains,  over  which  Cortes  had  to  lead  his  motley 
band  of  Spanish  horsemen,  musicians,  jugglers, 
and  Mexican  attendants. 

% 

*  “  Este  monte  era  muy  bravo  y  espantoso,  por  el  cual 
anduve  dos  dias  abriendo  camino  por  donde  senalaban 
aquellas  guias,  hasta  tanto  que  dijeron  qne  iban  desati- 
nados,  que  no  sabian  a  donde  iban  ;  y  era  la  montana  do 
tal  calidad  que  no  se  via  otra  cosa  sino  donde  poniamos 
los  pies  en  el  suelo,  b  mirando  arriba,  la  claridad  del 
cielo  :  tanta  era  la  espesura  y  alteza  de  los  arboles,  que 
aunque  se  subian  en  algunos,  no  podian  descubrir  un 
tiro  de  piedra.” — Documentos  Inedit  os,  tom.  iv.  p.  34. 

|  The  bridges  that  were  thrown  over  these  formi¬ 
dable  marshes  and  rivers,  which  chiefly  owed  their  con¬ 
struction  to  the  skill  of  the  Mexican  artificers,  remained 
for  years  ;  and  when  these  provinces  were  at  peace,  the 
admiring  traveller  was  wont  to  exclaim,  “  These  are  the 
bridges  of  Cortes.” — Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  178. 


SUFFERINGS  of  CORTES'  MEN. 


203 


To  estimate  the  intense  sufferings  which  the 
geneials  as  well  as  the  common  soldiers  under¬ 
went  in  this  expedition  to  Honduras,  recourse 
must  be  had  to  the  pages  of  the  narrative  of  the 
common  soldier  who  took  part  in  it,  and  who 
dwells  upon  details  which  are  not  mentioned  by 
his  chief.  Bernal  Diaz,  when  describing  the  con- 
i  struction  of  a  certain  bridge  across  a  river,  says 
that  the  army  had  nothing  to  eat  for  three  days 
[  but  grass,  and  a  root  called  quecuenque,  which 
burnt  their  lips  and  tongues.  No  crusader  cursed 
|  with  moie  depth  of  bitterness  the  hermit,  or  the 
baron,  or  the  prince,  who  had  induced  or  com- 
i  pelled  him  to  enter  upon  his  foolish  crusade,  than 
did  the  soldiers  of  Cortes  curse  their  unfortunate 
commander.  His  own  immediate  attendants  died 
(first,  his  buffoon,  a  courtly  officer  so  dear  to  a 
man  of  melancholy  nature  such  as  Cortes,  was 
one  of  the  earliest  that  perished  from  fatigue  and 
hunger.  Then  the  musicians  fell  ill,  the  players 
upon  the  sackbut,  the  clarion,  and  the  dulcimer. 
One  vigorous  musician,  however,  continued  to 
play  upon  his  instrument ;  but  the  soldiers  would 
joot  listen  to  him,  for  they  said  that  it  was  like 
the  howling  of  jackals;  and  that  what  they 


Suffering 

from 

hunger  of 
the  Expe¬ 
dition. 


204 


FOE  AGING  PARTY  SENT  OUT 


wanted  was  maize  to  eat,  and  not  music  to 
listen  to. 

In  the  hope  that  some  friendly  aid  might  come 
after  them,  the  soldiers  cut  crosses  on  the  gigantic 
Ceyba  trees,  and  fastened  bits  of  paper,  with  this 
inscription,  u  Cortes  passed  this  way  on  such  and 
such  a  day.” 

The  Mexican  chiefs  became  cannibals.  They 
seized  upon  the  natives  where  they  could  find 
them,  and,  baking  their  bodies  between  heated 
stones,  devoured  them.  This  abominable  practice 
was  immediately  put  a  stop  to  by  Cortes,  when 
the  fact  came  to  his  knowledge. 

Bernal  Diaz  was  sent  out  as  the  captain  of  a 
foraging  party.  He  was  fortunate  enough  to 
bring  back  one  hundred  and  thirty  loads  of  maize, 
eighty  fowls,  some  honey,  and  some  beans.  But 
as  he  returned  to  the  camp  at  evening,  the  soldiers 
intercepted  his  convoy  and  devoured  all  the  pro¬ 
visions,  crying  out,  as  they  carried  off  the  pro¬ 
vision,  “  This  is  for  Cortes.”  It  was  in  vain  that 
the  officers  of  the  General’s  household  endeavoured 
to  secure  some  of  this  food  for  their  master :  the 
common  soldiers  exclaimed,  “  You  and  Cortes  had 
swine  for  yourselves ;  and  you  saw  us  dying  of 
hunger,  and  you  gave  us  nothing.” 


HE  ABED  BY  BERNAL  DIAZ. 


205 


Cortes  was  enraged  when  he  heard  of  these 
things,  and  blamed  Bernal  Diaz,  who  replied  that 
Cortes  ought  to  have  sent  out  guards  to  protect 
i  the  convoy.  Then  Cortes  resorted  to  flattery  and 
persuasion  instead  of  reprimand,  and  said,  “  Oh, 
Senor  brother  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castello,  if  you 
have  left  any  of  the  food  secreted  by  the  road,  for 
the  love  of  me,  give  me  some  of  it.  I  am  sure  you 
must  have  kept  some  for  yourself  and  your  friend 
Sandoval.”  And  then  Sandoval,  who  was  with 
Cortes,  said,  “  I  swear  I  have  not  even  a  handful 
ot  maize  to  roast  for  my  supper.”  In  reply, 
Bernal  Diaz  admitted  that,  in  a  neighbouring 
village,  the  inhabitants  had  secreted  for  him  some 
maize,  and  some  fowls,  and  some  honey ;  and  he 
proposed  that  “  at  the  fourth  hour  of  the  second 
•deep,  when  the  whole  camp  would  be  buried  in 
repose,  they  should  go  and  get  these  provisions. 
Then  Sandoval’s  heart  was  joyful,  and  he  embraced 
Bernal  Diaz ;  but  Cortes,  whose  duty  to  religion 
was  never  far  from  his  mind,  asked  if  the  monks, 
who  had  accompanied  the  expedition,  had  any¬ 
thing,  to  eat.  To  which  Bernal  Diaz  replied, 
that  God  took  greater  care  of  them  than  he 
Cortes)  did,  for  all  the  soldiers  gave  to  them 


206 


CONSPIRACY  RAISED  BY 


I  be  Mexi¬ 
can  chiefs 
conspire. 


part  of  what  they  had  seized  upon  this  evening, 
and  the  monks  would  not  die  of  hunger. 

It  is  very  significant  of  the  state  of  misery  and 
insubordination  which  prevailed  in  the  camp,  that 
Sandoval  went  himself  with  Bernal  Diaz,  in  the 
fourth  hour  of  the  second  sleep,  to  get  his  share 
of  these  provisions;  for,  of  the  many  soldiers  who 
were  especially  attached  to  his  command,  theie 
was  not  one  who  could  be  trusted  to  bring  back 
food  to  his  starving  commander. 

It  was  not  likely  tliat  the  prisoners  of  Cortes 

_ including  the  captive  monarchs  of  Mexico, 

Tlacuba  and  Tezcuco — could  fail  to  observe  the 
inevitable  relaxation  of  discipline  which  was  caused 
by  the  sufferings  of  the  army,  and  to  commune 
with  themselves  and  with  each  other  upon  the  ad¬ 
vantage  they  might  derive  from  it.  They  accord¬ 
ingly  conspired.  Their  plan  was,  after  destroying 
those  Spaniards  who  were  with  them,  to  raise  the 
standard  of  revolt,  and  march  for  Mexico.  The 
time  was  very  favourable  for  their  design.  Part  of 
the  Spanish  troops  were  with  Pedro  de  Alvarado 
in  Guatemala;  another  part  in  Honduras  with 
Christoval  de  Olid,  and  with  the  Captains  who 
had  <mne  to  subdue  that  rebel.  Other  Spaniards, 


fS( 

Jr  a 

THE  MEXICAN  CHIEFS. 

■  ?  '' 


/ 


207 


jigain,  had  gone  into  the  province  of  Mechoacan, 

Tvheie  some  gold  mines,  according  to  report,  had 
peen  discovered.  Mexico  itself  was  comparatively  Absence  of 
defenceless ;  and  at  no  period  since  the  conquest  nwpsfrom 
would  a  revolt  have  been  more  formidable.  The  Mexico' 
Mexican  troops  who  accompanied  Cortes  amounted 
to  three  thousand.  Death  was  imminent  from 
starvation :  why  should  they  not  die  to  save  their 

monarch  and  to  reinstate  their  country  in  its 
former  greatness  ? 


The  conspiracy  was  betrayed  to  Cortes  by 
Mexicatzincatl,  the  same  man  whom  Cortes  had  Conspiracy 
set  over  the  work  of  constructing  and  governing  &  *° 
the  Indian  quarters  of  Mexico.  This  man  pro¬ 
bably  understood  better  than  his  countrymen  the 
solid  basis  upon  which  the  power  of  Cortes  rested, 
and  the  speed  with  which  a  common  danger  would 
compel  the  Spaniards  to  resume  their  accustomed 
wariness  and  discipline.  The  traitor  showed  to 
Cortes  a  paper  whereon  were  painted  the  faces 
and  names  of  the  Mexican  Lords  and  Princes  who  ' 


were  concerned  in  the  conspiracy.  The  Spanish  Cortes 
Commander  immediately  seized  upon  them  sepa-  conspira6 
rately,  and  examined  them  one  by  one,  telling  tors- 
each  that  the  others  had  confessed  the  truth. 


ADJOINING  PROVINCES 


TEE  KINGS  CONDEMNED  TO  DEATH.  209 

According  to  Bernal  Diaz,  and  also  according 
to  an  ancient  Tezcucan  history,*  it  appears  as  if ' 
the  King  of  Mexico  did  not  confess  to  more  than 
being  aware  of  the  conspiracy,  and  declared  that 
he  had  refused  to  entertain  it.  This  may  be  du¬ 
bious  ;  but,  at  any  rate,  the  cruel  practical  wisdom 
of  Cortes  would  make  but  little  difference  between 
a  conspiracy  suggested  by  the  monarch  himself  or 
by  others  on  his  behalf.  The  result  would  have 
been  the  same.  Indeed,  Cortes  maintained  that 
merely  to  have  listened  to  this  treason  was  a  thing 
deserving  of  death,  f  And  Cortes  saw  that  the 
sure  way  of  putting  an  immediate  stop  to  such 
conspiracies  was  to  make  a  great  example  of  the 
principal  personages  concerned.  Accordingly,  the 

Kings  of  Mexico  and  Tlacuba  were  condemned  to 
death. 

When  led  to  execution,  the  King  of  Mexico  Speech  of 
exclaimed,  “  O,  Malinche,  I  have  long  known  it*’, 
the  falseness  of  your  words,  and  have  fore¬ 
seen  that  you  would  give  me  that  death  which, 

Referred  to  by  Torquemada. 
f  Los  otros  solte  porque  no  parecfa  que  tenian  mas 

;ulpa  que  de  haberlo  oido,  aunque  aquello  bastaba  para 
nerecer  la  muerte. 

II. 


P 


210 


THE  IB  EXECUTION. 


alas !  I  did  not  give  myself,  when  I  surrendered 
to  you  in  my  city  of  Mexico.  Wherefore  do  you 
slay  me  without  justice  ?  May  God  demand  it  of 

you.” 

The  King  of  Tlacuba  said  that  he  looked  upon 
his  death  as  welcome,  since  he  was  to  die  with 


The  King*  his  Lord,  the  King  of  Mexico.  After  confession 
and  tiT°  and  absolution,  the  two  Kings  were  hanged  upon 
to  death!  a  ceyba  tree  in  Izzancanac,  in  the  province  of 
1  Acalan,  on  one  of  the  carnival  days  before  Shrove¬ 

tide,  in  the  year  1525.  Thus  ended  the  great 


CHARACTER  OF  CORTES.  211 

Mexican  dynasty — itself  a  thing  compacted  by  so 
much  blood  and  toil  and  suffering  of  countless 
human  beings.  The  days  of  deposed  monarchs — 
victims  alike  to  the  zeal  of  their  friends  and  the 
suspicions  of  their  captors — are  mostly  very  brief ; 
and  perhaps  it  is  surprising  that  the  King  of 
Mexico  should  have  survived  so  long  as  four  years 
the  conquest  of  his  capital,  and  have  been  treated 

during  the  greater  part  of  that  time  with  favour 
and  honour. 

Some  writers  have  supposed  that  Cortes  was 
weary  of  his  captives,  and  wished  to  destroy  them, 
and  that  the  charge  of  conspiracy  was  fictitious. 
Such  assertions  betray  a  total  ignorance  of  the 
character  of  this  great  Spaniard.  Astute  men 
seldom  condescend  to  lying.  Now,  Cortes  was 
not  only  very  astute,  but,  according  to  his  notions, 
highly  honourable.  A  genuine  hidalgo,  and  a 
thoroughly  loyal  man,  he  would  as  soon  have 
thought  of  committing  a  small  theft  as  of  utter¬ 
ing  a  falsehood  in  a  despatch  addressed  to  his 
sovereign.* 

D 


Indeed,  in  a  letter  to  the  Emperor  he  says  that  at 
no  time,  and  for  no  interest  would  he  tell  a  lie  to 


212 


EFFECTS  OF  TEE  DISCOVERY 


Cortes  could  well  afford  to  be  satisfied  with  the 
deaths  of  the  two  principal  kings,  and  to  spare 
the  other  conspirators,  as  his  discovery  of  this 
conspiracy  deepened  the  impression  which  the 
Mexicans  already  entertained  of  his  supernatural 
knowledge.  They  had  seen  him,  when  most  per¬ 
plexed  with  the  difficulties  and  dangers  of  the 
journey,  call  for  a  mysterious-looking  mirror  or 
chart,  and  after  watching  with  solicitude  the 
trembling  movements  of  a  needle  suspended  over 
the  flat  surface,  determine  at  once  upon  his  line 
of  march,  and  never  suffer  the  direction  to  be 
varied  until  they  came  out  upon  the  very  town 
which  had  been  the  object  of  the  march.  When, 
•  as  they  thought,  the  Spanish  Commander  dis¬ 
covered  this  conspiracy  (for,  doubtless,  the  faith- 


Faith 
amongst 
the  Mexi¬ 
cans  in  the 
super¬ 
natural 
knowledge 
of  Cortes. 


less  Mexican  kept  his  own  counsel,  or  he  would 
have  been  torn  to  pieces  by  his  countrymen), 
what  could  they  imagine  but  that  he  had  been 
conversing  with  that  mysterious  little  rod  of  iron, 
whose  tremblings  had  again  revealed  to  its  master 

His  Majesty  (“  minca  Dios  quiera  que  yo  a  V.  M.  diga 
mentira  en  ningun  tiempo  ni  por  ningun  interese).-’—  Co- 
Icccinn  de  Documentos  para  la  Historiu  de  Mexico,  por 
Joaquin  Garcia  Icazbalceta.  Tom.  i.  Mexico,  I808. 


213 


OF  THE  CONSPIRACY. 

I  <» 

the  course  to  be  taken  in  the  midst  of  the  dangers 
that  surrounded  him?  Cortes  was  not  the  man 
to  omit  any  opportunity  of  impressing  others  with 
a  sense  of  his  power.  The  belief  of  the  attendant 
Mexicans  in  the  knowledge  that  was  thus  magically 
conveyed  to  the  Spanish  Commander  grew  to  such 
a  height^  that  some  of  them,  whose  consciences 
must  have  been  quite  clear  of  this  conspiracy, 
begged  him  to  look  in  the  mirror  and  the  chart, 

and  see  there  whether  they  were  not  loyal  towards 

him* 

This  has  been  construed  as  an  instance  of  the 
“simplicity”  of  the  Mexicans;  but  it  may  be 

f 

“  P°rque  como  han  vis  to  que  para  acertar  aquel 
camino,  muchas  veces  sacaba  una  carta  de  marear  y  un 
aguja,  en  especial  cuando  se  acerto  el  camino  de  Calgoa- 
trepan,  han  dicho  a  muchos  espanoles  que  por  alii  lo 
saque,  y  aun  a  mi  me  han  dicho  algunos  de  ellos  que- 
riendome  hacer  cierto  que  me  tienen  buena  voluntad, 
que  para  que  viese  sus  buenas  intenciones,  que  me  roga- 
ban  mucho  que  mirase  el  espejo  y  la  carta,  y  alii  veria 
como  ellos  me  tenian  buena  voluntad,  pues  por  alii  sabia 
todas  las  otras  cosas.  E  yo  tambien  les  liice  entender 
que  ansi  era  la  verdad,  e  que  en  aquella  aguja  e  carta  de 
marear  via  yo  e  sabia  e  se  me  descubrian  todas  las 
cosas.;’ — Relation  al  Emperador  por  Hernan  Cortes. 
Documentos  Ineditos,  tom.  iv.  p.  55. 


214  KNOWLEDGE  CONFINED  TO  FEW. 


How  a 
nation 
might  de¬ 
generate. 


Know¬ 
ledge  con¬ 
fined  to  a 

tPW. 


doubted  whether  there  are  not  many  amongst 
ourselves  who  would  be  very  much  puzzled  to  ex¬ 
plain  the  phenomenon  which  perplexed  and  awed 
the  Mexican  troops.  And  it  must  be  remembered 
that  the  knowledge  which  had  been  possessed  by 

their  priests,  and  stored  up  in  their  colleges,  had, 

« 

for  the  most  part,  been  taken  from  them.  If,  in 
these  times,  a  nation  were  suddenly  deprived  of 
its  chief  men  in  science  and  art,  it  would  pro¬ 
bably  astound  the  world  to  see  how  soon  the 
great  body  of  that  nation  would  degenerate  into 
utter  ignorance  and  superstition.  The  principal 
knowledge  possessed  by  mankind  is,  even  now, 
confined  to  a  very  few,  comparatively  speaking ; 
and  in  those  days,  when  the  few  were  a  favoured 
caste,  and  the  Government  was  entirely  aristo¬ 
cratic  or  despotic,  the  loss  of  the  nobles,  the 
priests,  and  the  kings,  was  absolutely  the  destruc¬ 
tion  of  the  nation,  as  a  nation.  The  Indian,  who 
is  now  in  such  a  state  of  stolidity  that  no  reward, 
hardly,  can  induce  him  to  stir  from  the  squatting 
position  that  he  has  once  taken  up  before  the  fire, 
is  the  lineal  descendant,  perhaps,  of  a  man  who 
projected,  or  helped  to  carry  out,  with  cunning 
workmanship,  constructions  which  are  still  a 


DESTEUCTIBILITY  OF  CIVILIZATION.  215 


marvel  to  the  most  intelligent  persons  of  the 
most  civilized  nations  in  the  world.*  The  de- 
structibility  of  such  civilization  as  the  Assyrian, 
Egyptian,  Mexican,  or  Peruvian,  and  perhaps  of 

*  Ulloa,  who  travelled  in  Peru  in  the  year  1736, 
says — “  The  disproportion  between  what  I  read  and 
what  I  am  going  to  relate,  is  so  remarkable,  that, 
on  a  retrospect  towards  past  times,  I  am  utterly 
at  a  loss  to  account  for  the  universal  change  of 
things  ;  especially  when  surrounded  by  such  visible 
monuments  of  the  industry,  polity,  and  laws  of  the 
Indians  of  Peru,  that  it  would  be  madness  to  ques¬ 
tion  the  truth  of  the  accounts  that  have  been  given 
of  them ;  for  the  ruins  of  these  ancient  works  are  still 
amazing.  On  the  other  hand,  I  can  hardly  credit  my 
own  eyes,  when  I  behold  that  nation  involved  as  it  were 
in  Cimmerian  darkness — rude,  indocile,  and  living  in  a 
barbarism  little  better  than  those  who  have  their  dwell¬ 
ing  among  the  wastes,  precipices,  and  forests.  But  what 
is  still  more  difficult  to  conceive  is,  how  these  people, 
whose  former  wisdom  is  conspicuous  in  the  equity  of 
their  laws,  and  the  establishment  of  a  government  so 
singular  as  that  under  which  they  live,  should  at  present 
show  no  traces  of  that  genius  and  capacity  which  formed 
so  excellent  an  oeconomy,  and  so  beautiful  a  system  of 
social  duties  :  though  undoubtedly  they  are  the  same 
people,  and  still  retain  some  of  their  ancient  customs  and 
manners/’ — Don  George  Juan,  and  Don  Antonio  de 
Ulloa.  Voyage  to  South  America ,  translated  by  J.  Adams, 
vol.  i.  pp.  401,  404.  London,  1806. 


216 


SOLDIERS  MURMUR. 


I  )»*pression 
uf  Cortes 
after 

execution 
of  Mexican 
kin^s. 


others  as  notable,  whose  names  even  have  been 
lost,  or  exist  only  in  symbols  that  may  never  be 
interpreted,  is  not  merely  a  marked  fact  in  the 
world’s  annals,  but  one  which  especially  requires 
to  be  kept  in  mind  throughout  this  narrative,  in 
order  to  prevent  us  from  falling  into  the  delusion 
of  supposing  that  the  great  wTorks  and  remarkable 
polities  we  read  of  in  the  Mexican  Empire  are  my¬ 
thical  or  fabulous,  while  in  truth  they  are  quite 
within  the  domain  of  modern  history,  and  rest 
upon  similar  testimony  to  that  upon  which  we  give 
credit  to  the  annals  of  our  own  Henry  the  Eighth 
and  Queen  Elizabeth.  The  fathers  of  Bacon  and 
Shakespeare  were  almost  contemporaries  of  Mon¬ 
tezuma. 

The  last  of  the  Mexican  monarchs  being  dis¬ 
posed  of  by  this  severe,  but,  as  it  seemed  to  Cortes, 
necessary  execution,  our  natural  sympathy  with 
the  vanquished  makes  us  glad  to  find  that  the  army 
murmured  at  these  things,  and  that  there  were 
some  of  the  Spanish  soldiers  who  thought  the 
execution  unjust.  Bernal  Diaz  notes  that  Cortes 
was  melancholy,  depressed,  and  sleepless.*  It  is 

*  “Tambien  quiero  dezir,  que  como  Cortes  andava 
mal  dispuesto,  v  aun  mui  pensativo  y  dcscontento  del 
trabajoso  camino  quo  llovavamos,  e  como  avia  mandado 


CORTES  DESIRES  A  CONFERENCE.  217 


some  satisfaction  to  imagine  that  bloody  deeds, 
even  such  as  have  but  the  lesser  stain  of  policy, 
render  thick  and  heavy  and  phantomful  the  air 
around  the  beds  of  those  who,  to  avoid  the  me¬ 
mories  of  such  deeds,  need  the  forgetfulness  of 
sleep  far  more  than  other  men. 

Before  Cortes  started  from  Espiritu  Santo,  he 
sent  to  the  Lords  of  Tabasco  and  Xicalango,  de- 
siring  that  they  would  come  to  him,  or  send  per¬ 
sons  with  whom  he  could  confer.  The  caciques 
sent  such  persons,  who,  in  reply  to  the  inquiries 
of  Cortes,  informed  him  that  on  the  sea-Coast, 
beyond  the  country  that  is  called  Yucatan,  there 
were  certain  Spaniards  who  did  the  people  of  that 
country  much  harm,  burning  towns,  and  slaying 


ahorcar  a  Guatemuz,  e  su  primo  el  senor  de  Tacuba,  sin 
tener  justicia  para  ello,  e  avia  cada  dia  hambre,  e  que 
adolescian  Espanoles,  e  morian  muchos  Mexicanos, 
parecio  ser  que  de  noche  no  reposava  de  pensar  en  ello, 
y  saliesse  de  la  cama  donde  dormia  a  pas  sear  en  una  sal  a, 
adonde  avia  idol  os,  que  era  aposento  principal  de  aquol 
puebleguelo,  adonde  tenian  otros  ldolos,  y  descuidose  y 
cayd  mas  de  dos  estados  abaxo,  y  se  descalabrb  la  cabe<;a, 
y  callb  que  no  dixo  cosa  buena  ni  mala  sobre  ello,  salvo 
curarse  la  descalabradura,  y  todo  se  lo  passava  y  sufria. 
— Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  177. 


218 


TWO  CENTRES  OF  CONQUEST. 


Two 

centres  of 
conquest, 
Darien  and 
Mexico. 


the  inhabitants,  by  which  the  merchants  of  Ta¬ 
basco  and  Xicalango  (some  of  them  probably 
being  the  persons  then  speaking)  had  lost  all 
commerce  with  that  coast.  “  And  as  eye-wit¬ 
nesses, ,r  Cortes  says,  “they  gave  an  account  of  all 
the  towns  on  the  coast,  until  you  come  to  the 
country  where  Pedrarias  de  Avila,  your  Majesty’s 
Governor,  is,  and  they  made  me  a  map  upon  a 
cloth  of  the  whole  of  it.”* 

The  allusion  in  the  above  words  of  Cortes  to 
Pedrarias  de  Avila  may  remind  us  that  the  radia¬ 
tions  from  these  two  great  centres  of  conquest 
and  discovery  in  America,  namely,  Darien  and 
Mexico,  were  about  to  intersect.  After  a  short 
time  the  Darienites  will  go  southwards  to  Peru, 
and  the  Mexican  conquerors  northwards  to  Cali¬ 
fornia. 

The  daily  movements  of  the  march  of  Cortes 
cannot  be  recorded  in  a  brief  biography.  But, 


*  “  Y  como  testigos  de  vista  me  dieron  razon  de  casi 
todos  los  pueblos  de  la  costa  hasta  llegar  donde  esta 
Pedrarias  de  Avila,  gobernador  de  V.  M.,  y  me  hicieron 
una  figura  en  un  pano  de  toda  ella.” — Documentos  In - 
cditos ,  tom.  vi.  p.  11. 


MARCH  OF  CORTES. 


219 


if  we  would  appreciate  justly  the  nature  and  re¬ 
sources  of  New  Spain,  we  must  observe  that  the 
territories  traversed  by  Cortes  possessed  signs  of  a 
civilization  not  far  inferior  to  that  of  the  Mexicans. 


He  speaks  of  Iztapan  as  “  a  very  great  thing.” 
He  mentions  its  pastures,  its  lands  for  agriculture, 
and  its  being  surrounded  by  a  considerable  extent 
of  settled  territory.*  Of  Acalan,  the  province  in 


Signs  of 

civilization 

which 

Cortes 

meets  with 

on  his 

route. 


*  “  Este  pueblo  de  Iztapan  es  mu y  grande  cosa  y  esta 


SIGNS  OF  CIVILIZATION. 


220- 

I 


which  the  Mexican  Kings  were  hanged,  he  says 
also  that  this  was  “  a  very  great  thing,”  where 
there  are  many  towns  and  much  people,  and  that 
it  abounded  in  provisions,  amongst  which  he  spe¬ 
cifies  honey.  He  also  speaks  of  the  merchants 
_  .  of  that  country.*  Further  on,  in  Macatlan,  he 

Macatlan.  comes  upon  a  fortress,  of  which  he  thinks  it  worth 
while  to  give  a  minute  account  to  the  Emperor, 


i 


Temples  at 
CHaantal. 


Cortes 
passed  near 
(  opan. 


describing  its  battlements,  embrasures,  traverses 
and  turrets,  “  showing  such  good  order  and  ar¬ 
rangement,  that  it  could  not  be  better,  he  says, 
considering  the  arms  with  which  they  fought.” 

At  Chaantal  he  found  temples  built  after  the 

v 

fashion  of  the  Mexicans  ;  and  we  now  know  what 
remarkable  buildings  he  might  have  seen,  had  his 

route  diverged  but  a  few  miles  from  that  which 

« 

was  taken,  for  he  passed  near  the  great  city  of 


ascntado  en  la  ribera  de  un  muy  hermoso  rio :  tiene 
muy  buen  asiento  para  poblar  en  el  espanoles  :  tiene 
muy  bermosa  ribera  donde  bay  buenos  pastos  :  tiene 
muy  buenas  tierras  de  labranzas  :  tiene  buena  comarca 
de  tierra  poblada.” — Relation  al  Emperador;  Documentor 
JneditoSy  tom.  iv,  p.  31. 

*  “  Hay  en'ella  muchos  mercaderes  y  gentes  que  tra- 
tan  en  mucbas  partes,  y  son  ricos  de  esclavos  y  de  las 
cosas  que  se  tratan  en  la  tierra.” — Documentor  Iniditos 
tom,  iv.  p.  55, 


DEATH  OF  CHRIST  OVAL  DE  OLID .  221 

Copan,*  the  monuments  of  which  remain  to  this 
day  to  astound  the  traveller  and  perplex  the  anti¬ 
quarian. 

It  was  not  until  Cortes  approached  the  sea- 
coast,  that  he  heard  that  Christoval  de  Olid  had 
been  assassinated  by  Francisco  de  Las  Casas,  the 
captain  who  had  been  sent  to  subdue  the  rebel. 
The  first  object  of  the  expedition  was,  therefore, 
in  great  measure  attained.  Cortes,  however, 
proceeded  to  visit  the  new  settlement.  Indeed, 
it  would  have  been  useless  for  him  to  attempt  to 


*  “  As  to  Copan,  I  shall  not  at  present  offer  any 
conjecture  in  regard  to  the  antiquity  of  these  build¬ 
ings,  merely  remarking  that  at  ten  leagues’  dis¬ 
tance  is  a  village  called  Las  Tres  Cruces,  or  the 
Three  Crosses,  from  three  crosses,  which,  according 
to  tradition,  Cortes  erected  at  that  place  when  on 
his  conquering  march  from  Mexico  to  Honduras  by 
the  Lake  of  Peten.  Cortes,  then,  must  have  passed 
within  twenty  or  thirty  miles  of  the  place  now  called 
Palenque.  If  it  had  been  a  living  city,  its  fame  must 
have  reached  his  ears,  and  he  would  probably  have 
turned  aside  from  his  road  to  subdue  and  plunder  it. 
It  seems,  therefore,  but  reasonable  to  suppose  that  it 
was  at  that  time  desolate  and  in  ruins,  and  even  the 
memory  of  it  lost.” — Stephens,  Incidents  of  Travel  in 
Central  Amerira,  vol.  ii.  chap.  xx.  p.  357. 


End  of 
Christoval 
de  Olid. 
1524. 


Cortes  pro¬ 
ceeds  to 
Truxillo. 
1525. 


222  NEWS  FROM  MEXICO. 

return  by  the  way  he  had  come :  and  it  was  while 
he  was  staying  in  Truxillo,  and  busying  himself 
Bad  news  with  his  colony  there,  that  intelligence  reached 
Mexico.  him  of  the  lamentable  proceedings  which  had 
taken  place  in  Mexico  during  his  absence. 


He  had  come  all  this  way  to  punish  the  rebel¬ 
lion  of  one  of  his  captains,  and  had  left  behind 
him  the  seeds  of  a  most  deplorable  sedition 
which  was  to  break  forth  in  his  chief  city.  In 
commenting  upon  this  state  of  things  to  his  mas- 


CONDUCT  OF  CORTES. 


223 


ter,  the  Emperor,  he  uses  a  very  striking  expres¬ 
sion,  condemnatory  of  the  folly  and  unfaithfulness 
which  was  manifested  for  the  most  part  by  those 
official  persons  in  the  colonies  who  were  entrusted 
with  delegated  authority.  “  They  think,”  he 
says,  “  that  unless  they  make  themselves  ridicu¬ 
lous,  they  hardly  seem  to  themselves  to  be  in 
power” — ( literally ,  “unless  they  commit  folly, 
they  think  they  do  not  wear  the  plume  ”  *),  a  pro¬ 
verbial  expression  which  probably  came  from  the 
East,  and  which  embodies  the  deep  sense  of  mis- 
government  that  had  been  felt  by  subject  millions 
whose  only  protest  against  the  folly  and  caprice 
of  their  rulers  was  some  dire  proverb  of  this  kind. 

The  conduct  of  Cortes  on  this  occasion  gives 
great  insight  into  his  character.  He  was  much 
urged  by  his  followers  to  go  at  once  by  sea  to 
Mexico.  His  presence  there  was  greatly  needed. 
No  one  was  more  aware  of  this  than  he  was  him¬ 
self.  Still,  he  hesitated  to  go  ;  for  it  was  a  marked 
peculiarity  of  this  great  man,  that  his  attention 
was  not  always  directed  to  what  seemed  most 


*  “  Que  sino  hacen  befa  no  portan  penaeho.” _ Doc. 

Ined.  tom.  iv.  p.  131. 


224 


SETS  SAIL  FOR  NEW  SPAIN. 


The  lar^e 
views  of 
Cortes. 


Cortes  sets 
sail  for 
N  ew 
Spain. 


pressing,  but  often  to  some  duty  based  upon 
o-eneral  rules  of  action,  and  a  large  foresight  of 

t5  * 

what  would  in  the  end  be  politic.  His  conduct 
at  the  siege  of  Mexico,  in  sending  to  succour  the 
Indian  allies,  when  he  himself  had  just  suffered 
defeat,  was  an  instance  of  this  largeness  of  view. 
And,  on  the  present  occasion,  the  state  of  the 
King’s  affairs  in  Honduras,  and  the  opportunity 
for  enlarging  the  conquest  there  formed  powerful 
attractions  to  keep  him  in  the  spot  where  he  then 
was.  In  this  perplexity  he  sought  inspiration 
from  above ;  and,  after  solemn  prayers  and  pro¬ 
cessions,  the  course  of  returning  to  Mexico  seemed 
to  him  the  better  way.*  Accordingly,  arranging 
his  affairs  in  Honduras,  he  prepared  to  set  sail  for 
New  Spain.  Thrice,  however,  he  was  compelled 
to  return  to  land  i  once  on  account  of  a  sudden 
calm,  and  also  from  hearing  that  the  people  he  had 

*  “  Y  estanclo  en  esta  perplejidad  considere  que  nin- 
guna  cosa  puede  ser  bien  hecha  ni  guiada  sino  es  por 
mauo  del  Hacedor  y  Movedor  de  todas,  y  hice  decir  mi- 
sas  y  hacer  procesiones  y  otros  sacrificios  suplicando  a 
Dios  me  encaminase  en  aquellode  que  el  mas  se  sirviese, 
y  despues  de  hecho  esto  por  algunos  dias  parecidme  que 
today  ia  debia  posponer  todas  las  cosas  y  ir  a  remcdiar 
aquellos  danos.” — Eoc.  Ined.  tom.  iv.  p.  131.  < 


IS  THRICE  DRIVEN  BACK. 


225 


left  on  shore  were  inclined  to  be  seditious:  a 
second  time,  because  the  main-yard  (la  entena 
mayor)  snapped  asunder:  and  the  third  time,  be¬ 
cause  of  a  violent  north  wind  which  drove  his 
vessel  back  after  he  had  made  fifty  leagues  from 
the  coast.*  Thinking  that  these  were  signs  that 
God  did  not  approve  of  the  course  he  had  adopted, 
Cortes  again  sought  for  divine  guidance  ;  and  this 


*  This  would  have  been  the  time  for  Cortes  to  have 
consulted  the  stars,  but  his  clear  and  pious  mind  abjured 
all  such  vain  attempts  at  knowledge ;  and  amidst  his 
numerous  retinue  no  such  attendant  as  an  astrologer 
was  to  be  found.  He  believed  profoundly  in  the  imme¬ 
diate  action  of  a  superintending  Providence,  but  was  not 
likely  to  seek  for  hope  or  guidance  from  any  created 
things.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  science,  if  it  may  so 
be  called,  of  astrology,  which  had  great  hold  upon  shrewd 
persons,  such  as  Louis  the  Eleventh,  Pope  Paul  the 
Third,  Catherine  de  Medicis,  Wallenstein,  the  Earl  of 
Leicester,  and  many  other  historical  personages,  both  in 
that  age  and  in  those  which  preceded  and  followed  it, 
had  no  influence  whatever  upon  the  Spanish  monarchs 
—Ferdinand,  Charles  the  Fifth,  and  Philip  the  Second. 
Nor  does  astrology  seem  to  have  had  any  hold  upon  the 
minor  personages  connected  with  the  conquest  of 
America.  The  hard,  distinct  faith  of  the  Spaniard,  and 
perhaps  his  hatred  of  the  Moor,  made  him  averse  from 
wizardry,  or  anything  that  resembled  it. 


Is  thrice 

driven 

back. 


226 


CORTES  RETURN’S 


Resolves 
then  to  stay 
m  Hon¬ 
duras. 


Fresh  in¬ 
telligence 
from 
Mexico. 


time,  after  renewed  prayers  and  processions,  he 
resolved  to  stay  where  he  was,  and  to  despatch  a 
trusty  messenger  to  his  followers  in  Mexico, 
telling  them  that  he  was  alive,  and  informing 
them  of  what  had  happened  to  him.  They  had 
fled  for  refuge  to  the  Franciscan  convent  in  that 
city.  On  hearing  this  good  news  they  took  heart, 
sallied  forth,  and  deposed  the  Factor  and  the 
Yeedor. 

Meanwhile,  the  vessel  in  which  Cortes  had 
sent  his  messenger  returned  to  him  at  Truxillo; 
and  in  it  came  a  cousin  of  his,  a  Franciscan  friar, 
named  Diego  Altamirano.  From  this  monk,  and 
from  the  letters  which  he  brought,  Cortes  learned 
to  the  full  extent  the  scandals  and  the  tumults 
which  had  taken  place  during  his  absence  in 

Mexico,  and  the  necessity  there  seemed  to  be  for 

•  / 

his  immediate  return  to  the  seat  of  his  govern¬ 
ment.  He  had  intended  to  return  by  Nicaragua 


Cortt  s  re 
solves  to 
return  to 
Mexico, 
\;>nl, 
1.VJ6. 


and  Guatemala,  being  well  aware  of  the  disastrous 
state  of  those  provinces,  and  of  the  services  which 
his  presence  might  render.  Iiut  the  troubles  of 
Mexico  summoned  him  with  a  louder  \oice,  and 
he  resolved  to  return  forthwith  to  that  city. 
Accordingly,  on  the  25th  ol  April,  152G,  he  set 


TO  MEXICO. 


227 


sail  for  New  Spain.  A  violent  storm  drove  him 
out  of  his  way  to  Cuba,  and  he  landed  at  the  port 
of  Havannah,  where  in  a  few  days  he  learned  that 
his  party  had  been  successful,  and  had  deposed  the 
F actor  and  the  Yeedor.  On  the  16th  of  May  he 
set  sail  again  for  New  Spain,  landed  near  the 
town  of  Medellin,  and  made  a  triumphant  entry 
into  Mexico  on  the  19th  of  June  1526,  amidst  the 
acclamations  of  his  own  people  and  of  the  natives, 
Coi  tes  was  much  changed.  There  were  many  per¬ 
sons  who  failed  at  first  to  recognise  m  his  harvard 

o  80  f 

sickly  countenance^  imprinted  with  the  sufferings 
and  dangers  he  had  undergone  during  his  journey 
to  Honduras,  and  in  his  subsequent  voyage,  the 
brilliant  and  handsome  Cortes,  who,  only  twenty 
months  before,  had  marched  out  of  the  city  at  the 
head  of  a  gallant  company, — himself  the  chief 
attraction,  both  by  the  gifts  of  nature  and  of 
fortune,  for  the  admiring  gaze-  of  the  multitude. 
On  entering  Mexico,  Cortes  went  forthwith  to  the 
Franciscan  monastery  to  give  thanks  to  God,  and  to 
confess  his  sins.*  He  stayed  there  six  days ;  and 


*  “  Y  alii  estuve  seis  dias  eon  los  frailes  hasta  dar 
cucnta  a  Dios  de  mis  culpas.” — Doc.  Ined.  tom.  iv,  p.  147 


Cortes  re¬ 
turns  to 
Mexico, 
June,  1556. 


228 


PONCE  EE  LEON  TAKES 


when  he  quitted  the  monastery,  he  no  longer  en¬ 
joyed  the  supreme  power  in  New  Spain.  Indeed, 
two  days  before  taking  leave  of  the  friars,  a  mes¬ 
senger  arrived  from  ^Medellin,  informing  him  that 
certain  vessels  had  come  from  Spain,  and  the  report 
was  that  a  Judge  had  come  in  one  of  them.  The 
report  proved  to  be  true,  and  the  Judge  was  the 
Licentiate  Luis  Ponce  de  Leon,  who  had  been 
appointed  by  Charles  the  Fifth,  in  November, 
1525,  to  take  a  residencia  of  Cortes.* 

Cortes  was  not  aware  at  first  of  the  powers  of 
Ponce  de  Leon  \  and  we  may  fully  believe  him, 
when  he  declares  that  he  was  glad  of  the  news  of 
this  Judge’s  arrival,  as  it  would  save  him  from 
proceeding  to  arraign  the  Factor  and  the  \  eedor, 
in  which  cause,  as  he  was  the  person  principally  in- 
jured,  he  would  be  accused  oi  a  passionate  bias  in 
his  own  favour,  “  which  is  the  thing,”  he  says, 
“  that  I  most  abhor.”  | 


*  See  “  Carta  de  Carlos  V.  a  Hernan  Cortes  avisan- 
dole  que  habia  man  dado  tomarle  Residencia.*’— Doc. 
hied.  tom.  i.  p.  101. 

f  “Me  parecia  que  cualquier  cosa  que  en  ello  provey- 
ese,  podria  ser  juzgado  por  los  malos  a  pasion,  que  es  la 
cosa  que  yo  mas  aborrezco.” — Eoc,  hied.  tom.  i\ .  p.  147. 


'THE  GOVERNMENT  FROM  CORTES.  229 


The  day  after  the  arrival  of  the  messenger  June  24 
from  Medellin,  when  Cortes  had  come  from  the  oFst! John 

the 

monastery  to  attend  a  bull-fight,  on  the  festival  Baptist), 
of  San  Juan,  there  were  brought  to  him  two 


despatches,  one  being  the  King’s  letter  of  creden¬ 
tials,  informing  him  that  Ponce  de  Leon  was 
appointed  to  take  a  residencia  of  him,  and  the 
other  from  Ponce  de  Leon  himself,  telling  Cortes 
that  he  was  hastening  to  Mexico.  Cortes,  though 
anxious  and  alert  to  receive  the  King’s  Justiciary 
with  all  reverence  and  submission,  could  hardly  Ponce  de 
prepare  to  meet  the  Judge  with  due  pomp,  be-  comes, 
fore  he  entered  the  city  on  the  2nd  of  July,  1526.^* 


1526. 


The  next  morning  it  was  arranged  that  the 
wands  of  office  should  be  given  up.  So,  after 
hearing  mass,  Ponce  de  Leon,  in  presence  of  the 


people,  and  of  the  authorities,  produced  his 
powers,  received  the  wands  of  the  Alcaldes  and 
the  Alguazils,  and  immediately  returned  them, — 
all  but  one,  which  was  that  of  Cortes,  for  Ponce 


de  Leon,  taking  that  himself,  said  with  muci: 
courtesy,  “  This  of  my  Lord  Governor  I  musl 
have  myself.” 

The  official  persons,  and  Cortes  among  the 


The  go¬ 
vernment 
is  taken 
from 
Cortes. 


Testimony 
of  Father 
Motolinia. 


230-  OBEDIENCE  OF  CORTES. 

f  / 

rest,  kissed  the  royal  orders,  and  declared  their 
readiness  to  obey  them. 

The  dutiful  obedience  to  Cortes  to  his  King  is 
rendered  more  manifest  when  we  come  to  know* 
that  Fray  Tomas  Ortiz,  the  head  of  the  Domini¬ 
cans  who  accompanied  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  entered 
Mexico  with  him,  went  immediately  to  Cortes, 
and  informed  him  that  the  Judge  had  authority 
from  the  Emperor  to  behead  him  and  to  confis¬ 
cate  all  his  goods.  The  friar  suggested  resistance, 
but  Cortes  was  far  too  wise  and  too  faithful  to 
take  the  advice. 

Before  narrating  what  took  place  at  the  resi- 
d.encia  of  Cortes,  we  may  discern  from  the  testi¬ 
mony!  of  an  eye-witness,  Father  Motolinia,  who 
was  greatly  honoured  by  his  contemporaries,  and 

*  “  Me  certified  que  Luis  Ponce  traia  provision  de  V. 
M.  para  me  prender,  e  degollar  e  tomar  todos  mis  bienes, 
e  que  lo  sabia  de  muy  cierta  ciencia  como  persona  que 
venia  de  la  corte.” — See  Letter  addressed  by  Cortes  to 
the  Bishop  of  Osma. — Doc.  Ined.  tom.  i.  p.  28. 

t  In  the  library  of  Sir  Thomas  Phillipps,  Bart.,  of 
Middle  Hill,  is  an  original  manuscript  letter  from  Fray 
Toribio  Motolinia  de  Paredes,  to  Don  Antonio  Pimentel 
Conde  de  Benavente,  dated  “  Dia  de  San  Matia,” 
(February  24)  1541. 


“  TEN  PLAGUES ”  OF  NEW  SPAIN.  231 


trusted,  as  we  have  seen,  by  Cortes  himself,  at 
what  expense  of  life  and  suffering  the  new  order 
of  things  was  brought  about  in  Mexico. 

This  excellent  monk  gives  an  account  of  what 
he  considers  to  have  been  the  ten  “  plagues  ”  of 
New  Spain.  1.  The  small-pox.  2.  The  slaughter 
during  the  conquest.  3.  A  great  famine  which 
took  place  immediately  after  the  capture  of  the 
city.  4.  The  Indian  and  negro  overseers  {la 
quarta  plaga  fue  de  los  calpixques  .  .  .  y  negros ). 
5.  The  excessive  tributes  and  services  demanded 
from  the  Indians.  6.  The  gold  mines.  7.  The 
rebuilding  of  Mexico.  8.  The  making  of  slaves, 
in  order  to  work  them  in  the  mines.  9.  The 
transport  service  for  the  mines.  10.  The  dissen¬ 
sions  amongst  the  Spaniards  themselves. 

Motolinia’s  description  of  the  rebuilding  of 
Mexico  is  both  minute  and  vivid.  He  says,  that 
though  the  streets  were  very  wide,  the  work  was 

so  busily  carried  on,  that  a  man  could  scarcely  make 

/ 

his  way  through  them.*  He  describes  the  loss  of 


*  “  Apenas  podia  hombre  romper  por  algunas  calles 
y  calcjadas,  aunque  son  muy  anchas.” — Carta  de  Fray 
Motolinia.  MS. 


The  u  ten 
plagues  ” 
of  New 
Spain. 


232 


REBUILDING  OF  MEXICO. 

I 


The  re¬ 
building 
Mexico. 


life  among  the  Indians  from  accidents  caused  by 
the  demolition  of  old  buildings,  and  the  construc¬ 
tion  of  new  ones.  He  says,  that  not  only  had 
they  to  seek  the  materials  for  building,  but  also 
to  provide  the  food,  and  pay  the  workmen.*  He 
confirms  the  statement  before  made,  that  the  work 
was  done  by  sheer  force  of  human  labour;  and 
that  a  stone,  or  beam  of  wood,  which  should  have 
taken  a  hundred  men  only,  was  dragged  by  four 
hundred.!  Such  was  the  fervour,  he  adds,  with 
which  the  work  was  carried  on,  that  the  songs 
and  shouts  of  the  workmen  did  not  cease  day  or 
night  during  the  first  years  of  the  rebuilding  of 

Mexico.^ 

When  we  consider  these  “  plagues”  we  may 
fairly  maintain,  that  a  conquered  people  have 
seldom  been  more  hardly  dealt  with  by  the  diseases 


*  “  A  su  costa  buscan  los  materiales,  y  pagan  los  pe- 
dreros  y  carpinteros,  y  si  ellos  mesmos  no  traen  que 
comer,  ayunan.” — Carta  de  Fray  Motolinia.  MS. 

f  “  La  piedra  o  viga  que  avia  menester  Qien  ombres 
trayan  la  quatrocientos.” — Ut  supra. 

+  “  Tienen  de  costumbre  de  yr  cantando  y  dando 
vozes,  y  los  cantos  y  vozes  apenas  (jessavan  de  noche  ni 
de  dia  por  el  gran  liervor  que  trayan  en  la  hedificacion 
del  pueblo  los  primeros  anos.” — Ut  supra. 


MISERY  OF  THE  CONQUERED. 


233 


and  the  vices  of  their  conquerors.  It  was  also  a 
surplusage  of  misery  that  the  conquered  territory 
should  be  rich  in  mines,  and  that  the  conquerors 

should  have  brought  with  them  slaves  of  another 

* 

race. 


The  reply 
of  Cortes  to 
the  accusa¬ 
tions  made 
against 
him. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

The  Residencia  of  Cortes — Death  of  Ponce  de  Leon — Con¬ 
fused  state  of  the  Government  of  Mexico — Ponce  de 
Leon's  instructions  about  encomiendas  come  to  naught 
— Encomiendas  allowed  by  the  Spanish  Court — An 
audiencia  created  for  Mexico — Instructions  to  this 
Audiencia  do  not  vary  the  nature  of  encomiendas  in 
New  Spain. 

IE  residencia  of  Cortes  was  commenced; 
and  during  the  whole  time  that  it 
lasted  (namely,  seventeen  days),  not  a 
single  charge  was  brought  against  him.*  In  his 
fifth  letter  to  the  Emperor,  he  successfully  repels 
the  accusations  made  against  him  by  “  serpent 


*  “  Y  luego  fue  pregonado  publicamente  en  la  plaza  de 
esta  ciudad  mi  residencia,  y  estuve  en  ella  diez  y  siete 
dias  sin  qne  se  me  pusiese  demanda  alguna.” — Documen - 
tos  Inedito8f  tom.  iv.  p.  150. 


RE  SIDE  NCI  A  OF  CORTES. 


235 


tongues,  with  regard  to  his  wealth  and  posses¬ 
sions,  asserting  that,  if  he  has  received  much,  he 
has  spent  much  more, — and  that  too,  not  in  buy¬ 
ing  heritages  for  himself,  but  in  extending  the 
patrimony  of  the  King.  He  declares,  that  at  the 
present  moment,  he  is  poor,  and  much  indebted.* 
Indeed,  he  makes  the  following  curious  offer  to 
the  King.  His  Majesty  had  been  informed  that 
Cortes  possessed  two  hundred  cuentos  of  rent,  upon 
which  Cortes  offers  to  His  Majesty  to  commute 
all  that  he  has  for  twenty  cuentos  of  rent  in  New 
Spain,  or  ten  in  the  mother  country. 

The  residencia  of  Cortes,  however,  was  broken 


Ycuanto  k  lo  que  dicen  de  tener  yo  mucha  parte 
de  la  tierra,  asi  lo  confieso,  y  que  he  habido  harta 
suma  y  cantidad  de  oro;  pero  digo  que  no  ha  sido  tanta 
que  haya  bastado  para  que  yo  deje  de  ser  pobre  y  estar 
adeudado  en  mas  de  cincuenta  mil  pesos  de  oro  sin  tener 
un  Castellano  de  que  pagarlo,  porque  si  mucho  he  habi- 
do,  muy  mucho  mas  be  gastado,  y  no  en  comprar  mayor- 
azgos  ni  otras  rentas  para  mi,  sino  en  dilatar  por  estas 
partes  el  senorfo  y  patrimonio  Eeal  de  V.  A.  conquistan- 
do  con  ello  y  con  poner  mi  persona  a  muchos  trabajos, 
nesgos  y  peligros,  muchos  reinos  y  seiiorios  para  Yuestra 
Excelencia,  los  cuales  no  podran  encubrir  los  malos  con 

bus  serpentinas  lenguas.”— Docvmentos  Ineditcs,  tom  iv 

p.  154. 


236 


DEATH  OF  DONCE  HE  LEON. 


off  by  an  unexpected  event.  Ponce  de  Leon  had 
been  ill  before  this  formal  ceremony  of  taking  the 
wands  of  justice :  he  returned  to  his  apartments* 
shivering,  and  unable  to  eat.  He  threw  himself 
on  his  bed,  from  which  he  was  never  to  rise.  The 
fever  increased  :  in  a  few  days  it  was  evident  that 
he  was  about  to  die  ;  and  summoning  to  his  bed¬ 
side  the  King’s  civil  servants,  in  their  presence 

Ponce  de  he  delivered  his  wand  of  office  to  Marcos  de 

Leon  dies.  #  t 

1526.  Aguilar,  and  soon  after  expired.  In  those  days 
eminent  persons  seldom  died  suddenly  without 
the  suspicion  arising  of  their  having  been  assisted 
out  of  the  world ;  and,  as  Ponce  de  Leon’s  death, 
at  this  juncture,  was  apparently  convenient  for 
Cortes,  there  were  not  wanting  people  who 
probably  believed,  and  loudly  asserted,  that  the 
new  Governor  had  been  poisoned  by  the  man  he 
came  to  supersede.  This  accusation,  no  doubt, 
travelled,  with  all  the  swiftness  of  malignity,  to 
the  Spanish  Court. 

Calumny,  which  can  not  only  make  a  cloud 
seem  like  a  mountain,  but  can  almost  transform 
a  cloud  into  a  mountain,  was  often  busy  with  the 
name  of  Cortes.  This  is  the  third  time  —  I 
almost  scorn  to  mention  it — that  he  was  accused 


MARCOS  BE  AGUILAR  SUCCEEDS.  237 


of  poisoning  persons  whose  existence  was  sup¬ 
posed  to  be  inconvenient  to  him.* 

Meanwhile,  in  Mexico,  it  was  immediately  a 
subject  of  discussion,  as  might  have  been  foreseen, 
whether  Ponce  de  Leon  could  delegate  the  power 
he  had  received  from  the  Emperor.  That  question, 
after  many  juntas  (for  the  disputed  point  is  a  diffi¬ 
cult  one),  was  determined  in  favour  of  Marcos  de 
Aguilar,  who  was  accordingly  accepted  as  the 
Governor.  There  is  always,  however,  a  loss  of 
power  in  these  transmissions  of  authority.  The 
loss  was  not  of  much  importance  in  the  present 
case,  for  Marcos  de  Aguilar  was  a  sickly  man, 
and  the  charge  of  such  a  difficult  government  so 
rapidly  augmented  his  malady,  that  he  died  about 
two  months  after  his  appointment.  Again  Cortes 
seemed  to  be  delivered,  by  a  happy  accident,  from 
the  troubles  of  his  residencia.  Before  his  death, 
Marcos  de  Aguilar  had,  in  his  turn,  taken  care 
to  nominate  a  successor,  and  had  chosen  the  Trea¬ 
surer,  Alonzo  de  Estrada.  The  question  re¬ 
specting  the  delegation  of  authority  was  renewed, 

Francisco  de  Garay,  and  Catharine  de  Xuarez,  the 
first  wife  of  Cortes,  were  said  to  have  been  poisoned  by 
him.  These  reports  were  utterly  without  foundation. 


Marcos  de 
Aguilar 
succeeds 
Ponce  de 
Leon. 


He  dies. 


238 


DISPUTE  BETWEEN 


The 

Treasurer 
and  Sando¬ 
val  succeed 
Marcos  de 
Aguilar. 


anil  much  disputed  over.  The  result,  too,  was 
different,  for  it  was  at  last  agreed  upon  that 
Estrada  should  govern,  but  in  concert  with  Gon- 
zalo  de  Sandoval,  and  that  Cortes  should  have 
charge  of  the  government  of  the  Indians,  and  of 
the  war  department.  Indeed,  it  appears  as  if 
the  main  body  of  the  civil  servants  of  Mexico 
wished  that  Cortes  should  resume  the  whole  power 
which  he  had  held  before  the  arrival  of  Ponce  de 
Leon,  until  the  Emperor  should  decide  what  was 
to  be  done.  But  Cortes  very  prudently  refused, 
saying,  that  “  his  fidelity  and  singleness  of  pur¬ 
pose  would  thus  be  more  clearly  manifested.” 
This  was  the  more  self-denying  on  the  part  of 
Cortes,  as  it  is  probable,  from  what  afterwards 
occurred,  that  he  knew  he  should  find  no  friend 


Dispute 
between 
Kstrada 
t  and  Cortes. 


in  Alonzo  de  Estrada,  although  this  was  the  same 
man  in  whom  Cortes  had  placed  such  confidence, 
and  whom  he  had  left  in  authority  when  he 
undertook  the  journey  to  Honduras. 

Alonzo  de  Estrada  had  not  been  long  in  office 
before  a  matter  of  dispute,  originally  trifling, 
arose,  which  carried  the  enmity  of  the  Governor 
and  Cortes  to  a  great  height.  An  inhabitant  of 


Mexico,  named  Diego  de  l  igueroa,  had  a  violent 


E  STEAD  A  AND  CORTES. 


239 


quarrel  with  Christoval  Cortejo,  a  servant  of 
Sandoval,  and  therefore  a  dependant  of  Cortes. 
F rom  words  they  proceeded  to  blows,  and  Figueroa 
was  wounded.  Estrada,  with  the  utmost  rash¬ 
ness,  listening  only  to  one  side,  and  pronouncing 
sentence  within  an  hour  after  the  affair  had  oc¬ 
curred,  ordered  Cortejo’s  left  hand  to  be  cut  off, 
and,  after  it  had  been  cut  off,  sent  him  to  prison, 
in  order  to  enforce  his  departure  from  Mexico 
the  next  day,  a  punishment  which  the  furious 
Governor  resolved  to  inflict,  in  addition  to  the 


mutilation  that  the  poor  man  had  already  suffered. 

Not  satisfied  with  this,  Estrada,  fearing  that 
Cortes  would  not  bear  quietly  such  treatment  of  Cones 
a  follower,  sent  a  notification  to  Cortes  himself  from 
that  he  should  quit  Mexico,  and,  under  penalty  of  WexiC°' 
his  life,  should  not  venture  to  contravene  this 
order.  The  whole  city  was  inflamed  with  rage 


at  the  conduct  of  the  Governor,  and,  the  inhabi¬ 
tants  rushed  to  place  themselves  at  the  disposal 
of  Cortes,  threatening  open  rebellion  ;  but  Cortes, 


ever  cautious,  only  hastened  the  more  to  depart, 

while  the  people  were  striving  to  prevent  his 
departure. 

Cortes  having  gone,  and  the  inhabitants  of 


240 


THEIR  RECONCILIATION. 


The  Do¬ 
minican 
monks  re* 
cone  lie 
Cortes  and 
Estrada. 


Mexico  being  in  the  highest  state  of  rage  and 
disgust,  the  elements  of  a  civil  war  were  actively 
at  work,  when  certain  monks  of  the  Order  of  St. 
Dominic,  who,  at  the  request  of  Cortes,  had  been 
sent  from  Spain  in  the  company  of  Ponce  de  Leon, 
now  interposed  to  check  the  tumult,  and  to 
assuage  the  fury  of  the  contending  parties.  Most 
of  these  monks  had,  like  Ponce  de  Leon,  been  very 
ill  on  their  arrival  in  the  country ;  but  the  two 
who  were  most  able  to  exert  themselves  on  this 
occasion,  Fathers  Tomas  Ortiz  and  Domingo  de 

Betanzos,  succeeded  in  reconciling  Cortes,  and 

* 

Estrada,  so  much  so,  that  Cortes  “  drew  out  of 
the  font” — to  use  an  expression  of  those  days 
an  infant  son  of  Estrada,  who  had  just  been  born, 
and,  according  to  the  narrator  of  this  story,  ever 
afterwards  the  two  great  men  were  loving  gossips, 
“  that  being  a  relationship,  he  adds,  “  ot  close 
alliance  in  those  times,  and  not  a  little  in  these. 
The  reconcilement  of  Cortes  and  Estrada  took 
place  in  the  year  1527. 


*  “  Parentesco  de  grande  union  en  aquellos  tiempos, 
y  no  poco  celebrado  en  estos." — Remesal,  Hist,  de  CJiiapa 
y  Guatemala ,  lib.  i.  cap.  8. 


AN  AUEIENCIA  FOB  MEXICO. 


241 


Every  effort  hitherto  made  to  control  the  power 
of  Cortes  having,  from  some  cause  or  other,  failed, 
the  Spanish  Court  began  to  view  that  power  with 
inci  eased  jealousy  and  alarm.  .Moreover,  the 
Couit  must  have  been  bewildered  by  representa¬ 
tions  of  the  most  conflicting  nature,  coming  from 
the  various  chiefs  and  factions  of  Mexico.  The 
Emperor,  therefore,  and  his  ministers  resolved  to 
change  the  form  of  government.  Hispaniola  was 
already  governed  by  an  Audiencia.  The  Admiral, 
Diego  Columbus,  son  of  the  great  discoverer,  had 
never  had  much  weight  in  affairs,  and  his  death, 
which  took  place  in  this  year  (1528),  put  an  end 
to  any  semblance  even  of  other  authority  than 
that  of  the  Audiencia.  It  was  now  thought 
advisable  to  create  a  similar  body  for  Mexico, 
consisting  of  four  members,  with  a  president. 
Nuno  de  Guzman,  who  had  hitherto  been  em¬ 
ployed  in  the  government  of  Panuco,  was  appointed 
President.  As  the  presence  of  this  new  governing 
body  was  thought  to  be  urgently  wanted  in 
Mexico,  considerable  haste  was  made  in  preparing 
the  instructions  for  them.  Among  the  first  things 
that  they  were  to  attempt  was  the  residencia  of 
Cortes ;  and,  in  order  that  this  investigation 


Death  of 
Diego 
Columbus, 
1528. 


An 

Audiencia 
created  for 
Mexico, 
with  Nuho 
de  Guzman 
for  Presi¬ 
dent, 

1528. 


II, 


R 


( 


242 


BE  TUB N  OF  CORTES 


Cortes 
arrives  in 
Spain, 
May,  1528. 


might  be  more  free,  they  were  to  press  Cortes  to 
quit  Mexico,  and  to  come  to  Court.  It  may  be 
noticed  as  an  instance  of  the  politic  nature  of  the 
Spanish  Administration,  that  two  letters  were 
prepared  for  Cortes  urging  him  to  come.  One 
was  written  by  the  Bishop  of  Osma,  the  President 
of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  in  which  the  Bishop 
assured  him  that  the  King  wished  to  see  and  con¬ 
sult  with  him,  the  Bishop  promising  to  use  all  his 
own  interest  in  favour  of  Cortes.  In  case  Cortes 
should  disregard  this  letter,  the  Audiencia  were  to 
produce  a  letter  from  the  King,  requesting  his 
assistance  and  advice,  and  holding  out  assurances 
of  favour  and  reward. 

But  the  authorities  in  Spain  need  not  have 
criven  themselves  all  this  trouble,  for  Cortes, 
who  seems  generally  to  have  clone  the  right  thing 
at  the  right  time,  suddenly  appeared  at  Court  to 
assist  their  deliberations.  It  is  curious  that,  at 
the  same  moment,  the  other  great  Commander, 

4 

Francisco  Pizarro,  was  also  at  Court ;  and  these 
two  captains  naturally  excited  the  interest  and 
admiration  of  the  Spanish  people.* 


*  “  Fue  cosa  notable,  ver  juntos  a  estos  dos  Hombres, 


TO  SPAIN . 


243 


The  arrival  of  Cortes — which  resembled  the 
return  of  Columbus,  for  the  Conqueror  of  JVlexico 
had  also  brought  with  him  specimens  of  the  riches 
and  the  curiosities  of  his  new  country — dispelled 
at  once  the  vapours  of  doubt  and  calumny  which 
had  lately  obscured  his  name  and  his  deeds  with 
the  Spanish  Court. 

The  details  of  the  journey  of  Cortes  to  Court, 
and  of  his  stay  there,  are  so  interesting,  that  they 
must  be  told.  He  came  to  seek  powerful  friends, 
and  on  the  journey  he  lost  the  truest  friend  per¬ 
haps,  that,  amongst  men,  he  had  ever  possessed. 
feando\al,  the  constant  companion  of  Cortes,  was 
not  divided  from  him  in  this  journey.  They 
landed  together  at  Palos,  and  Sandoval  feeling 
unwell,  was  left  there,  while  Cortes  went  to  the 
monastery  of  La  Pabida  (a  place  that  had  known 
the  footsteps  of  many  illustrious  personages),  to 
perform  his  devotions.  Sandoval  grew  worse ; 
and  the  man  who  had  been  in  so  many  dangerous 
affrays,  face  to  face  with  enemies  worthy  of  his 

que  eran  mirados,  como  Capitanes  de  los  mas  notables 
del  Mundo,  en  aquel  tiempo,  aunque  el  nno  acababa  sus 

Hechos  mas  sustanciales,  f  el  otro  los  comen  ^aba.” _ 

Herrera,  Hist,  de  levs  Indias ,  dec.  iv.  lib.  iv,  cap.  1. 


244 


DEATH  OF  SANDOVAL. 


Death  of 
Sandoval. 


Cortes  has 
an  inter¬ 
view  with 
Charles  V. 


prowess,  was  obliged  to  feign  slumber  while  he 
saw  his  villanous  host,  a  ropemaker,  enter  his 
room  by  stealth,  and  carry  off  his  gold.  Cortes, 
on  being  apprised  of  his  friend’s  danger,  hurried 
back  to  Palos,  where  he  arrived  in  time  to  listen 
to  Sandoval’s  last  words,  and  to  receive  his  last 
injunctions.  The  body  of  Sandoval  was  carried 
to  the  monastery  of  La  Rabida,  and  there  interred 
svith  much  pomp. 

(When  there  are  two  friends  of  very  different 
ages,  and  one  dies,  it  is  much  sadder  for  the 
survivor  if  it  be  the  younger  one  that  death 
has  taken.  Sandoval  might  have  found  an¬ 
other  Cortes,  but  Cortes  would  never  find 
another  “  Son  Sandoval”  as  he  was  wont  to  call 
him.  Sandoval’s  age  was  about  thirty  when  he 
died^ 

Cortes,  in  deep  mourning,  pursued  his  way  to 
Court,  receiving  all  honour  from  the  Duke  of 
Medina  Sidonia,  and  other  great  persons  who 
entertained  him  on  his  way.  The  Duke  of  Bejar, 
into  whose  family  it  had  been  arranged  that  Cortes 
was  to  marry,  had  prepared  the  Emperor’s  mind 
to  receive  the  great  Captain  favourably.  The 
next  day  after  his  arrival,  Cortes  had  an  audience. 


INTERVIEW  WITH  CHARLES  V.  245 


He  would  have  knelt  before  his  sovereign,  but 

O  s 

the  Emperor  begged  him  immediately  to  rise. 
Cortes  then  recounted  his  deeds  and  his  sufferings, 
and  the  sinister  opposition  he  had  met  with.  There 
is  reason  to  believe  that  he  was  a  much  better 
speaker  than  writer.  ^Cautious  and  reserved  men 
often  are.  They  need  the  stimulus  of  an  audience* 

and  the  pressure  of  a  great  occasion*  to  overcome 

% 

their  reserve*  and  to  surprise  them  into  eloquence. 
At  the  conclusion  of  a  speech  which  must  have 
been  among  the  best  worth  hearing  of  those  de- 
'  livered  in  that  age*  he  said  that  His  Majesty  must 
be  tired  of  listening  to  him*  and  that  perhaps  he 
had  spoken  with  too  much  boldness  for  a  subject 
to  use  in  his  sovereign’s  presence.  Whereupon 
he  begged  to  be  pardoned  for  any  inadvertency  or 
boldness*  and  to  be  allowed  to  present  His  Majesty 
with  a  memorial*  containing  the  full  details  of  the 
narrative  he  had  briefly  recounted.  Again  he 
sought  to  throw  himself  at  the  feet  of  the  Emperor, 
and  again  Charles  commanded  him  to  rise.  In  fine* 
the  Emperor’s  reception  of  him  was  most  favour¬ 
able.  He  listened  to  him  readily ;  and,  with  the 
usual  intelligence  which  Charles  manifested  in 
affairs,  delighted  to  inspect  ( holgo  de  ver)  the 


His 

Speech. 


246 


REWARDS  CONFERRED 


Gossip 
about 
Cortes, 
while  he 
was  at 
Court. 


strange  men,  animals,  and  products  which  the 
Conqueror  had  brought  with  him  from  Mexico.* 

I  cannot  relate  at  any  length  the  little  anec¬ 
dotes  and  small  scandal  which  were  current  about 
Cortes  at  this  time :  how  he  fell  into  favour  or 
out  of  favour  with  this  or  that  great  personage ; 
how  the  Empress  was  a  little  dissatisfied  at  the 
jewels  he  presented  to  her,  because  those  which 
he  grave  to  his  betrothed.  Dona  Juana  de  Zuniga, 
were  finer  and  perhaps  more  exquisite;  or  how, 
at  chapel,  he  took  a  place  nearer  to  the  Emperor 
than  some  thought  his  rank  would  warrant, 
although  this  was  done  at  the  Emperor’s  desire. 

Undoubtedly,  the  favour  which  Charles  showed 
to  Cortes  was  such  as  might  provoke  the  jealousy 
of  courtiers.  When  Cortes  fell  ill,  the  Emperor 
went  to  visit  him  at  his  inn, — an  honour  of  the 
rarest  kind,  and  of  the  greatest  significance.  The 
substantial  rewards  which  His  Majesty  conferred 
on  Cortes  were, — that  he  created  him  Marquis 
del  Valle  de  Guaxaca ;  that  he  gave  orders  to  the 
Audiencia  of  Mexico  (who  then  were  probably  at 
Seville,  preparing  for  their  voyage),  not  to  dis- 

*  Herrera,  “  Hist,  de  las  Indias,”  dec.  iv.  lib.  iv.cap.  1. 


ON  CORTES. 


247 


turb  the  Marquis’s  possessions  in  New  Spain  ( que 
no  hiziesse  novedad  en  sus  Indio s)'*  that  he  assigned 
to  him  territories,  including  three-and-twenty 
thousand  vassals;  and  that  he  gave  him  two  rocky 
islands  for  hunting-grounds,  f 

The  Emperor  did  more  than  all  this.  He  lis¬ 
tened  to  the  advice  and  the  recommendations  of 
Cortes,  who  was  enabled  to  benefit  his  friends — 
the  Bishop  of  Mexico  and  the  Franciscan  monks 
—  and  to  induce  the  Emperor  to  found  a 
nunnery,  and  to  endow  with  suitable  portions 
the  four  daughters  of  Montezuma,  whom  Cortes 
had  in  his  charge. 

There  is  on  record  a  single  sentence  of  the 
Emperor’s,  that  must  have  been  addressed  to 
Cortes  in  some  private  interview,  which  shows 


His  re¬ 
quests  to 
the  Em¬ 
peror. 


the  gracious  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  by  his 
sovereign.  Borrowing  a  metaphor  from  the 
archery-ground,  and  gracefully,  as  it  seems, 
alluding  to  a  former  misappreciation  of  the  ser- 


*  Herrera,  “  Hist,  de  las  Indias,”  dec.  iv,  lib.  vi.  cap.  4 
t  One  of  these  was  probably  the  Cerro  del  Marques , 
which  Cortes  had  gained  on  his  advance  to  the  siege  of 
Mexico. 

Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  vi.  cap.  4. 


248  CORTES  REMEMBERS  THE  TLASC ALANS. 


The  Em¬ 
peror  de¬ 
clares  that 
he  will 
reward 
Cortes 
justly. 


vices  of  Cortes,  the  Emperor  said  that  he  wished 
to  deal  with  him  as  those  who  contend  with  the 
cross-bow,  whose  first  shots  go  wide  of  the  mark, 
and  then  they  improve  and  improve,  until  they 
hit  the  centre  of  the  white.  So,  continued  His 
Majesty,  he  wished  to  go  on  until  he  had  shot 
into  the  white  of  what  should  be  done  to  reward 
the  Marquis’s  deserts;  and  meanwhile,  nothing 
was  to  be  taken  from  him  which  he  then  held.* 

It  is  very  pleasing  to  find  that  Cortes  did  not 
forget  his  old  friends  the  Tlascalans,  but  dwelt  on 
their  services,  and  procured  from  the  Emperor  an 
order  that  they  should  not  be  given  in  encornienda 
to  His  Majesty,  or  to  any  other  person. 

Finally,  Cortes,  with  a  vigilant  eye  to  the 


*  “  Su  Majestad  me  liizo  merced  de  decirme  que  no  se 
me  habia  de  quitar  nada  de  lo  que  tenia  hasta  ser  infor- 
mado,  y  que  se  queria  baber  conmigo  como  los  que  se 
muestran  a  jugar  a  la  ballesta,  que  los  primeros  tiros 
dan  fuera  del  terrero,  y  asi  van  enmendando  liasta  dar  en 
el  bianco  y  fiel,  y  desta  manera  su  Majestad  queria  ir 
basta  dar  en  el  fiel  de  lo  que  mis  servicios  merescian, 
que  entre  tanto  no  se  me  quitaba  ni  se  me  babia  do  qui¬ 
tar  nada  de  lo  que  tenia.” — El  Marques  del  Valle  al 
Presidente  del  Concejo  Real  de  las  Indies.  Mejico,  20  do 
Setiembre  de  1538.  Doc.  Ined.  tom.  iv.  p.  195. 


EE  TREATS  WITH  TEE  EMPEROR .  249 

future,  treated  with  the  Emperor  respecting  any 
discovery  which  he  might  make  in  the  “  Sea  of 
the  South.” 

One  important  favour  Cortes  could  not  obtain. 

He  probably  had  the  tact  not  to  broach  the  sub¬ 
ject  with  the  Emperor,  but  his  friends  no  doubt 
endeavoured  to  gain  for  him  the  government  of 
Mexico.  To  grant  this  boon  would  have  been  is  not  ap- 
foreign  to  the  jealous  policy  of  the  Spanish  Court,  Governor 
which  was  very  reluctant  to  convert  a  discoverer,  Spain, 
or  a  conqueror,  into  a  Viceroy.  Cortes  was  left, 
however,  in  the  important  office  of  Captain- 
General. 

The  Emperor,  with  his  accustomed  kindness, 
gave  orders  that  the  Indians*  whom  Cortes  had 
brought  with  him  (among  whom  were  a  son  of 
Montezuma  and  a  son  of  the  Tlascalan  Chief 

Cortes  brought  with  him  Indians  who  excelled  in 
the  games  of  New  Spain  ;  and  perhaps  the  most  inter, 
esting  thing  for  a  modern  reader  to  notice  is,  that  the 
balls  they  played  with  were  apparently  made  of  caout¬ 
chouc,  “  Entre  los  quales  llevaba  doge  jugadores  extre- 
mados  de  la  provingia  de  Tascaltecle  del  juego  del  batey, 
que  es  de  pelota  gruessa  hecha  de  leehe  de  giertos  arbojes 

e  otras  mixturas,  que  salta  la  pelota  mucho.” _ Oviedo, 

Hist.  Gen.  y  Nat.  de  Indias,  lib.  xxxiii.  cap.  49. 


250 


KINDNESS  OF  TEE  EMPEROR. 


Magisca,  who  had  been  baptized  by  the  name  of 
Lorenzo)  should  be  clothed,  and  be  gratified 
by  presents,  in  order  that  they  might  return  con¬ 
tented  to  their  own  country.  The  Emperor  also 
ordered  that  a  monk,  named  Fray  Antonio  de 
Cuidad  Rodrigo,  should  take  charge  of  these 
Indians,  in  order  to  see  that  they  were  kindly 
treated  on  their  way  home ;  and  money  was  given 
to  them  to  buy  images  and  crucifixes,  to  carry 
with  them. 


' 


/ 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Ai  i  ival  of  the  Audiencia — Great  Disputes  between  the 
Pri  otectori  s  of  the  Indians  and  the  Audiencia — the  Audi¬ 
tor  s  pi  osecute  the  Disliop  of  Mexico — The  Dishop  excom¬ 
municates  the  Auditors— A  great  Junta  in  Spain  on  the 
subject  of  the  Indies. 


HE  officers  constituting  the  Audiencia 
having  received  their  instructions,  set 
sail  from  Seville  for  New  Spain,  at  the 
end  of  August,  1528,  and  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz 
on  the  6th  of  December  of  that  year.  From 
thence  they  sent  to  summon  Nuno  de  Guzman, 
who  was  to  be  their  President ;  but,  without 
waiting  for  him,  having  the  Emperor’s  command 
to  that  effect,  they  made  their  entrance  into  the 
city  of  Mexico.  The  climate  of  this  place  seems 
uniformly  to  have  had  all  the  bad  effects  which 
ill-doers  could  have  wished  for  upon  the  un- 
happy  official  men  and  lawyers  who  were  sent 


First 
Audiencia 
arrives  in 
New 
Spain, 
Dec.  1528. 


% 


•  % 


Besidencia 
of  Cortes. 


252  DISPUTE  BETWEEN  PROTECTORS 

thither  from  the  mother  country.  Two  of  the 
Auditors,  the  Licenciates  Parada  and  Francisco 
Maldonado  fell  ill,  and  died  within  thirteen  days 
after  their  arrival.  This  circumstance  would  tend 
to  diminish  the  suspicions,  if  any  still  existed,  of 
Cortes  having  been  concerned  in  the  opportune 
death  of  Ponce  de  Leon.  The  other  Auditors 
commenced  taking  the  residencia  amidst  a  perfect 
hubbub  of  complaints,  demands,  and  law-suits, 
principally  directed  against  the  absent  Cortes, 
who  was  more  happily  engaged  than  in  replying 
to  them,  by  solemnizing  his  marriage  with  Juana 
de  Zuniga,  daughter  of  the  Count  of  Aguilar,  and 

niece  of  the  Duke  of  Bejar. 

The  appointment  of  Nuno  de  Guzman  was  a 
most  deplorable  one.  He  appears  to  have  had 
nothing  about  him  of  the  nature  of  a  statesman, 
but  to  have  been  a  cruel,  rapacious,  inconsiderate 
man,  whose  career  is  strikingly  similar  to  that  of 
some  of  the  captains  who,  under  Pedrarias,  had 
desolated  the  Terra-Firma.  This  bad  appoint¬ 
ment  was  probably  caused  by  the  desire  of  the 
Government  in  Spain  to  have  a  military  man,  of 
some  repute  in  the  Indies,  to  supply  the  place  of 
Cortes,  the  fear  of  that  great  Conqueror  being  the 


OF  INDIANS  AND  AUDIENOIA.  253 

ruling  motive  which  had  given  rise  to  the  appoint¬ 
ment  of  the  Audiencia.  \\  hen  I\urio  de  Guzman 
came  to  join  his  colleagues  in  Mexico,  though 
some  care  was  taken  in  the  general  affairs  of 
Government,  yet  the  Auditors  were  accused  of 
attending  more  to  their  private  interests  than  to 
their  public  duties,  and  of  being  wholly  neglectful 
of  those  royal  orders,  upon  which  so  much  stress 
had  been  laid,  touching  the  liberty  and  good 
treatment  of  the  Indians.  Thence  grew  vehe-  Great 
ment  disputes  between  the  Auditors  and  the  Pro-  between 
tectors  of  the  Indians,— not  only  the  official  Jecto^o'f 
Protectors,  but  the  Franciscan  Monks  in  the  city  dians^nd 
of  Mexico,  who  demanded  the  execution  of  these 
royal  orders,  saying,  that  otherwise  the  royal 
conscience  would  not  be  discharged.  Nuiio  de 
Guzman  and  his  Auditors,  in  the  usual  way  of 
factious  persons,  who  meet  an  accusation  made 
against  them  by  charges  against  the  opposite 
party  which  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  matter 
in  hand,  replied  that  the  Monks  and  the  Pro- 
tectors  were  partisans  of  Oortes,  and  rather  de¬ 
fenders  of  him  than  of  the  Indians.  Eventually 
the  whole  town  was  engaged  on  one  side  or  other 
of  these  two  factions ,  and^  to  use  the  words  of  the 


254 


THE  BISHOP  OF  ME XI  OCT S 


The 

Audienciu 
advises  the 
Emperor 
to  make  en- 
comiendas 
perpetual. 


royal  historiographer,  “  so  things  went  on  with 
much  confusion  and  shamefulness. 

Complaints  from  both  factions  were  addressed 
to  the  Emperor,  the  Auditors  accusing  Cortes  of 
having  had  the  most  treasonable  intentions,  de- 

o 

daring  that  the  Bishops  under  pretence  of  being 
protectors  of  the  Indians,  meddled  with  the  royal 
jurisdiction;  that  the  Franciscan  Monks  were 
devoted  partisans  of  the  Marquis  del  \  alle  ;  and 
that,  with  regard  to  the  Indians,  the  opinion  of 
the  Audiencia  was,  that  the  encomiendas  should  be 
made  perpetual,  in  order  that  their  masters  might 
treat  them  with  more  love, — a  plausible,  but 
very  insufficient,  reason  to  justify  a  system  of 
servitude- 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Bishop  of  Mexico  was 

not  slow  in  informing  His  Majesty  of  his  view  of 

the  question.  A  letter  of  this  prelate  s  exists, 

which  perhaps  was  one  of  those  which  Charles  the 

Fifth  had  before  him  when  he  wrote  from  Genoa, 

ordering  a  junta  of  the  Great  Council  of  Spain  to 

be  summoned,  in  order  to  consider  again  the 

government  of  Mexico ;  and  this  letter  is  so 
© 


*  Herrera,  “  Hist,  de  las  Indias,"  dec.  iv.  lib.  iv.  cap.  11. 


LETTER  TO  TEE  EMPEROR . 


255 


admirably  descriptive  of  the  state  of  things  which 
took  place  after  the  arrival  of  the  first  Audiencia 
at  Mexico,  that  the  Bishop’s  own  words  must  be 
quoted.  The  date  of  the  letter  is  August  the 
27th,  1529.  “  Also,”  the  Bishop  writes,  “  there 

came  to  me  secretly,  to  make  their  complaints, 
the  Lords  of  Huaxocingo,  who  at  the  time  were 
in  encomienda  to  Don  Hernando  Cortes,  and  they 
said  that  they  served  Hernando  Cortes  as  his 
mayordomos  commanded,  and  gave  the  tribute 
which  was  agreed  upon,  but  that  for  some  time 
the  President  and  Auditors  had  cast  upon  them 
another  tribute  in  addition  to  this;  and  what 
they  thought  more  hard  still  was,  that  they  had 
to  bring  each  day,  to  the  house  of  each  Auditor, 
for  his  maintenance,  seven  fowls,  and  many 
quails,  and  seventy  eggs,  and  wood,  charcoal,  and 
other  trifling  things,  together  with  a  large  quan¬ 
tity  of  maize.”  *  It  appears,  too,  from  the  Bishop’s 
letter,  that  this  maize  was  not  of  their  own 
growing,  but  that  they  had  to  buy  it,  and  that 
their  resources  were  now  exhausted.  The  greatest 


*  “Carta  de  Fray  Juan  de  Zumarraga,  Obispo  de 
Mexico;  Coleccion  de  Munoz,” MS.,  tom.  78. 


Bishop  of 
Mexico’s 
letter  to  the 
Emperor. 


256 


INDIAN  TRANSPORT  SERVICE. 


Transport 
service 
the  great 
burden 
of  the 
Indians. 


The  Bishop 
endeavours 
to  protect 
the 

Indians. 


grievance,  however,  which  these  Chiefs  had  to 
complain  of,  was  their  being  compelled  to  provide 

for  the  transport  of  these  commodities.  Their 

( 

town  was  eight  or  ten  leagues  off ;  the  way  was 
cumbered  with  snow  ;  and,  to  maintain  such  a 
daily  service,  a  great  many  persons  were  neces¬ 
sary.  Indeed,  not  only  men,  but  pregnant 
women,  and  boys,  were  obliged  to  assist  in  carrying 
these  burdens.  The  result  was,  that  a  hundred 
and  thirteen  persons  had  already  died  from  this 
enforced  toil.  The  Auditors  arrived  in  December, 
1528;  so  that  in  six  or  eight  months,  such  had 
been  the  loss  of  life  in  a  single  encomienda ,  from 
this  apparently  trifling  service  of  transport  im¬ 
posed  upon  it.  The  Chiefs,  after  begging  the 
Bishop  to  defend  them,  assured  him  that  no  other 
resource  was  left  for  them  but  to  fly  to  the 
mountains.  u  To  whom,55  he  says,  “  I  replied 
the  best  I  could,  telling  them  that  such  pro¬ 
ceedings  were  not  the  will  of  Your  Majesty,  and 
holding  out  to  them  hopes  of  a  speedy  remedy  ; 
so  they  went  away  secretly  consoled.  Then  I 
spoke  to  the  President  and  Auditors,  with  no  little 
affliction  to  myself,  from  my  inability  to  remedy 
the  wrong,  informing  them  that  certain  padres 


INDIANS  BEG  FOB  PROTECTION.  257 

had  written  to  me  from  Huaxocingo  (that  the 
Audiencia  might  not  suspect  that  the  Indian 
Chiefs  had  come  to  me  to  complain),  and  I  told 
them  (the  Auditors)  that  I  had  Your  Majesty’s 
Command  to  defend  the  Indians,  and  that  I  could 
not  but  endeavour  to  do  so,  even  if  I  knew  that 
it  would  cost  me  my  life,  and  that  they  must 
bring  their  demands  upon  these  Indians  down 
to  what  was  just,  and  that  they  should  keep  on 
record  that  I  would  do  what  I  could  to  prevent 
these  deaths.  The  President  replied  to  me,  that 
the  Indians  must  do  what  the  Audiencia  ordered 
them,  whether  they  died  or  not;  and  that  if  I  put 
myself  forward  to  defend  them,  the  Audiencia 
would  chastise  me,  as  the  Bishop  of  Zamora*  had 
been  chastised;  and  that  the  Indians  must  be 
taxed,  and  must  live  in  the  way  that  they  ordered, 
and  no  other.” f 

Nor  were  these  idle  threats.  The  Bishop  per- 


*  Don  Antonio  de  Acuna,  Bishop  of  Zamora,  who  was 
strangled  in  the  fortress  of  Simancas.  His  crime  was, 
having  taken  the  side  of  the  Comunidades  in  the  war 
against  Charles  the  Fifth,  on  his  accession  to  the  throne. 

t  “  Carta  de  Fray  Juan  de  Zumarraga,  C.  Obispo  de 
Mexico;  Coleccion  de  Munoz,”  MS.,  tom.  78. 


II. 


S 


258 


AUDITORS  EXCOMMUNICATED 


The 

Auditors 
proceed  to 
extremities 
against  the 
Bishop. 
1530. 


The  Bishop 
excommu¬ 
nicates 
them. 


Franciscan 
Monks  on 
the  side 
of  the 
Bishops. 


severed  in  maintaining  the  good  cause, — preach¬ 
ing  in  favour  of  the  instruction,  conversion,  and 

o 

preservation  of  the  natives,  urging  that  a  stop 
should  be  put  to  the  sumptuous  works  which  the 
Auditors  were  continually  making  at  the  cost  of 
the  Mexicans,  and  demanding  the  fulfilment  of 
the  royal  ordinances.  The  Auditors  met  this  last 
move  on  the  part  of  the  Bishop  Protector,  by  con¬ 
demning  him  in  his  temporalities ;  and,  threat¬ 
ening  the  heaviest  penalties,  they  prohibited  the 
King’s  officers,  and  those  who  had  to  pay  the 
tithes,  from  giving  any  means  of  support  to  the 
Bishop  or  his  clergy.  This  prohibition,  as  appears 
from  the  law  proceedings  in  this  case,  was  in 
force  for  the  whole  of  the  year  1530.  The  Bishop, 
on  his  side,  fought  with  spiritual  weapons,  and 
excommunicated  the  Auditors.  -  I 

The  Franciscan  Monks,  who  were  ranged  on 
the  side  of  the  Bishop,  in  making  excuses  after¬ 
wards  (which  they  do  with  all  humility),  for  the 
sad  disturbances  of  these  times,  declare  in  the 
strongest  terms  that  false  witnesses  were  brought 
against  them  by  the  Audiencia.  In  the  course 
of  this  statement,  the  monks  take  occasion  to 
give  their  view  of  the  natives.  “  It  is  a  gentle 


BY  TEE  BISHOP  OF  MEXICO.  259 

people,”  they  say,  “  doing  more  from  fear  than 
from  virtue,  and  they  work  well,  if  they  are  per¬ 
mitted  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  labours . 

They  lie  to  a  reasonable  amount,  but  little  to 
any  one  who  treats  them  well,  or  at  least  not  so 
much”  (this  is  the  account  that  might  be  given 
as  regards  the  truthfulness  of  most  people  in  a 
state  of  servitude) ;  “  they  are  well  disposed  to 
religion,  confessing  very  well,  so  that  there  is  no 
need  of  asking  them  questions.  They  are  given 

to  drunkenness,  and  require  restraint . 

The  children  of  our  monastery  already  know 
much,  and  teach  others.  They  sing  plain  chant, 
and  accompany  the  organ  tolerably  well.”* 


“  Mienten  razonablemente,  pero  poco  con  quien 
bien  los  trata,  o  no  tanto.  Estos  males  tienen  con  otros 
bienes,  que  es  gente  que  vienen  bien  a  nuestra  fe, 
confiesanse  mucho  bien  asf  que  no  tien  necesidad  de 
preguntas.  Por  la  mayor  parte  son  viciosos  en  se 
emborrachar,  i  tienen  gran  necesidad  do  se  los  impedir 
.  .  .  .  para  su  salbacion  e  policia.  Los  ninos  de  nues- 
tras  casas  saben  ya  mueko,  i  ensenan  k  muclios.  Cantan 

canto  llano  i  canto  de  organo  conpotentemento.” _ A l 

Cornejo  de  Yndias,  Feai  Juan,  electo, —Feai  Maetinus 
de  Valencia  Custos,  &c.,  Feai  Luis  de  Fuensaxida, 
Guardian  de  Tezcuco,  —  Feai  Antonio  Oetiz,  G.  de 


260 


CHARLES  V.  AND  THE 


Charles  V. 
is  made 
acquainted 
with  the 
state  of  the 
Govern¬ 
ment  at 
Mexico. 
1529. 


Charles  V. 
refers  the 
affairs  of 
Mexico 
to  his 
Ministers. 


All  these  complaints  and  recriminations  from 
the  chief  men  in  Mexico,  which  probably  came 
together,  and  were  delivered  to  Charles  the  Fifth 
at  Barcelona,  as  he  was  on  his  way  to  Italy  after 
the  Treaty  of  Cambray,  must  have  been  a  source 
of  considerable  disappointment  and  mortification 
to  him.  There  could  have  been  little  doubt,  in 
any  statesman’s  mind,  that  uno  de  Guzman  must 
be  removed,  and  the  Auditors  superseded,  these 
ministers,”  to  use  the  sarcastic  words  of  Herrera, 
“having  industriously  conformed  themselves  to 
attend  in  no  respect  to  the  instructions  which  had 
been  given  to  them.”  Charles  the  Fifth  seems  to 
have  submitted  the  whole  affair  to  his  Govern¬ 
ment  in  Spain,  and  not  merely  to  have  referred 
to  them  the  immediate  question  connected  with 
the  conduct  of  this  Audiencia ,  but  the  general 
and  great  question  of  the  liberty  of  the  In¬ 
dians  in  Mexico  and  elsewThere — namely,  whether 
they  were  to  be  given  in  encomienda  to  their 

conquerors. 

MExICo, _ Frai  Antonio  Maldonado,  G.  de  Tlaclal- 

m  ax  ala,  Fray  Francisco  Gimenez,  G.  de  Cempoala.  De 
Mexico  desta  casa  de  San  Francisco ,  27  Marzo ,  1531. 
Coleccion  de  Munoz,  MS.,  tom.  ^9. 


GOVERNMENT  OF  MEXICO. 


261 


It  was  from  Genoa/  and  while  the  Emperor 
was  engaged  in  inspecting  his  new  conquests  in 
Italy,  that  he  wrote  to  his  Government  in  Spain, 
of  which  the  Empress  was  the  head,  commanding 
that  a  great  Junta  should  be  formed,  consisting  of 
the  Council  of  State,  the  Council  of  the  Royal 
Revenues,  and  the  Council  of  the  Indies.  The 
reports  from  New  Spain,  and  the  already  nume¬ 
rous  royal  orders  and  laws,  which  had  been  pub¬ 
lished  in  reference  to  the  three  great  branches  of 
Indian  government,  namely,  the  kind  treatment, 
the  liberty,  and  the  conversion  of  the  Indians 
( para  el  buen  tratamiento ,  libertad  i  conversion  de 
los  Indios), f  were  to  be  laid  formally  before  the 
Council,  for  them  to  decide  upon  the  future  legis¬ 
lation  that  would  be  necessary  “  for  the  discharge 


*  “  Vuestra  Magestad  desde  Genova,  vistas  las  causas 
i  razones  que  de  Nueva-Espana  de  Governador,  Reli- 
giosos,  1  otras  personas  vinieron  embio  a  mandar  qne 
nos  juntasemos  los  del  Consejo  Real,  f  de  la  Hacienda, 
con  el  Presidente,  £  los  del  Consejo  de  Yndias.” — Al 
Emperador,  el  Arzobispo  de  Santiago.  Presidente  del 
Consejo  Real ,  i  el  Conde  (de  Osorno),  Don  Garcia  Man- 
rique  ;  de  Madrid ,  10  Diciembre ,  1529.  Coleccion  de 
Munoz,  MS.,  tom.  78. 

f  “  Coleccion  de  Munoz,”  MS.,  tom.  78. 


A  most 
important 
Junta  held 
in  Spain  in 
reference 
to  the 
Indies. 
1529. 


262 


0 riNI ON  OF  CORTES  ON 


Cortes 
asked  for 
ins  opinion. 


of  His  Majesty’s  conscience,  and  the  good  govern¬ 
ment  of  those  regions.” 

It  was  probably  on  this  occasion  that  the 
Council  of  the  Indies  asked  for  the  opinion  of 
Cortes  in  the  matters  of  Indian  slavery  and 
encomiendas ;  for  there  exists  a  letter  without 
date,  written  by  Cortes  to  the  Emperor,  in  re¬ 
ference  to  the  question  before  the  Council  of  the 
Indies. 

Cortes  discusses  the  whole  subject  with  much 
brevity,  force,  and  logical  power.  In  order  to 
secure  the  conquest,  there  must,  he  says,  be  a 
sufficient  number  of  Spaniards  in  the  newly- 
conquered  land.  These  men  must  be  sup- 
ported.  They  cannot  be  paid  in  money ;  and  the 
most  convenient  mode  of  payment  will  be  by 
encomiendas.  He  then  touches  on  the  danger  of 
depriving  the  Spaniards  of  their  Indians,  and 
suggests  that  the  possession  of  these  Indians 
tends  to  make  the  Spaniards  root  themselves  in 
the  new  lands,  whence  will  spring  taxes  and  cus- 
toms’  duties  for  His  Majesty. 

He  is,  therefore,  of  opinion  that  the  Indians 
should  be  given  to  the  Spaniards.  But  the  ques¬ 
tions  then  remain — Mho  should  give  them?  to 


MATTERS  OF  INDIAN  SLAVERY.  263 


whom  should  they  be  given;  and  how  should 
they  be  given  ?  * 

To  decide  these  difficult  questions  he  suggests 
a  reference  to  the  past  history  of  the  conquest  in 
the  Indies ;  f  and,  alluding  to  the  ruin  which 
had  taken  place  in  the  West  India  Islands,  he 
desires  that  it  should  be  investigated  whether  this 
mischief  proceeded  from  the  conquest  or  from  the 
course  of  government  after wards.f 

He  suggests  that  no  discovery  or  conquest 
should  be  attempted  without  the  express  licence 
of  the  Emperor,  and  that  certain  qualifications 
should  be  required  in  the  person  who  is  to  re¬ 
ceive  any  such  licence. 

With  regard  to  making  slaves,  his  opinion  is, 
that  on  no  pretext  should  it  be  allowed  in  the 
course  of  conquest.  But  when  countries  have 

*  “  Pero  resta  dezir  lo  que  se  a  de  dar,  y  a  quien  y 
como,  que  es  donde  pende  todo.” — Autograph  Letter  of 
Cortes  to  the  Emperor,  signed  “  El  Marques  del  Valle,” 
in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Henry  Steveus,  of  Vermont. 

f  “  Lo  primero  advertir  ante  todas  cosas  en  saver 
que  es  la  que  se  tubo  en  las  conquistas  que  se  an 
hecho?” — TJt  supra. 

f  “  Saber  si  este  dano  pro^edid  de  la  conquista  d  del 
pro^eso  de  la  governaqion  p” — Ut  supra. 


Cortes 
refers  to 
the  history 
of  the 
West  India 
Islands. 


264 


ADVICE  OF  THE  JUNTA 


been  conquered,  if  a  rebellion  should  take  place, 
he  would  then  allow  the  captives  to  be  made 
slaves.  With  regard  to  the  slaves  in  Mexico,  he 
thinks  that  many  of  them  have  been  made  slaves 
unjustly ;  but  he  would  not  approve  of  any  in¬ 
vestigation  into  this  matter,  on  account  of  the 
difficulty.  He  would  not,  however,  have  their 
children  brought  up  as  slaves.  Such  were  the 
counsels  of  Cortes;  but  the  Junta  summoned  by 
Charles  came  to  a  much  more  favourable  conclu¬ 
sion  respecting  the  Indians. 

The  result  of  this  great  Council’s  deliberations 
was  communicated  to  the  Emperor  by  the  Arch- 
Dec.  10,  bishop  of  Santiago  and  Eon  Garcia  Manrique, 

1329. 

Conde  de  Osorno,  in  these  words : — “  It  has  ap¬ 
peared  to  all  of  us  that  entire  liberty  should  be 
given  to  the  Indians,  and  that  all  the  encomiendas 
which  have  been  made  of  them  should  be  taken 
away  ;  and  because  it  appears  that  to  take  them 
away  at  one  stroke  would  produce  inconvenience, 
Recom-  and  that  the  Spaniards  might  desert  the  land,  that 
of  the  a  moderate  tribute  should  be  fixed  for  the  Indians 

Junta. 

to  pay,  and  that  the  half  of  that  tribute  should  be 
given  for  the  first  year  to  the  Encomenderos ,  and 


TO  BE  CABBIE I)  OUT. 


265 


afterwards  Your  Majesty  will  be  able  to  give 
vassals  to  whosoever  shall  deserve  it,  reserving 
for  yourself  the  head  townships.”  The  emphatic 
order  on  this  subject  is  given  in  one  word  ( Fiat), 
“  Let  it  be  done,”  which  is  placed  after  the  para¬ 
graph,  quoted  above,  of  the  Report. 


Dpc.  10, 
3529. 


CHAPTER  XX. 


The  second  Audienda  arrives  in  Mexico — Proceedings  of 
the  Auditors — The  Poverty  of  Cortes. 


HAT  ever-recurring  difficulty — to  find 
a  head  and  hand  which  should  carry 
into  execution  good  laws, — appears  to 
have  been  fully  present  to  the  minds  of  the  royal 
councillors ;  for,  in  the  same  letter  in  which  they 
announced  their  unanimous  opinion  to  His  Ma¬ 
jesty  respecting  the  liberty  of  the  Indians,  they 
suggested  that  a  bold  and  prudent  ts  Caballero,”  a 
man  of  good  estate  ( hacendado ),  should  be  sent 
as  President  of  the  Audiencia.  The  Conde  de 
Oropesa  wTas  named,  but  he  would  not  accept  the 
office.  Afterwards,  the  Mariscal  de  Fromesta, 
and  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  son  of  the  Marques 
de  Mondejar,  were  applied  to  ;  but  their  demands 


i?  rsa  saw  w 


THE  SECOND  ADD  IE  N  CIA. 


267 


were  so  exorbitant*  that  the  Council  informed 
His  Majesty  that  their  thoughts  were  turned  to 
others.* 

It  is  not  surprising  that  men  of  great  name 
and  station  in  Spain*  who  fulfilled  the  requisite 
conditions  of  being  bold*  prudent*  and  of  large 
estate*  should  demand  extraordinary  powers  and 
privileges*  before  undertaking  a  charge  which  no 
one  hitherto  had  come  well  out  of.  Lists  have 
been  made  of  the  conquerors  and  governors  in  the 
New  World,  as  of  men*  all  of  whose  careers  were 
signalized  by  miserable  or  disgraceful  termina¬ 
tions ;  and  in  an  age  which  had  Machiavelli’s 
“ Prince  ”  in  its  hands*  and  when  politics  had 
begun  to  be  considered  scientifically*  it  was  not 
difficult  to  know  that  one  of  the  most  lamentable 
positions  in  the  world  is  to  hold  an  office  of  great 
state  and  great  apparent  power*  and  in  reality  to 
be  bound  by  all  manner  of  invisible  fetters*  being 
secretly  at  the  mercy  of  some  obscure  official 
people  around  you  or  at  home. 

The  difficulty*  for  the  present*  of  finding  a  man 
of  weight  to  preside  over  the  new  Audiencia  was 


*  “  Coleccion  de  Munoz,”  MS.,  tom.  78. 


268  SEBASTIAN  CHOSEN  PRESIDENT 


Don 

Sebastian 
Ramirez 
chosen  as 
President 
of  the  Au¬ 
diencia. 


A  udienciu 
renewed. 


obviated  by  choosing  a  person  who  had  already 
filled  a  similar  office,  undertaken  at  a  period  of 
like  confusion  in  another  part  of  the  Indies. 
This  was  Don  Sebastian  Ramirez  de  Fuenleal, 
Bishop  of  St.  Domingo  in  Hispaniola,  who  had 
been  sent  to  that  island  to  be  President  of  an 
Audiencia  which  had  been  for  some  time  esta¬ 
blished  there.  In  this  office  his  success  is  thus 
briefly  described: — “  He  gave  authority  to  the 
administration  of  justice.  The  rivalries  between 
the  Auditors  and  the  other  royal  officers  ceased. 
Each  one  kept  within  the  limits  of  his  office  ;  and 
in  all  respects  there  was  quiet.” 

The  Government  of  Spain  was  fortunate  in 

being  able  to  command  the  services  of  such  a 

% 

man  as  Don  Sebastian  for  the  presidency  of  the 
new  Audiencia  to  be  sent  to  Mexico.  This  body 
was  entirely  renewed,  as  Auditors  were  sent, 
not  only  to  replace  those  who  had  died  on  first 
arriving  in  the  country,  but  also  to  supersede 
the  two  who  had  lived  to  do  so  much  mischief. 
All  the  new  Auditors  were  licentiates,  and  their 
names  were  Vasco  de  Quiroga,  Alonzo  Maldonado, 
Francisco  de  Ceynos,  and  Juan  de  Salmeron. 

This  last-mentioned  Auditor  was  a  man  of 


OF  TEE  NEW  A UB1EN0IA. 


269 


some  experience  in  the  Indies,  having  been 
Alcalde  Mayor  of  the  province  of  Castilla  del 
Oro.  To  each  of  them  was  given  a  large  salary  Large 
—600,000  maravedis,*— in  order  that  they  might  aS°J 
not  be  tempted  to  undertake  any  private  enter¬ 
prise  for  gam.  The  Empress  wrote  to  Don 
Sebastian  with  her  own  hand,  informing  him  of 
his  appointment,  and  mentioning  that  the  new 
Auditors  would  call  for  him  at  St.  Domingo,  on 
their  way  out  to  Mexico. 

This  new  Audiencia  had  very  complicated 
business  awaiting  them.  The  representations 
which  the  former  one  had  made  against  Cortes  Comdi- 
had  been  so  manifestly  unjust,  that  it  was  in-  business 
trusted  to  these  new  Auditors  to  take  another  SEf* 
residencia  of  Cortes ;  then  they  were  to  take  a  Audit°rS' 
residencia  of  Nuho  de  G  uzman ;  they  were  to 
settle  the  dispute  between  him  and  the  Bishop 
Protector ;  they  were  publicly  to  reprimand  the 
former  Auditors ;  and  we  have  already  seen,  from 
the  proceedings  of  the  Great  Junta  before  men¬ 
tioned,  that  these  new  Auditors  would  have  to 


*  Equal,  I  believe,  to  41 61. 13s.  4d.  in  English  money 
— a  large  salary  in  those  days. 


The  order 
of  their 
entry  into 
Mexico 
settled. 


Cortes 
returns  to 
New  Spain, 
July  15, 
1530. 


270  THE  SECOND  AUDIENCIA 

execute  a  very  difficult  commission  with  regard 
to  the  liberty  of  the  Indians,  if  anything  was  to 

be  done  in  accordance  with  the  important  decision 

% 

already  pronounced  by  that  Council. 

Amongst  other  instructions  given  to  them, 
there  is  one  which  suited  well  with  Spanish  state¬ 
liness,  as  it  settled  the  form  and  order  in  which 
they  were  to  enter  Mexico,  the  chief  seat  of  their 
government.  The  great  seal  was  to  be  placed 
in  a  little  casket,  borne  by  a  mule  covered  with 
velvet ;  and  when  they  entered  the  city,  the  Pre¬ 
sident  was  to  be  on  the  right  hand  of  the  seal, 
and  one  of  the  Auditors  on  the  left,  the  other 
Auditors  going  before,  according  to  their  rank. 
They  were  all  to  be  lodged  in  the  house  of  the 
Marquis  del  Valle.  The  Marquis  himself  was 
allowed  at  that  time  to  return  to  New  Spain  ; 
hut  he  had  received  orders  from  the  Empress 
not  for  the  present  to  enter  Mexico,  nor  even 
to  come  within  ten  leagues  of  that  city,  at 
least,  as  I  conjecture,  not  until  the  audiencia 
were  finally  settled  in  power.  He  went 
back,  clothed  with  the  authority  of  Captain- 
General  ;  and  so  tar,  at  least,  Cortes  was  not 
treated  unwisely  or  ungenerously  by  the  Spanish 


ENTER  INTO  MEXICO . 


271 


Government.  He  was  received  with  vivid  de¬ 
monstrations  of  delight  by  great  numbers  of  the 
people  in  New  Spain,  both  Spaniards  and  Indians. 
Indeed,  they  offered  to  place  themselves  at  his 
disposal,  and  to  put  his  enemies  in  the  Audiencia 


to  death.  They  were  clamorous  in  telling  him 
what  they  had  suffered  during  his  absence ;  but 
he,  with  his  accustomed  prudence,  did  what  he 
could  to  soothe  them,  entirely  put  aside  their 
offers  of  vengeance,  and  even  strove  to  divert 
them  by  public  games  and  entertainments. 

On  the  15th  of  September,  1530,  a  few  months 
after  the  departure  from  Spain  of  the  Marquis, 
the  new  auditors  sailed  from  Seville,  and  arrived  The  second 


in  New  Spain  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1531.  arrfvTsTt 
The  form  of  their  entry  into  Mexico  was  some-  1531! 


what  disturbed  by  the  absence  of  their  President, 
the  Bishop  of  St.  Domingo,  whom  they  were  not 
able  to  bring  with  them,  as  they  could  not 
succeed  in  entering  the  port  of  St.  Domingo, 
"  by  reason,”  as  an  old  chronicler  tells  us,  “  of  the 
things  of  the  sea  being  more  doubtful  than  cer¬ 
tain.”*  This  was  to  be  regretted,  for  graver 


*  “  Por  ser  las  cosas  de  la  Mar,  mas  dudosas,  que 
ciertas.” — Torquemada,  Monarquia  Indiana ,  lib.  v.  cap.  9. 


♦ 


272 


REFORMS  IN  NEW  SPAIN 


reasons  than  the  injury  to  the  pomp  of  their 
entrance  into  Mexico;  but  the  new  Auditors, 
without  waiting  for  their  President,  commenced 
their  arduous  business ;  and  we  find,  from  a  letter 
written  to  the  Emperor  some  months  afterwards, 
that  not  a  day  had  passed,  not  even  the  festivals 
of  the  Church,  in  which  they  had  not  been  sitting 
in  council  ten  or  twelve  hours  together,  for  the 
dispatch  of  business,  dealing,  as  they  graphically 
express  it,  “  with  a  new  land,  new  kinds  of  busi¬ 
ness,  and  with  minds  inclined  to  dangerous  inno¬ 
vations,  which  every  day  are  excited  by  new 
thoughts.” 

The  various  reforms  in  the  Indies  which  were 

% 

projected  at  Court,  and  some  of  which  were 
carried  into  execution  in  New  Spain  by  this 
Audiencia ,  must  have  told  considerably  upon  the 
fortunes  of  Cortes — a  man  who,  if  he  received 
much,  always  spent  much  ;  with  whom,  to  use  an 
expression  of  King  Ferdinand’s,  money  never 
rested.  The  expenses  he  incurred  in  preparing 
for  expeditions  in  the  South  Sea  were  very  great, 
and  not  remunerative.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  causes,  it  is  a  striking  fact,  that  there  came  a 
period  when  the  conqueror  of  Mexico  could  not 


POVERTY  OF  CORTES. 


273 


afford  to  live  for  more  than  a  month  at  a  time  in 
the  great  city  which  he  had  conquered,  devastated, 
repeopled,  and  rebuilt.  « I  have  enough  to  do,” 
he  says  (in  a  letter  written  at  Mexico,  and  dated 
in  the  year  1538),  “  to  maintain  myself  in  a 
vdlage,  where  I  have  my  wife,  without  daring  to 
reside  in  this  city,  or  come  into  it,  as  I  have  not 
the  means  to  live  in  it ;  and  if  sometimes  I  come 
because  I  cannot  help  doing  so,  and  remain  in  it 
a  month,  I  am  obliged  to  fast  for  a  year.”* 

Those  who  care  to  observe  human  affairs  cu¬ 
riously  have  often  speculated  upon  the  change 
that  would  be  produced  by  a  very  slight  know¬ 
ledge  of  the  future.  If  men  could  see,  they  say, 
but  ten  years  in  advance,  the  greater  part  of  man¬ 
kind  would  not  have  heart  to  continue  their 
labours.  The  farmer  would  quit  his  plough,  the 
merchant  his  merchandize,  the  scholar  his  books. 

“  Yo  tengo  harto  que  hacer  en  mantenerme  en  un 
aldea  donde  tengo  mi  muger,  sin  osar  residir  en  esta 
cibdad  ni  venir  a  ella  por  no  tener  que  comer  en  ella  ;  y 
si  alguna  vez  vengo  porque  no  puedo  escusarlo,  si  estoy 
en  ella  un  mes,  tengo  necesidad  de  ayunar  un  ano.”— 
Cdrta  del  Maeques  del  Valle,  escrita  desde  Mejico  'con 
fecha  de  20  de  Setiemb-e,  de  1538,  al  Peesidente  dei, 
Consejo  Real  de  las  Indus.  Doc.  Ined.,  tom.  iv.  p.  197. 


Poverty 

of  the 

greatest 

resident 

New 

Spain. 


A  slight 
knowledge 
of  the 
future 
would 
i>:iralyvse 
the  arm 
of  the 
conqueror. 


274  HUMAN  AFFAIRS  ALTERED 

Still,  there  would  remain  a  few  faithful  to  their 
pursuits — lovers,  fanatics,  and  benevolent  men. 
But  of  all  those  whom  ten  years’  prescience  would 
induce  to  lay  down  their  work  in  utter  discontent 
as  the  future  unrolled  itself  before  their  wonder¬ 
ing  eyes,  the  conqueror,  perhaps,  would  be  the 
man  who  first  would  stay  his  hand.  For  the 
results  of  conquest  are  among  the  greatest  dis¬ 
appointments  in  the  world.  The  policy  which 
seems  so  judicious  and  so  nicely  adjusted  that 
it  well  repays  the  anxious  nights  of  thought 
that  have  been  spent  upon  it,  would,  even  with 
the  small  foreknowledge  of  ten  years,  be  seen  to 
be  inconsequent,  foolish,  and  mischievous.  The’ 
ends  which  appear  so  precious  that  the  blood 
of  armies  may  justly  be  spilt  in  the  hope  of 
attaining  them,  would  be  clearly  discerned  to  be 
noxious  and  ludicrous.  All  the  vast  crimes  which 
are  gilded  by  motives  of  policy  would  be  seen  in 
their  naked  horror ;  and  the  most  reckless  of 
statesmen  or  warriors  would  start  back  appalled 
at  the  sufferings  he  was  about  to  inflict  upon  the 
world  for  inadequate  and  futile  causes.  When, 
however,  the  warrior  happened  to  be  a  fanatic, 
the  future  on  this  earth  would  not  disturb  him. 


GREATLY  THROUGH  FORESIGHT.  275 


He  would  be  equally  ready  to  slaughter  his 
thousands,  to  devastate  provinces,  and  to  ruin,  as  ' 
mostly  happens,  his  own  fortunes,  whatever  the 
ten  years  annals,  written  prophetically  on  the 
wall,  might  disclose  to  him. 

Cortes,  as  a  statesman  and  a  man  of  the  wrorld, 
might  have  shuddered,  if  he  could  have  foreseen 
the  fate  of  himself,  his  companions,  and  the  nations 
he  came  to  conquer.  But,  sheathed  as  he  was  in 
the  impenetrable  armour  of  fanaticism,  he  would 
probably  have  counted  these  things  as  no  loss, 
provided  that  the  True  Faith  should  thereby  be 
proclaimed  more  widely  in  the  New  World. 

This  must  be  his  excuse,  and  this,  no  doubt,  was 
his  comfort,  when  he  contemplated  the  sorry  end 
of  his  labours  as  regarded  himself  and  his  own 
fortunes. 

Later  in  life,  we  find  him  writing  to  the 
Lmperor  in  the  same  strain  of  complaint  as  that  The  latter 
related  above.*  The  latter  days  of  Cortes  bear  clnel 
a  strange  resemblance  to  those  of  Columbus,  and, 

*  Veome  viejo,  y  pobre  y  empenado  en  este  reino 
jen  mas  de  veinte  mil  ducados,  sin  mas  de  ciento  otros 
que  he  gastado  de  los  que  traje  e  me  han  enviado,  cjue 
algunos  dellos  debo  tambieu,  que  los  ban  tornado  pres- 


276 


THE  LATTER  DAYS  OF 

indeed,  to  those  of  Charles  the  Fifth  himself. 
Men  of  this  great  stamp  seldom  know  when  to 
put  a  limit  to  their  exertions,  and  to  occupy 
themselves  solely  in  securing  the  conquests  they 
have  made.  And,  as  the  nature  of  things  is 
always  against  an  energetic  man,  some  day  or 
other,  especially  when  he  grows  weaker  and 
older,  adverse  circumstances,  to  his  astonishment, 
triumph  over  him.  Besides,  even  supposing  him 
to  be  very  prudent,  and  anxious  to  undertake 
nothin0*  which  he  cannot  master,  the  field  for  his 

o 

exertions  inevitably  widens  with  success.  Instead 
of  a  line  to  pursue,  he  has  a  large  area  to  com¬ 
mand.  Envy  meanwhile  increases  as  he  becomes 
more  conspicuous.  Many  men  lean  upon  him 
when  he  is  known  to  be  strong.  His  attention  is 
distracted ;  and  even  without  any  deterioration 
of  character,  or  failing  of  force,  he  is  destroy ec 
by  the  large  development  of  new  difficulties 
which  grow  up  around  him.  As  the  early  historj 
of  the  Indies  teems  with  commanders  who  ulti- 


tados  para  enviarme,  y  todos  corren  cambios.’ —GV?r/a  < 
Memorial  de  Hernan  Cortes  al  Emperador  Carlos  V 
Valladolid ,  3  do  Febrero ,  de  1544.  Doc .  Ined tom  1 
p.  45.  I 


CORTES  UNFORTUNATE. 


277 


mately  prove  unfortunate,  it  is  but  fair  to  look 
into  the  natural  causes  of  failure  which  would 
beset  them  in  any  country,  but  which  would  be 
stronger  in  a  newly-discovered  country  than 
elsewhere. 


The  Expeditions  sent  out  by  Cortes  to  the  North  of 
Mexico — Cortes  returns  to  Spain — His  grievances  and 
troubles. 

WILL  now  endeavour  to  give  very 
briefly  an  account  of  what  Cortes  did 
during  the  ten  years  which  elapsed 
from  the  time  of  his  return  from  Spain  to  Mexico 
in  1530  to  that  of  his  finally  returning  in  1540 
to  the  mother  country,  where  he  spent  the  re¬ 
mainder  of  his  days.  .1 

Though  Cortes  could  not  afford  to  live  in  the 
city  of  Mexico,  he  did  afford,  and  was  obliged  to 
afford,  the  disbursement  of  the  necessary  expenses 
for  fitting  out  expeditions  to  make  discovery  in 
what  was  called  the  Sea  of  the  South.  I  say, 
u  he  was  obliged  to  afford,”  because  the  Emperor 


EXPEDITION  OF  OOBTES. 


279 


had  imposed  upon  him  the  condition  of  en¬ 
deavouring  to  make  these  discoveries. 

The  man,  whose  name  in  after  times  was  most 
noted  for  discovery  in  those  regions,  was  a 
certain  Franciscan  monk,  Marcos  of  Nice,  who 
in  a  missionary  enterprise  made  great  disco¬ 
veries,  as  he  said,  to  the.  north  of  Mexico. 
He  returned,  giving  a  wonderful  account  of 
what  he  called  “the  seven  cities  of  feybola, 
and  saying  how,  “  the  farther  you  went  north¬ 
wards  (i.  e.  towards  the  country  now  known  as 
the  gold  region  of  California),  the  more  peopled 
the  country  was,  and  the  more  rich  with  gold 
and  turquoises.”  Cortes,  however,  had  long 
before  commenced  these  expeditions  to  the  north 
of  Mexico,  sending  out  captain  after  captain  to 
make  discoveries,  all  of  whom  were  utterly  un¬ 
successful.  Cortes  then  resolved  to  go  himself; 
but  neither  was  he  more  successful,  as  regards 
the  results  of  discovery,  than  his  captains  had 
been.  Certainly,  he  discovered  California;  but 
he  left  that  country,  little  conjecturing  the  riches 
which  he  had  probably  trodden  under  foot.  It 
was  on  that  occasion  that  his  second  wife  wrote 
him  a  most  touching  letter,  begging  him  to  return 


I 


280 


JOY  OF  THE  SPANIARDS  AT 


Cortes  re¬ 
turns  to 
Mexico 
from  Cali¬ 
fornia. 


to  his  Marquisate  in  Mexico,  to  think  of  his  boys 
and  girls,  and  no  longer  to  tempt  fortune,  but  to 
content  himself  with  the  heroic  actions  he  had 
already  performed,  and  with  his  world-wide  fame. 

Cortes  accordingly  returned  to  Mexico,  and 
was  received  with  great  joy  by  the  authorities 
and  by  all  the  other  inhabitants ;  for  at  that  time 
every  Spaniard  was  in  great  terror  lest  the 
native  Indians  should  take  advantage  of  the 
absence  of  Cortes  to  revolt. 

I  cannot  help  remarking  that  this  tenderness  on 
the  part  of  the  second  wife  of  Cortes,  and  which 
probably  induced  him  to  hasten  his  return,  gives 
some  indication,  of  what  certainly  was  the  case, 
that  in  private  and  domestic  life  he  was  very  love¬ 
able.  He  was  no  longer  attractive  from  the  beautv 
of  his  person.  In  fact,  ever  since  his  return  from 
Honduras,  in  which  expedition  he  had  suffered 
much  hardship  and  privation,  and  before  his 
marriage  with  his  second  wife,  he  had  become  a 
sickly  diseased  man.  Indeed  he  was  so  much 
altered  that  many  people  did  not  know  him  again.* 


*  “E  aun  muchos  le  desconosQian.” —  Oviedo,  lib. 
xxxiii.  cap.  49. 


CORTES’  RETURN  TO  MEXICO. 


281 


He  was  now  exceedingly  fat  and  swollen,  and  it 
was  in  vain  that  he  endeavoured  to  conceal  the 
ravages  of  premature  old  age  by  dyeing  his  grey 
beard  black. 

With  almost  every  great  man  there  is  a  time 
of  culmination,  after  which  there  is  mostly  dis¬ 
aster  and  decadence.  This  was  pre-eminently  the 
case  with  Cortes..  His  fortunes  culminated  on 
the  day  when  he  took  Mexico.  Afterwards  he 
had  but  a  sorry  life  of  it.  As  Bernal  Diaz  says, 
“  Everything  turned  to  thorns  with  him.”  Not 
that  this  daunted  him ;  for  even  after  his  return 
from  California,  he  equipped  and  sent  out  another 
great  expedition  to  make  discovery  in  the  Sea  of 
the  South.  This,  too,  was  unsuccessful. 

Neither  in  what  may  be  considered  his  private 
undertakings  was  his  career,  after  the  taking  of 
Mexico,  the  least  more  prosperous.  He  was  in 
terrible  feud  with  the  Kings  Officers  upon  a 
point  of  much  nicety  connected  with  his  private 
estate.  He  contended  that  the  Emperor  had 
intended  to  give  him  all  the  Indians  in  the  Town¬ 
ships  which  the  Emperor  had  assigned  to  him  ; 


*  “  Todo  le  tomo  en  Espinas.” 


CORTES  RETURNS  TO  SPAIN 


and  lie  reckoned  his  Indians  by  the  heads  of 
families.  The  King’s  Officers,  on  the  other  hand, 
contended  that  the  number  of  Indians  assigned 
to  the  Marquis  was  to  be  reckoned  according 
to  age.  They  included  in  their  reckoning  every 
adult  male  in  a  household,  whether  master,  servant, 
son  or  slave.  Thus  they  sometimes  counted  as 
many  as  fifteen  in  a  household  where  Cortes  had 
only  counted  one. 

Then,  again,  Cortes  was  in  feud  with  the 
person  of  highest  authority  in  New  Spain.  The 
Spanish  Government  had  6ent,  in  1535,  a  Vice¬ 
roy  to  New  Spain,  namely,  Don  Antonio  de 

t 

Mendoza,  a  man  of  great  ability  and  prudence,  but 
who  could  not  live  at  peace  with  Cortes ;  and  many 
and  grievous  were  the  disputes  between  the  Vice¬ 
roy  and  the  Captain  General  about  these  expe¬ 
ditions  to  the  Sea  of  the  South,  in  which,  by  the 
way,  Cortes  had  expended  no  less  a  sum  than 
300,000  pesos. 

Impoverished  in  means,  vexed  with  law-suits, 
annoyed  with  contentions  against  Royal  Officers, 
Cortes  led  a  miserable  life  in  Mexico.  Imagining 
that  from  his  former  reception  at  the  Court  of 
Spain,  his  presence  there  would  enable  him  to 


TO  SETTLE  HIS  DIFFICULTIES.  283 


prevail  over  all  his  difficulties,  he  resolved  to 
return  to  Spain  to  fight  his  battles  there.  Ac-  Quits 
cordingly,  in  the  year  1540,  he  quitted  Mexico  Spain™  for 
for  that  purpose,  little  imagining  that  he  was 
leaving  for  ever  the  scene  of  his  conquest. 

The  Empress  Donna  Isabella  died  in  the  year 
1539;  and  Cortes  and  all  his  suite  were  in  deep 
mourning  for  Her  Majesty  when  they  arrived  at 
court.  Bernal  Diaz  was  also  in  mourning,  as  also 
Fernando  Pizarro,  and  other  persons  who  had 
come  from  Peru  and  New  Spain  upon  business. 

Probably  their  suits  of  mourning  were  in  accord 
with  their  discontented  countenances,  and  they 
were  generally  called  “  the  Mourning  Indians  of 
Peru/’* 

The  Marquis  accompanied  the  Emperor  in  his 
expedition  to  Algeria  (a.  d.  1541);  and,  as  it  was 
justly  said,  lost  more  in  that  unfortunate  expedi¬ 
tion  than  the  Emperor  himself ;  for,  being  ship¬ 
wrecked,  Cortes  lost  the  valuable  jewels,  chiefly 
emeralds,  which  he  carried  with  him,  and  which 
formed  no  inconsiderable  part  of  his  fortune. 

But  his  mortification  in  that  enterprise  was 


*  “  Los  Indianos  Peruleros  Enlutados.” 


i 


i 


284 


CORTES 9  MISFORTUNES. 


greater  than  his  pecuniary  loss.  He,  then  the 
greatest  Captain  of  his  age,  was  not  even  sum¬ 
moned  to  the  Council  of  War.  It  was  in  vain 
that  he  offered  to  retrieve  the  fortunes  of  the 
Emperor  in  that  disastrous  campaign,  and  pledged 
himself  to  take  Algiers  if  he  might  onlv  have  the 
command  of  the  troops  who  were  there,  without 
any  reinforcements.  The  soldiers  were  willing 
to  act  with  him,  but  the  sailors  were  not ;  and 
the  people  in  authority  would  not  listen  to  him, 
nay  even,  as  some  say,  mocked  at  his  pretensions. 
The  enterprise  was  abandoned,  and  the  Moors 
were  left  to  be,  by  their  piratical  exploits,  a  terror 
and  an  injury  to  Europe  for  many  generations.* 
The  poets  say  that  (C  Care  sits  behind  a  man 
and  follows  him  wherever  he  goes.”  So  does  ill- 
success ;  and  henceforward  the  life  of  Cortes  was 
almost  invariably  unsuccessful.  There  is  an  anec¬ 
dote  told  of  him  (resting  upon  no  higher  autho¬ 
rity  than  that  of  Voltaire)  which,  though  evidently 
untrue,  tells  in  a  mythical  way  the  reception 
which  Cortes  met  with  at  the  Spanish  Court; 
and  his  feelings  as  regards  that  reception. 


* 


See  Sandoval,  “  Hist,  de  Carlos  V.,”  lib.  xxv.  cap.  12. 


EIS  LETTER  TO  THE  EMPEROR.  285 

One  day  he  broke  through  the  crowd  which 
surrounded  the  carriage  of  the  Emperor  and 
jumped  on  the  step. 

^  ho  are  you?  said  the  Emperor  in  asto¬ 
nishment. 

“  am  a  man>”  replied  Cortes  fiercely,  “  who 
has  given  you  more  provinces  than  your  ances¬ 
tors  have  left  you  cities.” 

Quitting  fiction,  however,  and  returning  to 
fact,  there  is  a  letter  extant  addressed  by  Cortes 
to  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth  which  conveys 
more  forcibly  than  even  a  large  extent  of  narrative 
could  do,  the  troubles,  vexations,  and  disappoint¬ 
ments  which  Cortes  had  to  endure  at  this  latter 
period  of  his  life,  and  his  own  feelings  with  re¬ 
gard  to  them.  It  is  one  of  the  most  touching 
letters  ever  written  by  a  subject  to  a  sovereign. 

I  will  here  translate  some  of  it,  greatly  condensing 
those  parts  of  the  letter  which  relate  to  the  busi¬ 
ness  in  hand,  and  which  would  be  as  wearisome 
to  the  reader  to  read,  as  they  were  to  the  writer 
to  write ;  for  doubtless,  it  was  not  the  first  time, 
by  many  times,  that  Cortes  had  set  down  the  same 
grievance  in  writing. 

The  letter  bears  date  Valladolid  ;  the  3rd  of 
February,  1544.  It  begins  thus: — 


286 


CORTES ’  LETTER  TO  TEE 


The  letter 
of  Cortes 
to  the  Em¬ 
peror. 


“  Sacred  Cesarian  Catholic  Majesty : — I  thought 
that  having  laboured  in  my  youth,  it  would  so 
profit  me  that  in  my  old  age  I  might  have  ease 
and  rest ;  and  now  it  is  forty  years  that  1  have 
been  occupied  in  not  sleeping,  in  eating  ill,  and 
•sometimes  eating  neither  well  nor  ill,  in  bearing 
armour,  in  placing  my  person  in  danger,  in 
spending  my  estate  and  my  life,  all  in  the  service 
of  God,  bringing  sheep  into  his  sheepfold — which 
were  very  remote  from  our  hemisphere,  unknown, 
and  whose  names  are  not  written  in  our  writings 
— also  increasing  and  making  broad  the  name 
and  patrimony  of  my  King — gaining  for  him,  and 
bringing  under  his  yoke  and  Royal  sceptre,  many 
and  very  great  kingdoms  of  many  barbarous 
nations,  all  won  by  my  own  person,  and  at  my 
own  expense ;  without  being  assisted  in  anything, 
on  the  contrary,  being  much  hindered  by  many 
jealous  and  envious  persons  who,  like  leeches, 
have  been  filled  to  bursting  with  my  blood.”  * 

He  then  proceeds  to  say  that  for  the  part 
which  God  has  had  in  his  labours  and  watchings. 


*  “  Sin  ser  ayudado  de  cosa  alguna,  antes  mny  estor- 
bado  por  inuchos  emulos  e  invidiosos  que  como  Ban¬ 
gui  juelas  lian  rebeutado  de  hartos  de  mi  sangre. 


EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  287 


he  is  sufficiently  paid,  because  it  was  His  work ; 
and  it  was  not  without  a  reason  that  Providence 

I 

was  pleased  that  so  great  a  work  should  be 
accomplished  by  so  weak  a  medium,  in  order  that 
it  might  be  seen  that  to  God  alone  the  good 

o 

I 

work  must  be  attributed. 

Cortes  then  says  that  for  what  he  has  done  for 
the  King,  he  has  always  been  satisfied  with  the 
remuneration  he  has  received.  The  Kino-  has 
been  grateful  to  him,  has  honoured  him,  and  has 
rewarded  him;  and,  he  adds,  that  His  Majesty 
knows  that  the  rewards  and  honours  which  the 
Emperor  offered  were,  in  the  opinion  of  Cortes, 
so  far  greater  than  his  merits,  that  he  refused  to 
receive  them. 

What,  however,  His  Majesty  did  mean  him  to 
receive,  he  has  not  received.  That  which  His 
Majesty  has  given  has  been  so  completely  with¬ 
out  fruit,  that  it  would  have  been  better  for 
Cortes  not  to  have  had  it,  but  that  he  should 
have  taken  care  of  his  private  estate,  and  not 
spent  the  fruit  of  that  in  defending  himself  against 
“  the  Fiscal  of  Tour  Majesty,  which  defence  has 
been,  and  is,  a  more  difficult  undertaking  than  to 
win  the  land  of  the  enemy.” 


288 


LETTER  TO  TIIE  EMPEROR, 


He  then  implores  His  Majesty  that  he  will  be 
pleased  to  render  clear  the  goodwill  which  he  had 

4 

shown  to  reward  him.  “  I  see  myself/’  he  ex¬ 
claims,  “old  and  poor  and  indebted.”  Not  only 
have  I  no  repose  in  my  old  age,  but  I  fore¬ 
see  labour  and  trouble  until  my  death.”  And 
he  adds,  “  Please  God  that  the  mischief  may  not 
go  beyond  death ;  but  may  finish  with  the  body, 
and  not  exist  for  ever,  since  whosoever  has  such 
toil  in  defending  his  bodily  estate,  cannot  avoid 
injuring  his  soul.” 

All  that  he  asks  is  that  his  appeal  may  be  heard: 
that  members  of  the  King’s  Council  be  added  to 
the  Council  of  the  Indies ;  and  that  the  cause 
may  be  determined,  and  judgment  given,  without 
any  further  delay.  “  Por  otherwise  I  must  leave 
it  and  lose  it,  and  must  return  to  my  home  as  I 
am  no  longer  of  the  age  to  go  about  to  hostelries; 
but  should  withdraw  myself  to  make  my  account 
clear  with  God,  since  it  is  a  large  one  that  I  have,* 

*  Here  the  words  of  the  celebrated  chronicler,  Men- 
strelet,  may  well  be  appended : — “  It  is  of  some  moment 
when  a  king  or  great  prince  dies,  who  may,  perhaps, 
have  caused  the  deaths  of  numbers  of  human  creatures 
like  themselves ;  for  I  believe  that  in  the  other  world 


CHARLES  V.  OF  SPAIN.  2Si 

and  little  life  is  left  to  me  to  discharge  my  con¬ 
science  ;  and  it  will  be  better  for  me  to  lose  my 
estate  than  my  soul.”  *  He  concludes  by  saying, 
that  “  He  is  of  Your  Catholic  Majesty  the  very 
humble  servant  and  vassal,  who  kisses  your  very 
royal  feet  and  hands — the  Marques  del  Valle.” 

The  first  feeling  of  every  reader  of  this  letter 
must  be  regret  that  so  great  a  monarch  as  Charles 


they  will  have  enough  to  do,  more  especially  respecting 
this  circumstance,  that  a  poor  man,  with  six  or  seven 
small  children,  not  worth  twenty  sols  in  the  world,  shall 
be  taxed  from  ten  to  twenty  sols,  and  when  the  collector 
shall  co  ne  to  receive  the  tax,  finding  the  man  worth 
nothing,  and  without  means  of  raising  the  money,  he 
commits  him  to  prison,  where  he  languishes  out  his 
days.  Now  I  would  like  to  have  shown  any  written 
law  for  this  injustice ;  but  no  one  will  attempt  so  to  do, 
because  everyone  is  eager  to  push  himself  forward  in 
this  world.  May  God  assist  the  poor  people  !”  [The 
account  which  Cortes  gives  related  more  to  slaughter 
than  to  taxation,  and  therefore  was  more  than  regal  in 
its  seriousness  and  extent.] 

I  orque  no  tengo  ya  edad  para  andar  por  mesones, 

;  smo  para  recojerme  a  aclarar  mi  cuenta  con  Dios,  pues 
la  tengo  larga,  y  poco  vida  para  dar  los  descargos,  y 
fcera  mejor  dejar  perder  la  hacienda  quel  anima,”— 

\  Documents  Ineditos  para  la  Historia  de  Espaha,  tom.  1, 
Madrid,  1842. 


II. 


U 


r 


2Q0 


DIFFICULTIES  AND 


the  Fifth  should  have  given  occasion  for  any  such 
letter  to  be  written  to  him.  But  this  feeling 
is  one  that  experience  will  not  justify.  Kings 
and  Kaisers  and  the  greatest  men  are  generally 
found  impotent  against  the  “  Fiscal”  of  their  re¬ 
spective  countries.  There  is  always  some  small- 
minded  clerk  to  find  or  make  difficulties,  and  to 
raise  objections.  And  this  noxious  individual 
thinks  he  is  doing  great  service  to  the  state  while 
he  chiefly  dwells  upon  what  ought  to  be  “  uncon¬ 
sidered  trifles.”  He  is  the  worm  who  gnaws  at 
the  greatness  of  states,  discouraging  noble  enter¬ 
prise,  and  worrying  the  heart  out  of  those  who 
would  do  something  for  the  world.  He  has  often 
more  to  do  with  the  downfall  of  nations  than 
historians,  who  have  not  been  versed  in  affairs, 
can  readily  imagine. 

If  it  had  not  been  for  these  fiscal  troubles, 
and  for  the  sense  of  injury  which  rankled  in  his 
mind,  the  latter  days  of  Cortes  were  not  out¬ 
wardly  unhappy.  He  passed  them  in  a  manner 
which  might  have  satisfied  almost  any  other  man  j 
but  the  restless  and  impatient  conqueror.  Men  of 
letters  cultivated  his  society ;  and  the  meetings 
of  an  Academy  were  held  at  his  house.  Peter^ 


TROUBLES  OF  CORTES. 


291 


de  Novarra  published  in  1547  forty  Moral  Dia¬ 
logues,  partly  the  result  of  conversations  held  at 
the  house  of  Cortes.*  I  cannot  agree  with  those 
who  think  that  Cortes  was  a  learned  man.  In 
one  of  his  letters  I  find  him  telling  the  Emperor 
when  one  of  his  captains  had  rebelled  against  him 
that  people  would  say  it  was  pena  pecati ,  on  ac¬ 
count  of  the  false  idea  they  had  of  his  conduct  to 
Velasquez.  This  is  not  the  usual  way  in  which 
the  words  “  poena  peccati”  are  spelt.  I  have  no 
doubt  that  Cortes  delighted  in  the  society  of 
learned  men  as  the  first  Napoleon  did  in  that  of 
scientific  men;  but  converse  with  learned  men 
could  not  occupy  the  mind  or  heart  of  either  of 
these  restless  conquerors.  Cortes  wished  to  re¬ 
turn  to  Mexico;  but  all  the  influence  of  his  great 
connections  could  not  procure  leave  from  the 
Emperor  for  Cortes  to  return  until  certain  pend¬ 
ing  suits  were  settled ;  and  they  never  were 
settled  during  the  lifetime  of  Cortes. 

In  addition  to  these  vexations  he  had  a  do¬ 
mestic  trouble  which  doubtless  caused  him  much 

*  Mr.  Ticknor  says  : — “I  find  nothing  in  these  to 
illustrate  the  character  of  Cortes,  except  the  fact  that 
such  meetings  were  held  at  his  house.” 


292 


RETIRES  FROM  SEVILLE . 


mortification.  His  daughter  Donna  Maria  was 
engaged  to  one  of  the  greatest  nobles  in  Spain; 
but  ultimately  the  young  man  refused  to  fulfil 
the  engagement.  Some  say  that  this  caused  the 
death  of  Cortes.  But  this  is  not  so.  He  was 
broken  alike  in  health  and  in  spirits,  by  reason 
of  the  many  reverses  he  had  met  with  in  these 
his  latter  days. 

We  live,  to  a  great  measure,  upon  success; 
and  there  is  no  knowing  the  agony  that  an  un¬ 
varying  course  of  ill-success  causes  to  a  sanguine 
and  powerful  mind  which  feels  that,  if  only  such 
and  such  small  obstacles  were  removed  out  of  its 
way,  it  could  again  shine  forth  with  all  its  pristine 
force  and  brightness.  / 

To  meet  this  rejected  daughter,  who  was  coming 
from  New  Spain,  Cortes  went  to  Seville.  There 
he  was  taken  ill,  and,  being  molested  by  the  im¬ 
portunity  of  many  persons  who  came  to  see  him 
on  business,  he  retired  to  a  small  village,  about 
half  a  league  from  Seville,  called  Castilleja  de  la 

I  I 

Cuesta.  He  also  sought  retirement  for  the  pur¬ 
pose,  as  Bernal  Diaz  says,  of  making  his  will* 


* 


His  will,  however,  is  dated  Seville. 


DEATH  OF  CORTES. 


293 


and  preparing  his  soul  for  death.  “  And  when 
he  had  settled  his  worldly  affairs,  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  was  pleased  to  take  him  from  this  trouble¬ 
some  world.”  He  died  on  the  2nd  of  December, 
1547,  being  then  sixty-two  years  of  age. 

Cortes  was  buried  with  much  pomp  in  the 
private  chapel  of  the  Dukes  of  Medina  Sidonia 
in  the  San  Franciscan  monastery  of  Seville. 
Afterwards  his  remains  were  taken  to  New  Spain 
and  interred  at  Tezcuco. 

The  legitimate  children  that  he  left  were  Don 
Martin,  Donna  Maria,  who  was  to  have  been 
married  to  Don  Perez  Osorio,  but  who  after¬ 
wards  married  the  Conde  of  Luna  de  Leon ; 
Donna  Juana,  Donna  Catalina  and  Donna  Leo- 
nor.  He  also  left  two  sons  and  three  daughters 
illegitimate.  In  his  will  he  leaves  money  to  found 
a  hospital,  a  college  and  a  nunnery.  The  mar¬ 
quis,  as  his  chaplain  tells  us,  was  always  a  great 
almsgiver.  He  would  even  run  into  debt  to  give 
alms  to  poor  people ;  and,  on  his  death-bed,  he 
inculcated  the  sacred  duty  of  almsgiving  upon  his 
heir,  whom  he  loved,  and  who  loved  him,  Don 
Martin  Cortes. 

# 

The  following  extract  from  the  will  of  Cortes 


294 


WILL  OF  CORTES. 


shows  how  anxious  he  was  to  make  a  restitution 

in  those  cases  wherein  he  had  acted,  or  micffit 

'  © 

have  acted,  unjustly. 

“  Item.  Because  doubts  have  arisen  with  re¬ 
spect  to  those  natives  of  New  Spain  who  have 
been  made  slaves,  as  well  those  of  war  as  of 
ransom,  namely,  whether  they  can  be  held  with  a 
sufficiently  good  conscience  or  not,  and  up  to  this 
time  the  question  is  not  settled,  I  desire  that  it 

should  be  ascertained  what  in  this  matter  I  ouodit 

© 

not  to  have  done,  and  that  for  the  discharge  of 

© 

conscience  as  regards  these  slaves,  that  should  be 
done  which  ought  to  be  done  in  respect  of  those 
which  I  hold.  And  I  charge  upon  my  son  and 
heir  Don  Martin,  and  upon  his  successors,  that 
they  should  use  all  diligence  for  the  discharge 
of  my  conscience  and  theirs  in  this  matter.” 

He  then  desires  that,  with  regard  to  all  those 
lands  which  he  has  taken  for  gardens,  vineyards, 
cotton-grounds  and  other  purposes,  it  should  be 
ascertained  whether  they  were  the  property  of  the 
natives;  and,  if  so,  restitution  and  compensation 
should  be  made  to  the  real  owners. 

He  also  desires  that  the  personal  services 
which  he  has  received  from  his  vassals,  in  addition 


CORTES’  DISCOVERIES. 


295 


to  their  tribute,  should  be  ascertained;  and,  as 
there  are  doubts  whether  these  personal  services 
ought  to  have  been  rendered  to  him,  it  should  be 
seen  whether  any  of  them  were  rendered  unjustly; 
and  if  so,  full  payment  and  restitution  should  be 
made. 

< 

it  remains  that  a  general  and  a  just  estimate 
should  be  made  of  the  actions  of  this  renowned 
warrior.  It  has  been  admitted  that  the  enter¬ 
prises  undertaken  by  Cortes,  subsequently  to  that 
of  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  were,  for  the  most 
part,  unsuccessful.  This  statement,  however,  must 
be  understood  with  a  certain  limitation.  Cortes 
was  a  great  discoverer  as  well  as  a  great  conqueror. 
But  some  of  his  most  important  discoveries,  such 
as  that  of  Guatemala  and  New  Galicia,  were  in¬ 
evitably  worked  out  by  the  captains  whom  he 
sent  forth  ;  and  it  is  much  to  be  noticed  that  this 
discovery  by  deputy,  whether  made  on  the  in¬ 
stance  and  at  the  expense  of  the  King  of  Spain, 
or  of  his  Governors  in  the  Indies,  or  of  private 
individuals,  was  seldom  or  ever  beneficial  to  the 
suggesters  and  providers  of  the  expedition  who 
stayed  at  home.  Conquest  and  discovery  in  the 


296 


THE  DISCOVERIES  AND 


New  World  were  not  things  that  could  be  done 
by  deputy  that  is,  at  least,  with  any  advantage 
to  the  deputing  persons.  This  impressed  an  ap¬ 
pearance  of  failure  upon  their  doings,  although  in 
many  instances,  and  especially  in  that  of  Cortes, 
the  devising  of  the  enterprise  was  the  result  of 
much  boldness,  skill,  ingenuity  and  knowledge. 

It  has  been  necessary  to  bring  before  the 
reader  the  efforts  of  Cortes  in  the  direction  of 
new  discovery  and  of  new  conquest,  otherwise  his 
life  might  almost  seem  to  have  been  barren  of 
enterprise  and  to  have  been  an  active  life  only 
during  that  year  in  which  he  conquered  Mexico. 
Lut  he  was  always  busy  in  great  enterprises. 
Besides  those  that  have  been  recorded  here  in  some 
detail,  he  sent  ships  to  discover  the  Spice  Islands, 
to  find  out  a  new  way  to  China,  and  to  ascertain 
whether  there  was  any  communication  by  sea 
between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific.  When 
Pizarro  was  in  great  straits  in  Peru,  Cortes  did 
not  fail  to  send  assistance  to  his  brother  con¬ 
queror.* 

Cortes  sent  Rodrigo  de  Grijalva  from  new  Spain  in 
a  ship  of  his  own,  with  a  large  supply  of  arms,  armour, 
aud  clothing. 


ACTIONS  OF  CORTES. 


297 


1. 

Men  who  afterwards  distinguished  themselves 

|  ° 

much  in  conquest  and  in  government  had  been 

the  lieutenants  of  Cortes  ;  and,  in  short,  at  what- 
ever  point  you  take  up  the  history  of  the  Indies, 
during  the  life  of  the  great  Marquis,  you  generally 
find  that  he  was  in  some  way  or  other  concerned 
in  what  was  going  on.  In  truth  the  lives  of  Las 
Casas,  Cortes  and  Pizarro,  if  told  in  full  detail, 
would  almost  exhaust  the  history  of  America  of 
that  period.  I  have  not  given  the  life  of  Cortes 
in  this  detail,  because  I  know  that  men’s  memories 
and  their  patience  of  details  are  very  limited  things, 
and  that  to  recount  a  number  of  abortive  enter¬ 
prises,  or  enterprises  that  were  hereafter  carried 
into  fulfilment  by  other  discoverers  and  con¬ 
querors,  would  only  perplex  the  reader  and  lead 

# 

him  away  from  the  contemplation  of  the  main 
events  in  the  life  of  Cortes. 

Still,  in  justice  to  this  great  man,  it  must  not 
be  forgotten  that  his  life  was  full  to  the  brim  of 
anxious  labour ;  and  that  the  conquest  of  Mexico 
was  but  one,  though  the  most  notable,  of  the 
many  enterprises  which  he  undertook.  Whether 
he  was  ill  or  well,  I  have  good  reason  for  thinking 
that  no  day  passed  in  the  life  of  Cortes  which  was 


298 


MEXICAN  HISTORY. 


not  largely  occupied  in  designing  great  things, 
and  in  making  preparations  to  fulfil  these  great 
designs. 

\ 

Amongst  all  modern  histories  I  think  the  Mexi¬ 
can,  if  it  were  thoroughly  known  to  the  world, 
would  be  considered  to  be  one  of  the  most  in¬ 
teresting.  If  we  take  an  individual  Mexican  of 
the  higher  and  more  cultivated  class  at  the  time 
of  the  conquest,  he  was  perhaps  one  of  the  most 
extraordinary  beings  that  the  world  has  ever  seen. 
He  was  full  of  knowledge ;  he  was  accomplished 
in  art.  Mere  cleverness  and  skill  in  the  arts  of 
living  had  been  carried  to  the  highest  extent  by 
his  people.  He  was  even  a  most  refined  person. 
The  prayers  of  the  Mexicans  are  among  the  most 
beautiful  prayers,  as  far  as  we  know,  that  have  ever 
been  offered  up  by  man.  At  the  same  time  this 
cultivated,  this  accomplished,  this  pious  man  was 
the  victim  of  as  degrading  a  superstition  as  ever 
enslaved  and  brutalized  mankind.  To  justify  the 
assertion  made  above  as  to  the  beauty  of  the 
Mexican  prayers,  an  assertion  which  may  natu¬ 
rally  appear  to  be  one  requiring  some  proof,  I  will 
subjoin  the  prayer  of  a  Mexican  priest,  called  a 
satrap,  after  hearing  the  confession  of  a  penitent. 


299 


BEAUTY  OF  THE  IB  PBAYEBS. 


“  Our  Lord  most  gracious,  the  defender  and 

i’ 

favourer  of  all;  you  have  just  heard  the  con¬ 
fession  of  this  poor  sinner,  in  which  he  has  made 
known  in  your  presence  his  rottenness  and  filthi¬ 
ness.”  The  satrap  then  went  on  to  say,  in  words 
which  I  shall  abridge,  that  the  sinner  might  have 
concealed  some  of  his  sins,  in  which  case  dire  will 
be  his  punishment;  but  perchance  he  has  spoken 
the  whole  truth,  and  now  feels  “  dolour  and  dis¬ 
content”  for  all  that  is  past,  and  firm  resolve 
never  to  sin  more.  Then  the  satrap*  said,  “  I 
speak  in  presence  of  your  Majesty,  who  knowest 
all  things,  and  knowest  that  this  poor  wretch  did 
not  sin  with  entire  liberty  of  free  will,  but  was 
helped  and  inclined  to  it  by  the  natural  condition 


Mexican 
prayer 
after  con¬ 
fession. 


Mexican 
prayers 
after  con¬ 
fession. 


*  I  keep  the  word  “  satrap,”  as  it  is  used  in  the 
original,  and  may  give  a  clue  to  the  Mexican  word 
which  it  represents.  “  Satrap,”  in  the  middle  ages, 
had  a  signification  it  has  since  lost.  “  Chartam  iEthel- 
redi  Kegis  Angl.  post  Duces  subscribunt  aliquot  viri 
nobiles,  cum  hoc  titulo,  Satrapa  Regis.  Quae  appellatio 
eadem  est  forte  quae  Ministri.  Yide  in  hac  voce.  (S. 
Bernabdus  de  Consid.  lib.  iv.  Quid  illud  sit  dicam,  et 
non  proderit.  Cur?  quia  non  placebit  Satrapis,  plus 
majestati  quam  veritati  faventibus.”) — Ducange,  Gloss . 
“  Satrapa.” 


300 


METAPHORS  OF  THE 


of  the  sign  under  which  he  was  born.  And  since 
it  is  so,  O  most  gracious  Lord,  defender  and 
favourer  of  all  men,  even  if  this  poor  man  has 
grievously  offended  against  you,  peradventure 
will  you  not  cause  your  anger  and  your  indigna¬ 
tion  to  depart  from  him?”  Continuing  in  this 
strain,  the  satrap  besought  pardon  and  remission 
of  sins,  a  thing  which  descends  from  heaven  as 
clearest  and  purest  water,”  with  which  “  your 
Majesty,”  he  said,  “  washes  away  and  purifies  all 
the  stains  and  filthiness  which  sins  cause  in  the 
soul”  (todas  las  mantillas ,  y  suciedades ,  que  los 
pecados  causan  en  el  dnima ). 

The  satrap  addressed  the  penitent,  and  told 
him  that  he  had  come  to  a  place  of  much  danger 
and  labour  and  dread,  where  there  is  a  ravine 
from  which  no  one  who  had  once  fallen  in  could 
make  his  escape;  also,  he  had  come  to  a  place 
where  snares  and  nets  are  set  one  with  another, 
and  one  over  against  another.  All  this  is  said  me¬ 
taphorically  of  the  world  and  of  sin.  The  satrap 
proceeded  to  speak  of  the  judgment  to  come  in 
another  world,  and  of  the  lake  of  miseries  and 
intolerable  torments.  “  But  now,  here  you  are,” 
he  said  to  the  penitent,  “  and  the  time  is  arrived 


WORLD  AND  SIN. 


301 


in  which  you  have  had  pity  on  yourself  to  speak 
with  our  Lord,  who  sees  the  secrets  of  hearts.” 
And  then  the  satrap  told  the  penitent  there  was 
a  new  birth  for  him,  but  he  must  look  to  his  ways 
well,  and  see  that  he  sinned  no  more.  Finally, 
he  must  cleanse  his  house  *  and  himself,  and  seek 
a  slave  to  sacrifice  before  God  (there  is  the  blot 
on  the  whole  proceeding),  and  he  must  work  a 
year  or  more  in  the  house  of  God,  and  undergo 
penitential  exercises,  piercing  his  tongue  for  the 
injurious  words  it  had  uttered;  and  he  must  give 
in  charity  even  to  the  depriving  of  himself  of 
sustenance :  “  for  look,”  said  the  satrap,  speaking 
of  the  poor,  “  their  flesh  is  as  thy  flesh,  and  they 
are  men  as  thou  art,  especially  the  sick,  for  they 
are  the  image  of  God.  There  is  no  more  to  say 


*  In  reference  to  this  cleansing  of  the  house,  the 
exhortation  is  as  follows  : — “  Carefully  cleanse  and  pre¬ 
serve  thy  house,  and  thou  wilt  often  meet  that  most 
gracious  youth  who  ever  goes  through  our  houses,  and 
through  our  districts,  comforting  and  recreating,  and 
works,  seeking  his  friends  to  console  them,  and  be  con¬ 
soled  with  them.”  This  is  said  entirely  in  a  spiritual 
sense,  for  the  prayer  has  just  declared  that  God  is 
“invisible  and  impalpable. ”  — Aglio,  Antiquities  of 
Mexico.  Kingsrorougii’s  Collection ,  vol.  v.  p.  370. 


302 


MEXICAN  PE  AYER  ON 


Mexican 
prayer  of 
a  new  king. 


to  thee ;  go  in  peace ;  and  I  pray  God  that  he 

\ 

may  help  thee  to  perform  that  which  thou  art 
bound  to  do,  for  he  is  gracious  to  all  men.”* 
There  is  another  prayer  which  also  is  one  that 
must  raise  our  opinion  of  the  thoughtfulness  of 
the  Mexicans  m  the  construction  of  their  prayers. 
It  is  the  prayer  of  a  king,  or  governor,  upon  his 
election,  in  which,  after  celebrating  the  greatness 
of  God  (this  also  is  addressed  to  Tezcatlipuk),  and 
debasing  himself  before  Him,  saying  that  he  de¬ 
serves  blindness  of  his  eyes  and  crushing  of  his 
body  (a  confession  which  many  rulers  might  make 
after  they  have  had  the  government),  he  goes  on 
to  say,  that  he  it  is  who  requires  to  be  governed, 
and  that  the  Lord  must  know  many  to  whom  he 
could  confide  this  charge  of  government ;  but 
since  “  you  are  determined,”  he  says,  “  to  put  me 
forward  as  an  object  of  scandal  and  laughter  for 
the  world,  let  your  will  be  done.  Peradventure,” 


a\tiia  epic  su  came  es  como  la  tuya,  y  que  son 
liombres  como  tu;  mayormente  a  los  enfermos  porque 
son  imagen  de  Dios.  No  hay  mas  que  te  decir;  vote 
on  paz,  y  ruego  a  Dios  que  te  ayude  a  cumplir  lo  que 

eres  obligado  a  hacer,  pues  que  el  favorece  a  todos.” _ 

Kingsbokough’s  Collection ,  vol.  v.  p.  371. 


A  KING’S  ELECTION . 


303 


he  exclaims,  “  you  do  not  know  who  I  am.  After 
that  you  know  what  person  I  am,  you  will  seek 
another,  depriving  me  of  the  government,  being 
weary  of  enduring  me.  Perchance,”  he  adds,  “  it 
is  a  dream,  or  as  when  one  rises  from  his  bed  in 
his  sleep,  this  thing  which  has  happened  to  me.” 
The  prayer  then  proceeds,  as  the  prayer  of  a  ruler 
naturally  would  do,  against  war  and  against  pesti¬ 
lence,  and  speaks  of  former  rulers,  and,  if  I  un¬ 
derstand  it  rightly,  of  their  joys  and  privileges  in 
heaven ;  and  then  he  comes  to  speak  of  his  own 
inferiority,  how  he  has  no  possibility  of  ruling 
himself,  how  he  is  in  darkness,  how  he  is  a  heap 
of  refuse  in  a  corner.  “  Be  gracious,  therefore, 
O  Lord,”  he  exclaims,  “  and  give  me  a  little 
light,  if  it  be  no  more  than  so  much  as  a  glow¬ 
worm,  which  moves  by  night,  throws  out  from 
itself,  that  I  may  find  my  way  in  this  dream  and 
this  sleep  of  life,  which  lasts  as  a  day,  where  there 
are  many  occasions  for  stumbling,  and  many  things 
to  give  occasion  for  laughter,  and  other  things 
that  are  as  a  rugged  road,  which  have  to  be  passed 
by  leaping.”  * 


*  “  Tened  por  bien,  Senor,  de  me  dar  un  poquito  de 


304 


MEXICAN  SUPERSTITION 


Mexican 
prayer  of 
a  new  kinsf. 

O 


He  concludes  by  saying,  “  Our  Lord  most 
gracious,  you  have  made  me  sit  in  your  seat  and 
be  your  instrument  of  voice  ( vuestra  fiauta )  * 
without  any  desert  of  my  own  and  afterwards 
be  adds,  “  Although  I  am  a  poor  creature,  I  wish 
to  say  that  unworthily  I  am  your  image,  and  re¬ 
present  your  person,  and  the  words  which  I  shall 
speak  ha\  e  to  be  held  as  your  words,  and  my 
countenance  to  be  esteemed  as  your  countenance, 
and  my  hearing  as  your  hearing,  and  the  punish¬ 
ments  that  I  shall  ordain  have  to  be  considered  as 
if  you  oidained  them  ;  wherefore,  I  pray  you,  put 
within  me  your  spirit  and  your  words,  that  all 


may  obey,  and  that  none  may  be  able  to  con 
tradict."f 


lumbre,  aunque  no  sea  mas  de  quanto  eeha  de  si  una 
lucerna  que  anda  de  noche,  para  ir  en  este  sueno  y  en 
esta  vida  dormida  que  dura  como  espacio  de  nn  dia, 
donde  Lay  muchas  cosas  en  que  tropezar,  y  muchas 
cosas  en  que  dar  ocasion  de  reir ;  y  otras  cosas  que  son 

como  cam i no  fragoso,  que  se  ban  de  pasar  saltando.” _ 

Kixgsborocgh’s  Coll.,  vol.  v.  p.  379. 

The  force  of  this  expression  will  be  understood 
when  an  account  is  given  of  Tezcatlipuk’s  festival,  in 
which  a  Lute  was  sounded  at  certain  intervals. 

f  A  doubt  will  occur  to  many  minds  as  to  how  these 


BOOTED  OUT  BY  GOBTES. 


305 


After  reading  the  above,  the  reader  must  feel 
sympathy  with  the  Mexican  ;  but  he  cannot  also 
help  feeling  sympathy  with  his  great  conqueror, 
who  had  entered  the  hideous  temples  of  Mexico 
and  had  seen  piled  up  there  the  skulls  of  one 
hundred  and  thirty-six  thousand  victims,  and  who 
was  resolved  to  introduce  Christianity  in  the  place 
of  this  most  hideous  and  degrading  superstition. 

Let  us  not  part  from  Cortes  while  thinking  of 
him  only  as  an  unsuccessful  man,  immersed  in 
lawsuits,  made  little  of  by  the  rulers  of  Spain, 


long  prayers  were  retained  in  the  memory  of  the  Mexi¬ 
cans,  whose  means  of  writing  with  exactitude  were, 
comparatively  speaking,  limited.  The  same  doubt  oc¬ 
curred  to  the  celebrated  Acosta  three  hundred  years 
ago,  and  he  expressed  it  to  one  who  was  able  to  satisfy 
him.  In  the  original  manuscript  of  Juan  de  Tovar, 
possessed  by  Sir  Thomas  Phillips,  Bart.,  of  Middle  Hill, 
the  letter  of  Acosta  and  the  answer  of  Tovar  are  given. 
“  Pero,  para  conservarlos  por  las  mismas  palabras,  que 
los  dixeron  sus  oradores  y  poetas,  avya  cada  dia  exer- 
cicio  dello,  en  los  colegios  de  los  mozos  principales,  que 
avyan  de  ser  sucesores  a  estos,  y  con  la  contmua  repe- 
ticion,  se  les  quedava  en  la  memoria,  sin  discrepar  pala- 
bra,  tomando  las  oraciones  mas  famosas,  que  en  cada 
tiempo  se  hazian  por  metodo,  para  imponer  a  los  mozos, 
que  avyan  de  ser  retdricos,  y  de  esta  suerte  se  conser- 


II. 


X 


306 


BERNAL  DIAZ  ON  TEE 


and  in  the  decadence  of  his  powers  and  his  hopes; 
but  as  the  mighty  conqueror  of  one  of  the  most 
compact  and  well-ordered  barbaric  nations  of  the 
world — a  conqueror  who  with  a  few  hundreds  of 
his  fellow  countrymen,  not  all  of  them  his  par¬ 
ti  z  an  s,  overcame  hundreds  of  thousands  of  fanatic 
and  resolute  men  fighting  against  him  with  im- 

O  c?  O 

mense  resources,  and  with  a  resolution  nearly 
equal  to  his  own.  Let  us  give  him  the  benefit 
of  his  sincere  belief  in  Christianity,  and  his  deter¬ 
mination  to  substitute  that  beneficent  religion  for 
the  hideous  and  cruel  superstition  of  the  people 
he  was  resolved  to  conquer.  And  let  us  echo  the 
wish  of  that  good  common  soldier,  Bernal  Diaz, 
who,  though  having  his  grievances  against  Cortes, 
as  all  the  other  Conquistadores  thought  they  had, 
could  yet,  after  watching  every  turn  in  the  for¬ 
tunes  of  the  great  Marquis,  and  knowing  almost 


varon  muchos  parlamentos,  sin  discrepar  palabra,  de 
gente  en  gente,  hasta  que  vinieron  los  Espanoles,  que 
en  nostra  letra  escrivieron  muchas  oraciones,  y  cantares, 
que  yo  vi,  y  assi  se  lian  conservado.  Y  con  esto  queda 
respondido  a  la  ultima  pregunta,  de  ‘  Como  era  possible 
tencr  estos  memoria  de  las  palabras,’  etc.’' — Juan  de 
Tovar,  llistoria  cle  los  Indios  Mexicanos ,  MS. 


I 


% 

CHABACTEB  OF  OOBTES.  307 

every  sin  that  he  had  committed,  write  most 

tenderly  of  the  great  captain  whose  plume  he 

had  so  often  followed  to  victory. 

•/ 

After  saying  that  subsequently  to  the  conquest 
of  Mexico  Cortes  had  not  had  good  fortune  either 
in  his  Californian  or  his  Honduras  expeditions, 
or  indeed  in  anything  else  he  had  undertaken, 
Bernal  Diaz  adds,  “  Perhaps  it  was  that  he  might 
have  felicity  in  heaven.  And  I  believe  it  was  so, 
for  he  was  an  honourable  cavalier,  and  a  devoted 
worshipper  of  the  Virgin,  the  Apostle  St.  Peter, 
and  other  Saints.  May  God  pardon  his  sins,  and 
mine  too,  and  give  me  a  righteous  ending,  which 
things  are  of  more  concern  than  the  conquests 
and  victories  that  we  had  over  the  Indians.” 


THE  END. 


CHISWICK  PRESS: — PRINTED  BY  WHITTING  HAM  AND  WILKINS, 
TOOKS  COURT,  CHANCERY  LANE. 


